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BX 4881 .C713 1889 
Comba, Emilio, 1839-1904. 
History of the Waldenses of 






(Walden.tian Theological Collene, Flnrcncr, Italy J. 

Translated from the Author's Revised Edition 





Printed by Hutchings and Crowslky, LririTED, 



"It is a beautiful peculiarity of this little people that it 
should occupy so prominent a place in the history of Europe." 
This saying of Michelet expresses so well the opinion commonly 
held, that a new attempt to write its history may, to some, appear 
superfluous. It may be urged, that, the history of the Waldenses 
being well known, there is no need to rewrite it. We reply : The 
history of the Waldenses is not so well-known as is generally 
assumed. Their early history has been thoroughly explored and 
discussed, but has never yet been recounted ; indeed a writer of 
great authority has said, " The history of the ancient Wal- 
denses certainly remains to be written." This is a grave omis- 
sion indeed, which may well strike us as singular. Was it worth 
while, it may be asked, to trace their origin so far back and then 
leave their history unrecorded ? There has been a desire on 
the part of some to extend backward their early history ; with 
this only as a result, that it has been crushed out of all shape. 
The historian has filled it full of fables and traditions picked 
up at hap-hazard ; then, as if with trumpet-blast and clarion- 
ring, its antiquity was blazoned forth. But, although the sound 
re-echoed far and wide, it could not dispel the thick cloud that 
overhung that people's origin and early days. Flatterers are 
more to be feared than assailants. The former would have it 
credited or imagined that the Waldenses are of a patriarchal 
age — of great duration ; that they are apostolic in name and in 
fact, but barren withal ; that they had an existence, but always 
in the cradle ; that they did not live with all the word implies, 
but slept for three, seven, or even ten centuries ! It is quite 
possible to conceive that such an uneventful existence — if such 
could be —might well have passed unnoticed ; what we deny is 
that such an existence was possible. We shall examine facts, 

Preface. vi. 

and, after all. if we find the antiquity of the Waldenses to be less 
far reaching than has been supposed, it is none the less grand and 

So much for the early period, but as regards the modern 
period, its history cannot be said to be unrecorded. It is time, 
however, that there should now be a complete record, and such is 
the object of this new essay. The material which new researches 
accumulate from year to year, has nearly all passed through the 
crucible of discussion. The Avork of selection and discrimina- 
tion is still a difficult one, and much has been discarded, and 
more will share the same fate, before the task of the critic 
can be considered complete ; the reader is asked to bear this in 
mind and grant indulgence. We shall be guided by the adage 
of the poet : " Rien n'est beau que le vrai, le vrai seul est 

We shall here study the early period of Waldensian history. 
There is an idea ^vith some, that its origin may be traced back to 
the very time of the first preaching of the Gospel ; but it is 
important that this idea be disentangled from a confused mass 
of legends. We shall find the first authentic source appearing with 
Waldo, and the disciples whom tradition has called by his name. 
From that time onward, we shall follow the sinuous course of 
their followers' history down to the eve of the Reformation. 

Then will come the time for us to examine closely, in order 
to discriminate between those elements which properly belong to 
the Waldensian idea, and those which the body has taken to itself, 
in the fields both of literature and religious observances. Before 
we have finished we shall be convinced that the Waldensian 
protest at first aimed only at proclaiming and observing the apos- 
tolic ideal — an ideal disowned by the Popes and abandoned by 
the Church ; but that, meeting with persecutions, it quickly gave 
way to a movement of dissent, which did not at once culminate in 
schism but necessarily eventually led to it. 


c;hapter the first. 

The Origin of the Waldexses. tage 

The Alps — their legends, like their rivers, have hidden sources — The ques- 
tion of the origin of the Waldenses ; the, difficulties which surround it — 
Tlu' report (if anionk and the inferences that may be drawn from it — 
The (M-iuiii (if the Waldenses as recorded in tradition, both as to their 
dee.ideuee and as to subsequent revivals — The echo of this among the 
}>rimitive W'alilenses — How another monk quibbles on this point — The 
Waldensian tradition properly so called— How it degenerated — The 
truth which lies beneath it — The source 1 

The Pooh of Lyons. 
Lyons before the XI 1. century — Signs of awakening — Peter Waldo : his 
origin : his conversion — The song of St. Alexis — The advice of the 
master of theology — The vow of poverty and what it entiuled : the 
commencement of separation — Waldo's daughters in a convent: his 
alms— T!ie translation of some books of the Scripture— Reunions — 
Archbi.-hup (iuichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral— The first law- 
suit : Waldo, banished from Lyons, appeals to Rome — Alexiinder III. 
and the third Lateran Council — Waldo receives the kiss of iieac i — A 
scene in the Council — The crisis — Archbishop Jean aux Blaiiehe- Mniu.- 
drives away the Waldenses and retires to a convent— The thunders of 
the Council of Verona 1-t 

The Dispersion. 

The Exodus— The Waldenses enter into Dauphiny after a protest from Peter 
of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The reactions in Southern France : 
why tlie doctrine of the Cathari was propagated there ; its progress and 
influence— Appearance of the Waldenses : their disputation with the 
Catholic clergy at Narbonne and what resulted from it— Diego and the 
new tactics of the missionary Legates— Fresh disputations at Montreal 
and Pamiers — Durand of lliir>ea separates, capitulates to the Pope, and 
founds the order of the' Catholie Poor — Bernard I. follows his example — 
End of the Catholic Poor: theii' principle survives— The Waldenses at 
Metz — Traces of their mi>-ioii in Switzerland and the Valley of the 
Rhine; The Brethren of the I'lve Spirit— Milan the centre of dissent— 
The tendency of Arualdo and ihe di»ent of the Humiliate— The Poor of 
Lombardy; the retrograde pn-i) and lliat of the e.mM'i-\ atives and of 
the progressists— The confeivnrc of Ueruamo ami the circular letter- 
Mission in the (liiiee,~e of I'li-sau and in the rest of (iermai-iy — The 
Hussite reaction in I'.nhrini;! nnd its relation to the Waldensian mission: 
Frederick Rei.-ei — The I'liiiy of Brethren and the AValdenscs' partici- 
pation in it. through theii- Bislio]) Stephen of Austria — The clue to the 
dispersion disapjiears 39 

The Alpine Refuge. 
Religious ideas, like birds, have a tendency to build nests for themselves— 
The retreat of the Waldenses into the Valleys of theAlps was oee;i,-inned 
by two facts: their banishment from Lyons and the Cru>:iilr :ej;iin-t 
the Albigensis— The Waldenses reach the Italian side and eMalili-h 
themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse circum.-lancL5— 

Contents. viii. 


The contiu;uratiou of the country— Uucullivated kinds — Is there any 
reason to admit the existence of traces of ancient local dissent in the 
Italian Valleys.' — Discussion upon this point tends to prove the vicinity, 
if not the presence, of the sect of the Cathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of 
rignerol and the Castle of Lucerna — Thomas I., Count of Savoy and the 
House of Achaia — New Colonies : that of Calabria — First decrees of 
persecution against the Waldeuses of the Valleys: that of Turin, and 
that of I'ignerol — The hupusitiou : its '' raison d'etre " and its establish- 
ment — The strongholds capitulate : I'odesta Oldrado in Milan and the 
repression in the country towns — First assaults of the Monks at Perosa, 
Angrogna, Pragelas, and in Dauphiny — Two new decrees, one by Louis 
XI. and the other by the Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the 
Waldenses : Innocent VIII. and his Bull : a check in the Valleys of 
I'iedmont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensian deputation at 
Pignerol — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of Louis XII. — 
Margaret of Foix and the tirst glorious return — What was going on 
within — The Barbes, the Mission and the School — Condition of the 
Waldenses on the eve of the Reformation 81 


Preliminary remarks — The Waldensian dialect and a general view of 
materials— Versions of the Scriptures— Early versions which have 
disappeared — Those of Waldo and the Waldenses of Metz — Ancient ver- 
sions that have survived, liut which are contested — Manuscript Aersions 
of Lyons and Paris — More recent but recognised versions — MSS. of 
Cambridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimms — Con- 
nection between these versions and what is inferred therefrom with 
respect to their origin — A version in a foreign toiigue — MS. of Tepl. — 
Prose Writings— Those which have perished— Gleanings of orio-inal 
writings — Compilations from a Catholic source — The Doctor and the 
Orchard — Brainless treatise — The commentary on the Lord's Prayer — 
The Virtues, the Canticles — Compilations from a Hussite source— The 
epistle to King Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of breaking with 
the Romish Church — The collection of the Treasure and the Light of 
Faith, containing The Ten Commandments, the Seven Sacraments, Pur- 
gatory, the Invocation of Saints — The Power granted to the Vicars of 
Christ, Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations — Poetical Writings 
Contempt for the world — The Bark — The Lord's Prayer or confession 
of sins — The new comfort — The new sermon — The Parable of the Sower 
The Father Eternal— Finally, the Noble Lesson, with critical notes— The 
conclusions fi-om this chapter summarised KJO 

The Religious Life. 
The materials for this picture refurnished by Waldo— The rule of religious 
life is Christ's law according to the Scripture — Have the Waldenses 
adopted the scholastic method of interpietation .' — Their articles of faith, 
mainly derived from Catholic tradition, are reformed as regards two 
points : eschatology and worship — Their morals, copied from the pre- 
cepts of the Gosjiel, give evidence of the influence of Catharism, and 
are especially marked in the protest against falsehood, oaths, and the 
death penalty — Divers names : the one that remains — The community 
and the triple vow of admission — Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ; 
the Bishop and the general administration — The Chapters — Worship ; 
remarks upon the times, places, aud elements — The Benedicite Prayer : 
the Lord's Prayer only used, the Ave Maria given up — The reading of 
the Holy Scriptures : reading, learning by rote, preaching — The Sacra- 
ments : their number accordtng to Waldensian usage — Variations in the 
conception and observance of baptism — Ordination by the laying on 
of hands : rubric — Confession aud Penances — The Eucharistic rite and 
the consecrated bread — Polemics — Ethics : praise and calumny — Diver- 
ent usages : costumes, disguises ; the hawker — The epoch of decadence ; 
religious life in the valleys of the Alps toward the end of the XV. cen- 
tury and at the ajiproach of the Reforuuition, according to the testimony 
' of Inquisitors, of Bishop Seyssel aud of the Barbe Morel — Concluding 
remarks -40 




The Origin of the Waldenses. 

The Alps — their legends, like their rivers, have hidden sources — 
The question of the origin of the Waldenses ; the difficulties 
which surround it — The report of a monk and the inferences 
that may he drawn from it — The origin of the Waldenses as 
recorded in tradition, both as to their decadence and as to 
subsequent revivals — T]ie echo of this among the primitive 
Waldenses — How another monk quibbles on this point — The 
Waldensian tradition jproperly so called — How it degenerated 
— The truth which lie» beneath it — The source. 

THE Alps which mark the boundaries of France, Switzerland, 
and Italy, offer one of the most sublime of spectacles to the 
eye of man. Nature's temples may be found under all skies, but 
there, indeed, stands her cathedral, with its white cupola and high 
altar. That altar is common to all Europe. A divine hand has there 
gathered together invaluable traditions, truths, liberty and virtue. 
If they be lost elsewhere, there at least they may be found ; they 
may be inhaled with every breath, fresh as the first breeze of 
morn. Among those awe-inspiring mountains, nature is so grand, 
so towering, that all things save reason and truth seem annihilated 
in her presence. All temples made by men are small and puny, 
before this magnificent pile, built by the hand of God. Before 
this mighty Alpine altar, the Omnipotence of God manifests itself 
in all its grandeur, and here, as under the very covert of His 
wings, lies the birthplace of the ^yaldenses. It is owing to its 
position that the little Waldensian Church has been compared to 
a dove able to find her food even among the rocks. 

2 The Waldenses of Italy. 

It is heuce that spring the traditions of the House of Savoy, 
and those others concerning the Israel of the Alps, that are so 
closely united with them in time and place. The course of the 
history of the Waldenses may well be typified by that of one of 
their own Alpine rivers. Like a river, the history interests us 
from the very mystery of its origin. Its source we shall find to 
be a distinct one, and the distant rivers unto this day bear that 
name which tradition, with ineiiaceable seal, has stamped as the 
origin of its first waters. From such a place the rivers of 
history take their rise, even as at the foot of Monte Kosa — crowned 
with her seven-pointed diadem — issue those rivers that bless 
Europe, and make it fertile. At distant intervals come the 
tributaries which greatly help to swell its volume. Its course is 
marked by many, and ofttimes surprising irregularities ; but a 
vigorous people, like an Alpine river, will make for itself an outlet, 
in spite of all obstacles. It is dammed back by every impediment 
it meets, and seems to gain in strength thereby. If no struggle 
b." required of it, it grows feeble and is in danger of being lost. 
People who judge only by appearances may be deceived by this ; 
fur, just as in the case of the Rhone, it may happen that defeat is 
proclaimed when victory is nearest at hand. Is not the very spot 
known as "la perte du Rhone " the scene of its most marvellous 
victory ? It happens that the naturalist who explains this 
phenomenon, is himself induced to make a comparison which has 
a material interest for us. He says: — "It might often have 
been believed that the extermination of the Waldensians was 
complete ; but they have always risen again." 

We need not multiply the analogies ;- they are self evident. 
Whether we study the course of a history or of a river, we like to 
discover the origin, and what wanderings were passed through 
before the light of day was reached. We may claim to say in 
our turn : — " Such are questions with which an ignorant man 
distracts himself, and learned men are far from having solved. 
How much study and research are necessary before we .can trace, 
without fear of being mistaken, the immeasurable circuit followed 
by a single drop of water through clouds and rocks."^ Waldensian 
history contains just such obscurities of origin and regions of 
cloud. The drop of water represents here the idea, the principle, 
which disengages itself, in order eventually to reach the river's 

The Waldenses of Italy. 3 

The questiou of the origin of the Waldeuses desevves serious 
investigation. Natural obscurities render the task a difficult one, 
and this difficulty is increased by party polemics, the result being 
confusion worse confounded. Solutions offered are far from 
agreeing with each other. It has been said : — " There is 
hardly a sect whose origin has been more disputed over than 
that of the Waldenses." Disregarding the expression "a 
sect " — which is here more or less out of place — the above 
statement is not without foundation. We know that any question 
of origin contains inherently an element of vagueness, which 
fascinates the imagination. What religion, city, or family, is not 
incHned to trace its origin back to mythical sources ? All these 
had their origin in the womb of time, as the river has its source, 
and the tree its roots, in the womb of nature. To discover such 
origin, our investigation must be conducted without prejudice or 
foregone conclusions. If prejudice be allowed to have a voice in 
the matter, it will only accumulate legends ; and history can no 
longer disentangle herself from them. This has too often been 
the case. Basnage says :— " It is a weakness belonging to all 
Churches, as well as States, to claim for themselves great 
antiquity." The reason may be readily divined, for it is nothing 
new."* Let us admit at the outset, that prejudice has taken 
a very active part in the researches relating to the origin 
of the Waldenses ; it has exerted its influence, somewhat over 
everybody, friends as well as foes. But as prejudice has no 
part in true history, it must be our endeavour to free ourselves 
of it. 

The following words, written more than live centuries ago. 
are often quoted : — " Among all the sects, there is none more per- 
nicious to, the church than that of the Leonists, and for three 
reasons : — In the first place, because it is one of the most 
ancient ;'' for some say that it dates back to the time of Sylvester ; 
others to the time of the Apostles. In the second place, because 
it is the most widespread. There is hardly a country where it 
does not exist. In the third place, because, if other sects strike 
with horror those who listen to them, the Leonists, on the con- 
trary, possess a great outward appearance of piety. As a matter 
of fact they lead irreproachable lives before men, and as regards 
their faith and the articles of their creed, they are orthodox. 
Their one conspicuous fault is, that they blaspheme against the 

B 2 

4 The WALDErsEs of Italy. 

Church and the clergy, points on which laymen in general are 
known to he too easily led away." 

Here we have an indisputable testimony. It has been 
erroneously attributed to the Inijuisitor Kaincrius Sacclio, who 
settled in Milan, and was in contact with the Waldenses of Italy; 
whereas it was rendered by one of his colleagues in the diocese 
of Passau in Austria, about the year 1260.'' We may assent to it, 
but on one condition, namely, that its meaning be not perverted. 
The writer in no wise affirms that the Waldenses date back to a 
period anterior to Waldo ; he simply states that some claim that 
they do.'' As for himself, he believes in no such thing. His 
mode alone of expressing himself indicates this, whilst the fact 
becomes evident as he goes on to give his opinion as to the origin 
of the Waldenses. He classifies them, without much ceremony, 
among " modern heretics," and proceeds to state that they are 
descendants of Waldo. Even in such a shape, this testimony is 
nevertheless of material value to us ; for it off'ers, as it were, the 
end of a skein which will have to be disentangled. Unquestionably 
it was, even at this early time, current among the Waldenses, that 
they were of ancient origin, truly apostolic. We shall hereafter see 
how this idea may be entertained, and what may reasonably be 
inferred from it. 

The pretension to apostolic succession in the Church innate, 
manifests itself in the Catholic party in • a way differing from that 
in the dissenting sections. In the former it takes a more material 
and gi-oss form of expression than in the case of the latter, in 
which it has nevertheless a wider basis of truth, notwithstanding 
the little regard manifested for appearances. According to the 
popular tradition — which for many years has had an increasing 
ascendancy over men's minds — the primitive Church, faithful and 
canonical, goes back to the days of Constantino, under whose reign 
the great original fall of the Church took place, and the era of 
apostacy began. At that time the church and the world became 
reconciled ; according to the legend, this was the manner of it : — 

Constantine, like his predecessors, had first been an enemy— a 
persecutor of the church. Being afflicted with leprosy, he imagined 
that in order to be healed, he must bathe in the purest human 
blood. The innocents destined to furnish this imperial bath were 
about to be immolated, when their mothers' cry was heard. The 
Emperor stopped ; he was ashamed. Having been warned in a 

The Waldenses of Italy. 5 

dream, he applied for healing to Sylvester, Bishop of Rome, 
and by him was baptized in clear water, which miraculously 
removed the leprosy. Then Constantine made a public declaration 
of faith, adding that he recognised the sovereignty of Sylvester, 
Head of the Church, Lord of Rome, of Italy and of the West.^ It 
is even said that taking the golden diadem from his own brow, he 
crowned Sylvester with it to the glory of Saint Peter. Having 
done this, he Avithdrew to the East, in order not to encroach upon 
the Pontiif's domain. During the ceremony, however, a voice 
had been heard on high, a cry repeated by the angels in the 
heavens, saying: — "To-day has poison been poured out in the 
Church."^ Sylvester heard it as well as the rest ; but notwith- 
standing the example of his Divine master, of the apostles, and of 
his own predecessors, he was not ashamed to yield to temptation. 
This time the devil gained the victory, and Sylvester bowed himself 
before the Emperor, receiving a crown ana earthly possessions. 
Thus, when Csesar became a Christian, the Pope became a Pagan. 
Since that time men began to separate themselves from Sylvester 
and his successors, because it was through them that decadence 
and the ruin of faith and morals was brought about. ^' 

Such was the original fall of the Church. It opened out a new 
era of corruption on the one hand, and of reform on the other. 
The reaction produced by it called generations back to the 
apostolic faith, and caused it to be mourned as a lost ideal. But, 
it may be asked, is not the above-mentioned story of the gifts made 
to the Pope unauthentic ? Undoubtedly ; nevertheless, it is the 
expression of a real truth. At all events, it ministered to the 
ambition of Popes. It is easily perceived that it was in reliance 
upon its authenticity and authority that they "originally founded 
their temporal dominion. "^^ Towards the year 1000 its authenticity 
was already being contested, but still it was admitted by general 
opinion. YV^hile the disciples of Arnaud rejected it as apocryphal,'^ 
in the days of Eugene III., St. Bernard in a letter to this pontiff, 
who had at one time been his pupil, writes : — " Acting as thou 
doest, thou showest that thou hast not succeeded to Peter but 
to Constantino."'^ And Dante, a long time after, expresses the 
legend in those famous lines : — 

" Ah, Constantine ! of how much ill was cause. 
Not thy conversion, but those rich domains. 
That the first wealthy pope received of thee.", 

6 The Waldensp:s of Italy. 

Tradition, indeed, makes the destinies of the Church depend too 
much upon the will of two men, who, indeed, deserved " neither 
such excess of honour, nor such indignity." 

Decadence had commenced before their appearance upon the 
scene of history ; they are not the originators of it, but they are 
its most famous factors. Popular tradition, with its tendency to 
personify everything, clung to their names, the more naturally, in 
that they mark a distinct political date ; that of the general and 
definite transition of the free, humble, and poor primitive Church 
into the enslaved, dominant, and worldly Church. In this change 
is to be found the prime reason, and the common basis of the 
reactions, 'which followed one another through the ages of Roman 
evolution, from the ancient Cathari to the Middle Ages, from 
Vigilantius and Claudius of Turin down to Pierre de Bruys, 
Arnaldo da Brescia, Henry of Lausanne and Waldo, and from 
Waldo to the Reformation. ' Those reactions, which ecclesiastic 
prejudice condemns as novel innovations, are, with a few exceptions, 
more truly conservative than the dominant church with its constant 
introduction of innovations ; as compared with the latter, they seem 
even to be retrogressive. We must not be surprised if when the 
first sects had disappeared, the Waldensian reaction, sprung as it 
were from the very womb of general Christian tradition, claimed its 
right- to be considered apostolic ; and this, not at the moment of 
its appearance, when it still courted the tutelage of the Pope ; but, 
it must be well observed, only after it had broken off with him in 
consequence of the sentences pronounced by the Councils and the 
persecution which followed. Indeed, the first writers who mention 
the Waldenses — Bernardus Fontis Calidi, Alanus, Peter Vallis 
Cernaii, Eberhard of Bethune, and others — make no allusion to an}- 
pretension on their part to reach back through history to the early 
days of the Church. And yet that pretension was present in the 
case of others and was quite noisy and near at hand ; it was heard 
from the mouths of other dissenters, particularly from the 
Cathari ;'^ but at that time, having no use for such pretensions, 
they had not as yet appropriated them. When they were placed 
under the ban of Catholic Christendom they changed their 
attitude and became more resolute. They, too, armed themselves 
with the tradition then in vogue amongst other bodies ; and whilst 
accusing the dominant Church of apostasy, they claimed for them- 
selves an origin anterior to the period of decadence. From that 

The Waldenses of Italy. 7 

moment, that is to say during the thirteenth century, the testi- 
mony of history comes to Hght, as is shown by the words of the 
Inquisitor of the diocese of Passau, and as the following citation 
will prove: — 

"The Church of Christ," says the monk Raincrius Saccho, 
" continued in her bishops and other prelates, down to the blessed 
Sylvester ; but under his reign it declined until the Restoration, 
which was their work.'^ They say, however, that at all times there 
have been God-fearing people who have been saved.""' They be- 
lieve that Pope Sylvester, at the instigation of the devil, became 
the founder of the Roman Cliurch."' " They say," repeats the 
monk Moneta, " that the Church of God had declined in the time 
of Sylvester, and that in these days it had been re-estabhshed by 
their eiforts, commencing with Waldo."'** " They call themselves 
successors of the Apostles," adds monk David of Augsburg, 
" and say they are in possession of the apostolic authority, and of 
the keys to bind and unbind. "^^ 

It is here evident, at the first glance, to what the Waldenses' 
pretension to apostolic antiquity is reduced. It is the religious 
idea that is ancient in their estimation, not the fact of their origin 
as a people. They plead this antiquity for the sole purpose ot 
reconnecting the truth of their faith and principles with its true 
source ; the tradition of which had been interrupted by the Roman 
apostasy.-'' So manifest is this fact that in order' to refute the 
ideal succession claimed by the Waldenses, the Inquisitor Moneta 
urges against them the evidence of historical facts. This is what 
he says : — 

" We shall plainly see, if we inquire into their origin, that 
they are not the Church of God. Indeed, their existence dates but 
a little way back ; because, according to every evidence, their 
origin goes back to Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, who opened the 
way for them some eighty years ago.-^ Therefore, they are not the 
successors of the primitive Church ; therefore, they are not the 
Church of God. Will they attempt to assert that their mode of 
thought is of a date prior to Waldo ? If so, let them prove it by 
some testimony. But that is impossible. If they be descendants 
of Waldo let them teU us whence he himself was descended. . 
If they say that they are begotten of God, of the Apostles , and of 
the Gospel, we answer : God is merciful only through his minister, 
according to these words, ' Whosoever sins ye remit, they are 

8 The Waldenses of Italy. 

remitted unto tlieiu.' Therefore, they can have heeu remitted to 
Waldo only through the instrumentality of a minister. Who may 
that minister be ? Have they the three ecclesiastic orders ? 
They reply that they have. Then I ask : From whom do 
they hold them ? Who is their bishop ? If they answer : Such an 
one, I ask : By whom was he ordained ? If they say : He was 
ordained by a certain person, I ask again : Who ordained this 
certain person ? Following them up in this way, they are com- 
pelled to go back to Waldo. Then we ask : From whom did he 
hold orders '? If they say that he took them unto himself, it is 
clear that they are at variance with the Apostle, who writes : — 
' And no man taketh this honour unto himself, but he that was 
called of God, as was Aaron.' ' Will they say that Waldo holds 
orders directly from God ? If they do, they will not be able to 
prove it by the testimony of the Scriptures, i Some have claimed 
that Waldo was ordained by the community of his brethren, and 
the first to reason in this way was a certain heresiarch, belonging 
to the order of the ' Poor of Lombardy ' — a pervert doctor called 
Thomas. They may say, perhaps, that their congregation and 
that of the Roman Church are one, both Holy and CathoHc ; 
although divided into two sections, one of which, the Roman 
Church is that of the wicked ; and the other, the Waldensian 
community, that of the righteous. But this is contradicted by the 
fact that the existence of such a community, from the time of 
Sylvester to that of Waldo, cannot be demonstrated.^^ They say 
that the Church of God declined in the days of the blessed 
Sylvester. Let us see : How do they know that to be the case ? 
It cannot be proved by any testimony, and therefore they 
are obliged to be silent. A wicked life does not prevent a 
minister from being efiicacious in his office ; and even though 
Sylvester had been sinful and wicked, are we bound to conclude 
that in him the Church had fallen ? " ^'^ 

This monk's polemics permit us to form some conception of 
the opinion held in the thirteenth century concerning tlie 
Waldenses' origin. 

But, some may say that this is not the common opinion ; and 
that it is only the notion of fanatic monks and absolutely 
unworthy of credit. 

That is not exactly so ; Moneta relates current opinions. 
Furthermore, we are dealing here with judges of heresy, who base 

The Waldenses of Italy. 9 

their testimony upon what they heard a thousand times in the 
course of their prosecutions ; and this proves that they are not 
absohitely incompetent. Are they truthful ? Not always ; far 
from it ; hut two things are worthy of notice, namely, that in this 
case their testimony is unanimous, and that their object is to 
direct the members of the Inquisition in the examination and 
refutation of heretics. Indeed, in this case, one can hardly see 
what they could gain by concealing acknowledged facts. The 
Waldenses were there to produce such facts, if there be any that 
indicate an ancient origin, prior to Waldo. They did not do so, 
and this is an important point. The first forefathers of the 
Waldensian Church were quite as anxious as anybody to appeal 
to apostolic tradition, unpractised, but unforgotten. They 
cherished the thought of reviving it again, this cannot be doubted ; 
but nowhere do we read that, on either side of the Alps, 
they claimed upon historical ground, an origin anterior to that 
of Waldo, Did they but produce their testimony we should 
stand convinced. Let us first cite a fact. 

In the year 1218, the Waldenses held a conference with their 
brethren of Lombardy ; the name they then bore was that 
of Valciesians or Associates of Valdes. Together they composed 
the Valdesian Socieii/.-'^ In their debates, not the slightest allusion 
is found to a time anterior to Waldo. To him, as to the leader 
and founder of the institution, more than one question was referred. 
He was the leader then according to the avowal of these early 
Valdesians. ' 

To this fact we can add a piece of explicit testimony, taken 
from a Waldensian document, with two readings, one of which 
bears the date of 140-1. It reads as follows : — 

" We do not find anywhere in the writings of the Old 
Testament that the light of truth and of holiness was at any 
time completely extinguished. There have always been men 
who walked faithfully in the paths of righteousness. Their 
number has been at times reduced to a few; but has never 
been altogether lost. We believe that the same has been 
the case from the time of Jesus Christ until now ; and that 
it will be so unto the end. For if the Church of God was founded, 
it was in order that she might remain until the end of time. 
She preserved for a long period the virtue of holy religion, and, 
according to ancient history, her directors lived in poverty and 

10 The Waldenses of Italy. 

humility for about three centuries ; that is to say, down to the 
time of Constantine. *- Under the reign of this Emperor, who 
was a lei)er, there was in the Church a man named Sylvester, 
a Roman. Constantine went to him, was baptized in the 
name of Jesus Christ, and cured of his leprosy. The Emperor 
finding himself healed of a loathsome disease, in the name of 
Jesus Christ, thought he would honour him who had wrought the 
cure by bestowing upon him the Crown of the Empire. Sylvester 
accepted it, but his companion, it is said, refused his consent, 
K(\parated from him, and continued to follow the path of poverty. 
Then, Constantine went away to regions beyond the sea, followed 
l)y a multitude of Romans, and built up the city, to which he 
gave his name — Constantinople — so that from that time the Here- 
siarcli rose to honour and dignity, and evil was multiplied upon 
tlie earth. We do not beheve that the Church of God, absolutely 
departed from the way of truth ; but one portion }delded, and, as 
is commonly seen, the majority was led away to evil ; the other 
portion remaining long faithful to the truth it had received. Thus, 
little by little, the sanctity of the Church declined. Eight cen- 
turies after Constantine, there arose a man named Peter, a native, 
they say, of a country called Vaud." -^ 

Such is the primitive tradition of the Waldenses with regard 
to their origin. It springs from general tradition, floating in the 
minds of men for generations. It took root in Lombardy during 
the XIV. century, and only later, as we shall see further on, 
did it make its appearance in the valleys of the Alps.-*^ Moreover, it 
has no reference to the isolated existence of any particular religious 
sect, and not even to their creeds ; but solely to the vow of 
poverty, which Waldo certainly did not invent, but merely 
re-established.-^ The testimony of the primitive Waldenses does 
not, when it is well authenticated, difter materially from that of 
their judges. 

It may be perceived from the Waldensian document quoted 
above, that the tradition concerning their origin had already 
begun to degenerate. The imaginary personage, at one time 
placed side by side with Sylvester, and at another confronted with 
him, was at first only used to represent uprightness, as the Roman 
Bishop represents the fall. There is this difference, however, that 
whereas Sylvester is a man of flesh and blood, the first of a branch 
like Cain, his companion, having succumbed, like Abel, leaves 

The Waldenses of Italy. 11 

but a tradition without genealogy. At first lie is anonymous ; 
later he is called Leon, perhaps to explain the name of Leonists, 
at a time when it had already been forgotten that the disciples 
of Waldo were so named because they came from Lyons.-^ Per- 
haps in pursuance of a still more whimsical idea, the time of 
Waldo's appearance was antedated to the time of Sylvester ; then 
he and this so-called Leon constitute one and the same man. 
Such an hypothesis could only be tenable upon the assumption 
that Waldo had grown old hackwards, and that to about the age 
of MethuselalL^'-* The tradition, started in this manner, was still 
more perverted by the men of the Reformation. Adopting the 
W^aldenses as their precursors, they endeavoured, by that means, 
to create for themselves " a secret perpetuity during the middle 
ages, vying with Catholic perpetuity."^" This purpose was easily 
attained, thanks to the confounding of the Waldensian reaction 
with those that, especially during the stormy days of persecution, 
preceded it. Legend, like Pharaoh's lean kine, swallowed up 
history ; the date of W^aldensian writings were confused, and 
false quotations did the rest.'" 

The legend is at least useful as showing an abhorrence of the 
vacuum, the abyss formed by Romish decadence. A bridge 
thrown over an obstacle, or a subterranean way beneath it, are 
something more than artifices. There is something real going on 
there which constitutes the link between the Waldensian reaction 
and the primitive Church. But what is it ? One might think a 
mystery was being unfolded, and that mystery truth itself — 
imperishable truth. In the struggle for existence, it is truth 
that constitutes the future ; although forced under by oppres- 
sion, sooner or later it must come to the surface reverberating 
from distance to distance, lilve the echo of the apostolic voice ; 
transmitted from hand to hand by its wonderful messengers, it 
traverses the night as did the fiery cross of the clans. " Et quasi 
cursores, vitai lampada tradunt." The tree of life may fall alas ! 
but it lives again in its offshoots. " Uno avulso, non deficit 
alter." Having whole centuries in which to work, its action is 
slow and gradual, but sure, notwitlistanding the different reactions 
which seem to impede its progi'ess. Everything surrounding its 
varied development is bound together and interwoven Hke the 
links of a chain ; not that of the Popes, but the golden chain 
of the free Gospel. This is the real, the living, and legitimate 

12 The Waldbnses of Italy. 

succession. The Waldensiau reaction is its middle link, long 
and ]n-ecious ; still that link does not constitute the chain. 

The oracles of Rome have verified these successive reactions, 
without discovering anything good or logical in them. They 
acknowledge that there exists between them a certain bond of union ; 
but, if we believe them, this bond is purely negative — mutual 
hatred or vanity ; the heretics being only rebels or conspirators. 
They are compared, with much monotony of iteration, to the 
little foxes which are tied together by the tail and devastate the 
mystic vineyard.^^ The comparison is out of place, notwith- 
standing its Biblical colouring. It is true that Sampsons have 
never been wanting to tie the tails together, and Papacy has had her 
giants, and the giants have had their Delilahs. Equally applic- 
able would be another figure, furnished by a great poet, held in 
high esteem during the middle ages. It might be said that 
when the Romish Church of decadence is not as furious as a buU of 
Bashan, it resembles the quadruped described by Virgil, when 
he recounts how bees come to life. " Procumbit humi bos." 
There he lies, his entrails exposed and smoking. Suddenly 
swarms of winged insects fly thereout with a buzzing sound ; these 
are the bees and drones that form the great army of heretics. If 
fables must be used, it is well to use such as, like this latter one, 
have at least a basis of truth. But we have nothing to do with 
fables when it is a question of emerging from the cloud-land of 
legend to place our foot on the terra firma of reality. 

To sum up : we assert, that if the antiquity attributed to the 
Waldenses, by tracing their genealogy back to the early days of 
Christianity, be only a fable, the gradual preparation of their pro- 
test during the centuries of the middle ages is an historic fact. 

So much for the subject of the origin of the Waldensiau 
reaction. In a limited sense their antiquity may be admitted ; but 
Waldo is the source, properly so-called, and therefore, with him 
the narrative must commence ; this much may as well be 
admitted with a good grace. Moreover, let us add with one of 
its critics : — " The Waldensiau Church does not need, in order to 
render herself glorious, that her historical period should be pre- 
ceded by a sort of mythical era, dating back from the time of the 
Apostles. It seems to us sufficiently worthy of respect, even 
though it be descended from a simple layman of Lyons, whose 
piety, moderation, and courage may be held up as an example to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 13 

all. To have brought the Gospel to light agaiu, three centuries 
before the Reformation, and to have preserved it ever since with 
heroic faithfulness, in the midst of persecution and torture, seems 
to us sufficiently lovely to restrain us from embellishing that 
undeniable fact by associating with it a long period regarding 
which there is no certainty. Now, we have the positive fact of 
Waldo ; why should not that suffice so long, at least, as it cannot 
be proved that the Waldenses existed before him ? " ^'^ 

14 The Waldenses of Italy, 


The Poor of Lyons. 

Lyons before the XII. century — Signs of aivakening — Peter 
Waldo : his origin : Ids conversion — The song of St. Alexis 
— The advice of the master of theology — The vow of poverty 
and what it entailed : the commencement of separation — 
Waldo's daughters in a convent: his alms — -The translation 
of some books of the Scripture — Ileunions — Archbishop 
Guichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral — The first 
lawsuit : Waldo, banished from Lyons, appeals to Rome — 
Alexander III., and the third Lateran Council — Waldo 
receives the kiss of peace — A scene in the Council — The 
crisis — Archbishop Jean aux Blanches Mains drives away 
the Waldenses and retires to a convent — TJie thunders of 
the Council of Verona. 

THE city of Lyons is one of the most uncient capitals of France. 
" Uniting together nations as well as rivers," as early 
as the time of the Romans, it attracted a varied population, 
eminently industrious and given to commerce."^ During the 
Middle Ages it became the retreat of a swarm of fugitives, whose 
sole fortune was their stout arms cind the water-way of the 
Elione. Opulence, luxury and pleasure were there, elbowing 
misery, mendicity and fanaticism. The splendour of the Church 
was not eclipsed by that of the city.-''^ The legend of her 
apostolic origin, the glorious memory of the martyrs, Sanctus, 
Attalus and Blandine ; of Potin, her first Bishop, a pastor of 
heroes ; finally, the venerated name of Iraeneus, the conqueror of 
heresy, had crowned her with a brilliant halo. Afterwards came 
decadence, with new honours in its train. Her Bishop was pro- 
moted to the dignity of Archbishop and Primate, and along with 
him prospered the venerable and fat Chapter of Canons, which 
mustered on its rolls the sons of Princes and learned men. The 

The Waldenses uf Italy. 15 

level of morality was sinking lower and lower, whilst that of 
superstition was rising, like the threatening tide w^hich no banier 
can stop. As early as in the days of Charlemagne, efforts had 
been made to turn aside the encroachment of idolatry, either by 
the Decrees of Councils, or by the authority of the Bishops. 
Claudius of Turin undertook this reform on the Italian side ; his 
example was followed by Agobard and his disciple Amolus in 
L^-ons. It was all in vain. Zeal for the w'orship of images 
knew no boimds. God was made to appear to have abdicated His 
throne. Thanks to the ingenuity of the Canons, it was made to 
seem as if that Divine power were passing into the hands of the 
child Jesus, under the absolute regency of the Madonna. Indeed, 
to the Chapter of Lyons belongs the questionable honour of 
having, about the year 1140, corruption being then at its height, 
inaugurated the Feast of the Immaculate Virgin, and this not- 
withstanding the remonstrances of 8t. Bernard. But although 
the feast was denounced as an innovation, and that by the 
most venerated voice^'^ amongst them, the Canons of Lyons won 
theii- case. Did not St. Bernard go so far as to assert that 
feasts should be left to the saints in Paradise, and banished 
from this vale of exile and misery '?^' The Canons were not 
troubled with his gloomy disposition. They did not consider it so 
very wrong to anticipate celestial joys. In their opinion, it be- 
hoved men to make merry, and this opinion was shared by many 
people in a city like Lvons, who loved to dream of new pleasures. 
This novelty, like many others, was not long in becoming a cus- 
tom : and early tradition, driven further and further back, seemed 
to be swallowed up by a heap ol abuses. To be new, it only had to 
come out, but at its own risk and peril ; for the clerical tribe does 
not fancy ghosts of that kind, and would have given it the cold 
shoulder.^** That had happened before, and will happen again. 

Yet, though in Lyons people accepted the new order, great 
signs of a reaction were appearing on the horizon. After the time 
of Berengarius, the word of truth had burst forth in the protest of 
Abelard. He was compelled to give way it is true, but the blow 
of his battering ram had been fatal ; the breach made in the walls 
of scholasticism was never again repaired ; nay, it became enlarged 
on all sides, and assailants of every class W3re seen to be mount- 
ing it. Discussion of the dogmas and customs of the Church 
became general. In 1140. the bishops of France were writing to 

16 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the Pope. " Everywhere in our cities and villages, not only in 
our schools but at the street corners, learned and ignorant, great 
and small, are discussing the gravest mysteries. "^^ It seemed 
indeed as if the foundations of the Church were being upheaved ; 
storms of ideas and lurid lights were arising on all sides. " The 
re-animated fragments of the past came into collision with the germs 
of the future, which were striving to spring into life under numerous 
and strange forms. The science of Greek antiquity, as yet ill-under- 
stood, the bold conceptions of Arab genius, the distorted traditions 
of Persian Magianism and of the old mystic theories which had 
well-nigh ruined Christianity at its birth, were quickly springing 
up. These were intermingled with new interpretations of 
the Gospel which were audaciously progressive, and with opinions, 
which, on the contrary, sought refuge in primitive Christian tradi- 
tion against the innovations of Rome."^'' It is worth while to 
pause a moment to contemplate this novel scene. 

The Crusades had opened the way for invasions from the East, 
of the Saracens, the Jews, the Cathari. The latter brought 
into the field of discussion the Manichean two-fold principle of 
good and evil, together with a train of Gnostic legends.'*' 
From Bosnia they spread over Italy like a swarm of grasshoppers, 
and without losing any time,passed into Provence and Languedoc, 
where strangers called them after the name of Albi,''^ one of their 
centres. On the other hand, behold two heroes coming out of 
the school of Abelard, in the very heart of France. One of 
them, the younger, will by-and-by go to Rome, and there at the 
end of his troubled career proclaim the separation of the Church 
from the world, and in principle that of the Church from the 
State.^^ The other as firm as his predecessors in repelling the 
idolatry which is invading Divine worship, goes so far as to reject 
even the symbol of the Cross. More resolute than Berengarius, 
he rejects too the dogma of transubstantiation. With the 
Albigenses he condemns the above-mentioned superstitions, as also 
that of the salvation of children by the sprinkling of water ; but 
while he condemns these he is tolerant of Pagan dualism and the 
mania for celibacy. Peter died in 1126, the victim of a mob, while 
Arnaldo died in 1155. Yet ere that fire was kindled wdiich was 
to burn Peter de Bruys at the stake, Henry of Lausanne — also 
called the Italian — had arisen. At first he was thought merely 
to have been won over to the general reform, promulgated by 

The Waldenses of Italy. 17 

Gregory VII., against the dissolute priestliood ; but men soon 
discovered in him the ehler Peter de Bruys' disciple, successor, and 
heir.^* He also succumbed, and that as early as 1148, The 
reaction went on notwithstanding the checks it had received. 
Driven out of Toulouse, its centre, it sent out swarms on all sides 
without materially depopulating the parent hive. One colony 
is found in Cologne. Bees and drones are all mixed u]) 
together. The Albigenses are readily recognized by their part- 
coloured dualism ; others gradually borrow from them mo e 
than one element of reform ; and ultimately they reject all 
the sacraments except baptism, which they reserve for be- 
lievers ; they reject the mediation of saints, and the prayers for 
the dead, as a consequence of their no longer admitting the doctrine 
of purgatory, at least as defined by the Church. In this way 
they attacked the priesthood at a time when it set itself up as 
more than ever indispensable. They ousted the clergy from their 
office and made laymen of them.'*^ Such actions as these, which 
are common both to the Albigenses and the Henricians, betray 
certain points of contact in their principles. The most evident is 
the common profession of poverty, a direct consequence of the 
hght in which the apostasy of the dominant Church was regarded 
at that time. To lead a life of poverty is the first symptom of a 
return to the good apostolic tradition ; it is by their poverty, even 
more than by their love of their neighbour, that at that time 
the disciples of Christ may be recognized. Hence, poverty 
constituted their prestige. "We are Christ's poor," said they, 
as they fied before their persecutors; "we lead a wandering 
life, and why? Because we are not of this world. You, 
on the contrary, addressing their persecutors, are at peace 
with it because you are its friends."^'' The Parthian's dart 
was not sharper. They styled themselves " apostolic," and this 
name is of itself a formidable protest, taken with the fact that 
about the same time Arnaldo da Brescia was preaching to the 
Romans that the Pope had lost the right of bearing it.'*'' St. 
Bernard, whose mission it was to oppose them, describes them in 
a few words. "Do you ask what their faith is? Nothing can 
be more Christian. What their conduct is ? Nothing can be 
more irreproachable ; and what they preach they practice. They 
are assiduous in their attendance at the services, respectful towards 
the clergy, liberal in their oiferings, and they attend confession 

18 The Waldenses of Italy. 

and communion. They set an example to the faithful themselves 
by their life and habits ; haggard with abstinence, they avoid idle- 
ness, and earn their bread with their own hands. "^^ Yet people 
shunned them and denounced them ; very soon they were con- 
temptuously nicknamed Beghards and Beguines,**" or were occa- 
sionally called by the name of St. Alexis, on account of the 
veneration in which he was held by them.^" According to St. 
Bernard, the reason of all this was that their piety was only an 
artifice of the devil. These are his words ; but does he really 
believe what he says ? The Abbot was irritated and ill at ease 
when he spoke thus. The very ideal which he looks morosely 
upon, and which he curses in others, lies deep down in his own 
soul. He sees himself reflected in it as in a glass ; he would like 
to see it resplendent in the Church, and resting like a halo upon 
the head of his disciple, Pope Eugene III. It is the only crown 
he desired for him; but in vain. " Oh! that I might, before 
(lying, see the Church of God led back to the ideal of her early 
days ! Then nets were cast out, not to gather gold, but to save 
souls. "^^ Towards this point converge all the protests, heard both 
within and without the Church. From this point went forth a general 
if not uniform spirit that took possession of Europe. " Hoc 
Europa quidem fuerat jam dogmate plena. "^- 

But Lyons seemed as yet untainted. " Open to all the mer- 
chants of the globe," "'^ it continued to attract the youth of the 
neighbouring country, and more than one mountaineer eager to 
better his condition. About 1150, the Archiepiscopal chair was 
occupied by Humbert II., who descended on his mother's 
side from the house of the Count of Savoy and Maurienne. What 
is known concerning him amounts to very little. Did he long for 
the reformation of the Church, as Pope Celestine Y. did later on, 
and did it seem an impossibility to him ? We dare not suppose 
it. He kept himself quiet, ready at any time to abjure liis high 
estate in his own small way. The chronicle says that, weary of 
government, he retired to a convent to end his life in a manner 
that was in accordance with his tastes ; and that at his death he 
bequeathed to the Cathedral of St. Stephen, now called St. 
John, a small house and a few charitable doles to keep his 
memory green.^^ At that time, or a little after, there lived 
in Lyons a man who was about to rise and undertake that 
which, notwithstanding their prestige, neither Popes nor Prelates 

The AValdenses of Italy. 19 

luid yet b .cceeded in aceomplisliiug. That man was Peter Waldo. 

Wbe cce did he come ? That is not known, but his name has 
given ri' e to more than one conjecture. ' More than one person 
before 1 im had borne the name of Waklo.^^ His name is 
properly' Vaklez or Valdesius ;^'' tbat is to say, it might easily be 
a sm-name added to the true and only one of Peter ; indicating 
if not his place of birth, at least that of his origin.^' Now where 
sh'-ll we look for that ]>lace ? Not far from Lyons ; doubtless 
towards the Alps.'^ On this point we find a diversity of opinion. 
Some think that Waldo origniated from Dauphiny.^^ Others are 
inclined to beheve he was born further oft", even in Piedmont, 
where there were plenty of mountains and wooded dales. Finally, 
we are reminded that the Canton de Vand in Switzerland was so 
called before this period,"" and that the monk, Henry of Lausanne, 
came into France by the Valley of the Rhone. From this point, 
to anive at the conclusion that Waldo may easily have come to 
Lyons by the same road, is but a step.*^' Nevertheless, the 
question is not settled.*'^ Let us, therefore, leave it open, and 
return to Lyons where we find Waldo. ' 

We are told that Waldo lived near the Church of St. Nizier, 
in a street afterward called Yal Grant or Vaudrant, and sometimes 
Piue Maudite.*"^ ' He was a merchant, and so successful, tbat 
he was in a fair way of becoming wealthy. He undoubtedly 
attended the fairs and markets of the neighbourhood, leading 
an q^tive and laborious hfe. * The chronicler informs us that 
lefaxh - accumulated wealth, without being very particular con- 
^cerning the means employed.'^i Even if it were true, what of 
that ? Guerrazzi wrote, not long ago, "In a merchant's house 
all are alike." That may be going too far ; but it is certain that 
if Waldo had been merely a usurer, the clergy would never have 
thought of casting a stone at him. Had 'he not friends in high 
places, both in the city and in the Church ? He enjoyed their 
society, it ^ould seem, without denying himself home comforts. 
He went to mass hke everyone else. But, lo ! at a time when he- 
was in the most comfortable circumstances, and flattered on all 
sides, bis conscience began to trouble him. Did he, in the days 
of his youth, hear the voice of Henry of Lausanne or his disciples, 
cui-sing tb general worldliness and proclaiming woe to those 
who treas ye up wealth iniquitously ? He may have done so, but 
his soul ^ -as asleep. An accident suddenly roused liim. One 


20 The Waldenses of Itata'. 

day, while in the company of some of the leading citize^^ ^^^ ^^ 
his friends fell Hfeless at his side.''^ Terrified by the evei^ '^^^ ^^._^ 
to himself: If death had stricken me, what would have ' 
my soul? This thought caused him great uneas:^^^^ ^^^ 
anxiety. On another occasion— on his way to or f^^^ ^^^^ 
perhaps, for it was a Sunday— he saw a ballad sii^^^ ^^^^ 
rounded by an eager crowd, holding forth in the publ'^ '^^^' 
He drew near and listened ; the singer was reciting i^j^/^,.^^^^ 
tones the story, then much in vogue, of a saint name""^^^^.^ 
born in Rome, the only son of wealthy parents, ^jj^^/ 
married, but had hardly descended the steps of ^^le ^^^^^_^^ 
altar, when he turned his back upon his bride and left l^i ^.^^^'^ 
in order to take the vow of poverty and make a pilgrim ^^ ^^^ 
East. When he returned, being recognized by nobody, P ^^^^^^^ 
his relatives to grant him a shelter under the stairs, au^^j^g^.g^^j^g 
died. Then he was recognized ; but it was too late.'''^^^^ ^^^^ 
song of St. Alexis has been found. 

" Siguour et dames, entendes mi sermon 
D'un saintisme home qui AUessis ot non, 
Et d'une feme que il prist a oissor, 
Que il guerpi pour Diu son Creatour 
Saulve en est I'ame el ciel nostre Signour, ^ 
Li cors en gist a Rom a grant hounour." ^^■ 
Thus runs the commencement of the strain. The singei :«> ^ 
over the good old times, and denounces -the corruption o^'^ 
Church. Life is short ; he continues : — ^^--^ -'''"« 

" Al tans de Noe et al tans Abrahan^ ^ 

Et a Davi quo Dieus par ama tant '' 

Fu bons li siecles: jamais n'iert s jij^^^g 
S'est empieres, et li Mens va mora 
Li ordene vont le loi mal menant : 
Trespasse out le Damediu coinman 
Et saintes ghses, filles Jherusalem 
De tout en tout se vont afoibliant. 
La fois del siecle se va toute falant 
Fraisle est la vie : ne duerra lone t., 
Wljut is to be done, but to prepare for heav .j.^^.^ ^^ 
Alexis did. Rid of his wealth and aU earthly c^ ^^^ t]^ii^]^^ 
of nothiiii;' i»ut heaven. 

The AValdenses of Italy. 21 

'* En sainte eglise converse volontiers ; 

Chascune feste se fait acomiingier ; 

Sainte escriture 90 ert ses conseiliers,''''" 
More than one feature of this will be found resuscitated in 
the protest of Waldo. On that Sunday, Waldo greatly inter- 
ested, took the singer to his own home in order that he 
might rejjeat the whole story, for he had only heard the 
end. During the night his soid was troubled. The next morn- 
ing he anxiously wished to consult a master of theology, possibly 
one of the Canons of the Cathedral, in order to arrive at 
some definite conclusion relative to his salvation. The theo- 
logian was very learned ; he knew as many roads to heaven as 
Waldo had travelled in attending the different markets. He talked 
a gi-eat deal. The merchant's ears were full of his words ; but his 
mind remained still undecided, like that of a man who is seeking 
his way and suddenly comes to a cross-road. He was perplexed 
at the choice set before him, and yet he had no time to lose. At 
last he said, " Of all the roads that lead to heaven, which is the 
surest ? I desire to follow the perfect way." Ah ! answered the 
theologian, that being the case, here is Christ's precept: "If 
thou wilt be perfect, go, sell that thou hast and give to the poor, 
and thou shalt have treasure iu heaven ; and come take up thy 
cross and follow me." ''** 

Waldo undoubtedly desired to understand these words more 
fully than the legend of St. Alexis. It is probable that he 
left the Canon to his theological studies, intending to meditate in 
solitude upon the words of the Gospel which had just been 
addressed to him. He returned home filled ^vith the words of 
Christ. Far from distorting their meaning by giving them a 
mystic, allegorical, and especially a less inconvenient meaning, 
after the manner of men in all ages who have tried to reconcile 
the doctrine of our Saviour, with love for this world's goods, he took 
the precept literally, inj mediately set about putting it into practice, 
and cast his eyes over his possessions ; this .time, not for the 
purpose of taking stock of them, but to see how he might get rid 
of them. He spoke to his wife about the matter. At first she was 
disconcerted, but when she fully understood his intention, she be- 
came calmer. He said to her, " I am possessed of personal property 
and real estate, take your choice." The list of real estate was a 
long one, houses, meadows, vineyards, woods, bakehouses, and 

22 The Waldenses of Italy. 

mills, with rent arising from all. The wife did not hesitate 
long ; she chose the real estate, and did not ever give it 
up.'''' Both felt they had chosen the " hotter part," each from 
his own standpoint. There remained the ready money and what 
might be realized from the sale of the stock-in-trade. What 
should he done with that ? First, he would make reparation for 
any injustice of which he might have been guilty. ^'^ Then he 
would devote a portion of it to providing a dowry for his two 
daughters, whom he decided to remove from their mother's 
influence, and to place without her knowledge in the Abbey of 
Fontevrault, This had been founded in 1106, in Poitou, by an 
eccentric monk, whose name was Robert of Arbrissel, in a spirit 
that seems to have anticipated the ideas of the " Poor of Lyons. " 
We give here a succinct history of this man. 

Robert of Arbrissel had been at the abbey of la Roue, which 
he quitted for ever, to devote himself entirely to preaching ; in 
this intent receiving the approbation of Pope Urban II. He had 
no fixed place of abode, and was followed about by a great multi- 
tude of men and women. The presence of the latter caused him 
some annoyance, and he thought of providing them with some 
fixed dwelling place. He was blamed not only for a certain 
indiscreet familiarity, which gave occasion for invidious remark, 
but also for his strange appearance, long beard, bare feet, and 
mean and ragged clothing. These singularities seemed less likely to 
give him authority among the simple and needy, than to create a 
suspicion concerning his sanity among such wise men as Bishop 
Marbode of Rheims, his superior. Furthermore, he was accused 
of declaiming against the priests and the higher clergy, " thereby 
causing several curates to be deserted by their flocks."''^ Criticized 
thus, he finally looked for a place of refuge in the desert, on 
the confines of the diocese of Poitiers, two leagues from Cande in 
Toiiraine. " This spot, called Fontevrault, was uncultivated, 
covered with thorns and briars, and Robert having obtained 
possession of it from the owners, at once erected huts as a 
protection from the weather, and built an oratory. He 
separated the women from the men, and shut the former up by 
themselves, intending that they should devote themselves chiefly 
to prayer, whilst the men should work. Ecclesiastics and laymen 
lived together, the former sang psalms and celebrated mass, the 
latter performed manual labour ; and all preserved silence at 

The Waldenses of Italy. 23 

certain times. They lived verv frugally and unitedly, and called 
Robert ' Master,* simply because he would not allow the title of 
* Dora ' or ' Abbot ' to be used. He denomiced sin and sinners 
vehemently, and his discourses displayed marvellous energy ; but 
lie was gentle ^nth the penitent ; indulgent to others, he was 
stern to himself. Hypocrisy he hated. He would not have his 
disciples bear any other name than that of the ' Poor of Jesus 
Christ.' Indeed they lived for some time on what was voluntarily 
supplied by the inhabitants of the surrounding country."^- Such 
was the origin of the Abbey founded in honour of the Vu-gin 
Mary. Donations soon began to flow in, thanks to the favom- of 
the Bishop of Poitiers, who revered the memory of Robert of 
Arbrissel as that of an " apostolic man." In Waldo's time the 
monastery of Fontevrault was fashionable. It received the 
daughters of the nobility, widows, and even beggars ; and it is 
believed that, in certain cases, the pupils were permitted to quit 
the institution after a certain time and yet retain the name of 
the " Poor of Christ," which they had learned to love. 

To this solitary dwelling-place Waldo consigned his two 
daughters. He had not as yet parted with all his property, the 
larger portion of the ready money still remained. This was 
reserved for the poor, and, as we shall see further on, for a work 
that rendered his name glorious. At that time famine was raging, 
and the city of Lyons was swarming with beggars. To relieve them, 
Waldo did not proceed at hap-hazard but according to certain rules. 
Nothing in his manner recalls that of some well-known monks 
who, actuated rather by a desire for show, than by love for their 
neighbour, did not think of the profit which the poor might derive 
from the wealth which they gave up. He did not proceed, as 
did, for instance, Francis of Assise, who threw his father's money 
out of window ; or like Gerard Segarelli who divided his wealth 
among rogues, who gambled it away. Such proceedings are so 
contrary to all reason, that a great wit, though a zealous Franciscan, 
in remarking upon them, added Avith a touch of irony, that Christ 
had indeed commanded us to give our goods to the poor, but not 
to rogues.'^ Waldo, while conforming to the manners of his age, 
was more sensible. He planned a regular distribution of bread, 
meat, and other provisions to the poor. Beginning at Pentecost, 
this distribution was continued three times a week until the 
feast of the Ascension of the Virgin, which was at that thne 

24 The Waldenses of Italy, 

celebrated in the middle of August. ' We read that on that day 
he distributed the rest of his money to the starving poor in the 
streets, saying to whomsoever chose to hear him : " No man can 
serve two masters, God and Mammon." When the crowd 
thronged him on all sides, and people began to laugh, thinking he 
had gone out of his mind, he took up a position whence he could 
be heard by all and spoke as follows :- — 

" Citizens and friends, I am not mad as you suppose. This 
is what I have done : I have revenged myself on enemies, who 
had reduced me to such a state of servitude as to make me more 
heedful of money than of God ; more subject to the creature than 
to the Creator. I know that not a few will blame me for doing 
these things publicly ; but I have acted in this manner for my own 
sake, who now speak to you, and for yours, who hear me ; for 
myself, that anyone may call me mad who in future shall see me 
possessed of money'; for you also, in a measure, that you may 
learn to put your trust in God and no longer run after wealth."^* 

That was the end. The next day as he returned from mass, 
Waldo asked a friend to give him something to eat. His friend 
took him to his house, received him like a brother, and said : — 
" Now ask for anything you require ; as long as I live you shall 
not want for the necessaries of life." Waldo's wife, however, 
got wind of this, and was almost distracted. She ran to the 
Archbishop, and told him with tears of the affront that had been 
put upon her. On a sign from the Arclibishop, the hospitable 
host was ordered to give up his guest and to bring him before the 
Prelate. When Waldo's wife saw him, she seized him by the 
coat, exclaiming: " Husband, listen; if anyone is to redeem his 
soul by the alms he gives you, is it not best that it should be your 
wife rather than such as are not of our household "P"'^^ What 
answer could be made to that ? The husband undoubtedly could 
have urged good reasons ; but he did not care to prolong a scene 
that was both ridiculous and painful. Before being allowed to 
quit the archiepiscopal presence, Waldo was obliged to listen to a 
homily upon his prodigality, and was formally forbidden, when he 
was in the city, at least, ever to take food from that day forth 
anywhere but at his wife's table.'''' .. 

This happened in 1173, under Archbishop Guichard, the third 
successor of him whom we mentioned at the commencement of 
this narrative.'''' 

The Waldenses of Italy. 25 

Thus far, we have no sign of the Keformer, although wc know 
that the renouncing of this world's goods had hecome the sine qua 
non of every popular reform. But our historian has omitted one 
important fact, which will provide us with a key to what we have 
already read and to much which follows. 

On leaving the theologian, Waldo had resolved to profit more 
than ever by the very rare opportunities he possessed for listening 
to the reading of the Gospel which it is true was read only iu 
Latin and in the church. In this he did not fail, but the readings 
being only occasional, and at times unintelligible, soon tried his 
patience. The reading was bad, and Waldo was not well versed 
in Latin, '■^ although he understood something of it. He tried to 
read for himself, and with more profit; but he met with more than 
one obstacle ; nevertheless, that instinct of truth which guides 
honest souls, told him that he had laid his hand upon a treasure 
more precious than all earthly possessions. The word of Chris-t 
ah-eady held his mind under a divine spell ; while it bound his 
conscience, which feared not the chains of obedience. Little l)y 
little, its precepts were engraved upon his mind, and he Avished to 
read the whole of it. To attain his purpose, he associated to 
himself two ecclesiastics, by means of a little of that money 
which he was happy to get rid of and they to receive.'^ If his 
riches were sinful, was not that the most excellent means of 
making friends with them? According to the arrangement made 
with his co-workers, one of them wrote from the dictation of the 
other, who translated the Latin into the dialect of the country. 
The first was Bernard Ydros, the other Stephen of Ansa.^*' They 
commenced with the Gospels ; then they took up a few other 
books of the Scriptures, neglecting not at the same time to make a 
little collection of maxims from the writings of the Fathers of the 
Church. Waldo was never tired of reading that translation ; it 
seemed to be engraved upon the tables of his memory and heart. ^^ 
He was ceaselessly meditating upon it, and soon began to repeat 
it to others, without giving much thought to furnishing any 
explanation of it. There were a great many ballad singers about 
at that time, but none that carried the Gospel with them. Waldo 
became a sort of walking Bible. He had not to seek far for an 
audience, as his house was open to the poor. To them it was 
that he first spoke,**- teaching them word by Avord the primaiy 
truths Avhicli he himself had appropriated. One may easily guess 

26 The Waldenses of Italy. 

wliat they were. Did he not find in the Scriptures both the con- 
demnation of his past life and of the general decadence of faith 
and morals ? ' ' Whether we look at ourselves, or at the time in 
which we live," he said, " who does not sigh on account of the 
oblivion into which the precepts of the Grospel have fallen ?^^ Still 
there remains for us something better to do than merely to com- 
plain ; we will practice those precepts, beginning with the very 
first, which bids us give up earthly possessions and depend only 
upon Grod.^^ That will be the means of reviving apostolic life,^"^ 
and with it the Church itself." 

Thus spoke Waldo. When his profession of poverty had 
become well-known and had been imitated by a few disciples, he 
faced the masses, and we have already seen that he knew how to 
do that at the proper time. He had noticed that the Apostles 
were not satisfied with leading a life of poverty, but that they 
obeyed in a special manner the last command : "Go into all the 
world, and preach the Gospel to every creature. "^^ Without being 
able to silence the scofiers, he soon gained the confidence of the 
humble. His disciples became almost as many co-workers for 
him, no longer hired like the two ecclesiastics, but voluntary. He 
practised them in reading, and, by assiduous instruction, he 
strengthened them in their vocation.'^'' Then they went out into 
the public places and the workshops, and visited from house 
to house, whilst what they had to say, was summed up for 
the time being, in these words : " Blessed are the poor in spirit, 
for theirs is the Kingdom of Heaven." 

Thus did the Waldensian commuuity come into existence. 
Kich in promises of a future, by reason of its voluntary poverty, and 
its fidelity to the meek and gentle Master, whom it was preparing 
to serve in humility and follow to the end, it was already a living 
protest against the worldliness of the fallen church. The vow 
which bound its difierent members together was not a new one ; 
it would have alarmed no one if each of its members had not been 
bound by another vow, more or less tacit, yet real, that of speaking 
freely. ' "To become poor," especially when one is rich; to 
become poor, no longer after the manner of those who consent to 
it only on condition of lacking nothing, was rare and beautiful ; 
but after all it did not accomplish the main object. "To evangelize 
the poor; " this was its care, its peculiarity, its ideal, from the be- 
ginning; its wisdom according to some ; according to others its folly. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 27 

What will become of the new community '^ With humility 
;iud unaftected simplicity it marched without fear to encounter 
danger, perhaps it did not even suspect the danger. * 

"Waldo's friends were beginning to forsake him. If they met 
him in the street they were careful not to recognise him. At his 
age, he might, perhaps, have been forgiven had he entered into 
unprofitable speculations ; but to make himself poor for the sake 
of following Christ in a manner different to other people seemed 
monstrous. There was no doubt amongst his friends that his 
mind was affected ; upon this point there was a consensus of 
opinion. As for the ecclesiastics, it is very true that Waldo had 
estranged them — unintentionally, however. He had disposed of 
his entire fortune, he had provided for his wife and his daughters : 
he had looked after the interests of all sorts of creditors, and of 
the poor in the street, and had given nothing to the Church. 
This was bis offending. Furthermore, what was he doing ? A 
layman, it was argued, should keep quiet ; even though he may be \ 
somewhat of a scholar. A man might be forgiven for giving alms, \ 
but not for preaching sermons ! *** It is true that he did not 
venture to occupy the pulpit ; he preferred a stone step ; but in 
one respect that seemed worse, because by that means religion, 
it was held, was profaned. For one donation which he had was 
bestowed upon the Church, how many pearls had he not cast 
before swine ? That smacked of heresy, and the scandal appeared 
the more lamentable that, in order to go and listen to Waldo, the 
populace turned its back upon the magnificent preaching to be 
heard in the Cathedral. 

"Ne sutor ultra crepidam," they in the Canon's Chapel 
sententiously said. A deep, coarse voice would add, " It is time 
this thing was put a stop to." 

Waldo had heard that voice before ; it was that of Archbishop 
Guichard, whose business occupations, to tell the truth, did not 
always leave him sufficient leisure to attend to his pastoral cares. 
He had been worried by a dispute with the house of the Count of 
Fores which would not relinquish its rights over the city. In 
consequence of this quarrel, the Chapter had been in a flutter ; it 
had even been compelled to flee with the Archbishop, while 
marauders pillaged the houses. But Guichard worked so long 
and so adroitly that he attained his object. Weary of the struggle 
and constrained bv force of circumstances. Count Guido II. gave 

28 The Waldenses of Italy. 

up all his privileges to the Archbishop and the Chapter, in 
exchange for a few castles and the sum of a thousand marks. 
From that time, the Canons as well as the Archbishop, bore the 
title of Count. That state of things did not last long, for the 
people of Lyons did not look with favour upon the transfer of civil 
power to the hands of the priests, they even rose up against 
the priests, and forced them to do homage to the king of 
France. But for the time being, the Chapter was merry, and 
clerical rule plumed itself to its heart's content. Guichard, now 
freed from tlie weighty cares of politics, kept a watchful eye upon 
the Church. In 1174, he attended the dedication of a chapel at 
Clairvaux. It has been pretended that two years later he took 
part in a Synod against the heretic Albigenses ; nay, more, that 
he there pronounced a sentence upon their leader ; but that is a 
mistake.^^ It is more probable that he devoted his attention to the 
Waldensian mission, and that if he did not lay it under an inter- 
dict, he succeeded, at least, in troubling it. If he had interfered 
in a question pertaining to a private household, what would he not 
do, fiow that it concerned, as he believed, the house of God? 
Thereupon Waldo was undoubtedly summoned again before him,^'-' 
but this time the Prelate found him to be less docile. We 
may presume that with an accent of conviction, which must 
necessarily have made a certain amount of impression, he claimed 
the right to live a life of poverty, to read the Gospel, and to pro- 
claim it after the manner of the Apostles. He did not deviate in 
the least from the good tradition ; on the contrary, he maintained 
it. But Guichard did not see matters in the light that he 
did. In his opinion, Waldo was in the wrong, and he took 
good care to make him feel that he thought so. He filed a 
suit, and doubtless cited Waldo and some of his brethren to 
appear before the Synod of the diocese ; but that was only 
as a matter of form. The deliberations were not long pending, 
and the defendants were called into court. " You are pro- 
hibited," said the Archbishop, "from meddling with preaching, 
even though it be for explaining the Scriptures as you say. You 
have nothing to do but to obey. Otherwise we shall proceed 
according to our regulations."^^ Peter rose from his seat and repHed, 
" Judge ye whether it be lawful before God to obey you rather than 
God : for we cannot refuse to obey him who hath said, ' Go ye into 
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature.' " ^^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 29 

Upon that Waldo and his friends were banished from the 
diocese.^" Little more was wanting to induce Waldo tu go and see 
the Pope. 

This took place in the year 1177 on the eve of the third council 
of the Lateran.''^ 

We do not stop at the fact of Waldo's visit to the Eternal City 
at the time of a great Council. Historians, even those who 
are most fond of legends, do not pay any attention to this one, or 
else they doubt it on untenable grounds. But before reaching this 
point, let us glance briefly at the events that were taking place in 
the world, and especially in Rome. 

The world was then resounding with the news of the brilliant 
victory of Legnano, won by tlie free cities of Lombardy against 
the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. The Pope, who had had 
some difficulty with the latter, was as jubilant over it as if it had 
been the most glorious event of his reign ; although he did 
hardly anything but play the part of a looker-on who watches the 
game to profit by the issue. ^^ Meanwhile Frederick betook him- 
self to Venice, where peace was to be concluded. The Pope 
announced his intention of meeting him there, and did not fail. 
A treaty was made, a humiliating one for the chivalric monarch, 
and it is well-known that in order to obtain its ratification, he 
condescended to kiss the Pontiff's foot. To this day a flagstone 
of red porphyiy is pointed out in the vestibule of St. Mark's 
Cathedral, which, the guides say, marks the spot where this 
ridiculous but imposing ceremony took place. It left a very vivid 
impression on men's minds. Legend, as well as art, seized upon 
it ; and, by the order of the Pte])ublic of Venice itself, the scene 
was represented in a picture which is still to be seen in the 
ancient palace of the Doges. Frederick is therein represented at 
the moment when the shoe of Alexander III. rests upon his 
imperial neck, and when the latter, intoxicated with pride, 
addresses to himself the famous words : " Super aspidem et 
basiliscum ambulabis et conculcabis leonem et draconem." Having 
gained a complete victory, the Pontiff, resplendent as the sun — to 
which, since the eclipse of Canossa, the successors of Gregory VII. 
have so often dehghted in comparing themselves — thought of 
employing it for the consolidation of his power, and thereby for 
the peace of the Church, which was rent by schism. For that 
purpose, he convened an oecumenical council in Rome, on the first 

30 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Sunday in Lent, of the year 1179.^" Tliree-hundred-and-two 
bishops were present, with the Prelates, Senators and Consuls of 
Rome. The Emperor Frederick was conspicuous by his absence. 
The Gauls were represented by Archbishop Pons of Narbonne 
and a few prelates of second rank ; as for their Primate, he had 
not been able to leave Lyons. 

The dominant note at this Council may be easily guessed. 
The object was to support clericalism. Under Lmocent 11. it had 
been proposed to withdraw the election of the Pope from the 
suffrages of the Princes and the Roman people, and Alexander's 
successor had been the first to benefit by this change. In fact an 
attempt was to be made to deprive the laity of their right of electing 
their bishops. Having gained their independence, the clergy 
claimed a monopoly, and the movement initiated by Gregory VII. 
did not fall far short of accomplishing it. The Prelates held high 
state in luxury and opulence ; the rapacity of the Papal Legates 
in devouring the revenues of the Church had set public opinion 
in motion. They were compared to a flight of locusts, and their 
abuses were justly condemned. When the end of the last session 
came there remained but one canon to define ; this was aimed 
against the heretics. The Church, it proceeds to say, has always had 
a horror of blood ; still it is bound to recognise the fact that the 
dread of physical pain may have a salutary effect. Therefore, con- 
sidering that the heretics who go by the name of Cathari, Patarins, 
Publicans, or whatever they may be called, have become so 
numerous in Gascony, the territory of the Albigenses of Toulouse 
and in other places, that they no longer even conceal themselves, as 
some do, but publicly teach their errors and lead astray the simple- 
minded, this Council therefore anathematizes them ; both them and 
those who afford them protection or shelter, and forbids anybody, 
under pain o^ excommunication, to receive them either in their 
houses or on their premises, to protect or have anything to do 
with them, to perform rehgious services on their behalf, or to 
grant them burial among Christians ; and it blesses those who 
shall take up arms against them. Thereupon, invoking the help 
of Princes, the Council proceeds to award them, as remuneration, 
all confiscated properties, besides the general indulgence promised 
to the faithful." 

It is evident that there is nothing in the decrees of the 
Council concerning the Waldenses. But if the Waldenses did 

The Waldenses of Italy. 31 

appeal to Rome where they were cited to appear before 
the Council, ^^ it must be admitted at least that their case 
would have been, under such circumstances, subjected to a 
preliminary hearing, followed by a resolution of some sort. One 
writer of the period reports that the Council pronounced a sentence 
of condemnation against the Waldenses as heretics.^^ But in lieu 
of anticipating, let us return to Waldo whou) we left on the eve of 
starting for Rome. 

Waldo in Rome ! The fact seems strange, but the reason is 
simple. Thus far the various testimony which confirms it has not 
received the attention it is entitled to, although what it tells us 
harmonizes with everything that we read on the subject of 
Waldo. ^'^'' Still, for what purpose did he go ? This question 
will be difficult for those only who are the victims of prejudice. 
AValdo is dressed up as one of the reformed, and it then becomes 
impossible to conceive the idea of his going to Rome like a good 
Catholic. He is dressed almost like a clergyman, and lo, 
he proposes to have a regular entry made of his vow of poverty ! 
However, it must be confessed that the imagination which could 
suspect Dante of being " a pastor of the Church of Albigenses of 
the city of Florence,"'*" was capable of taking still gi-eater 
liberties on the subject of Waldo. Let us return to facts. 

Thus far Waldo had not the slightest visible bond of union 
with the adversaries of the Church. It was to ministers of the 
Catholic church that he had first applied for support ; it is out of 
respect for her that he undertook a journey to Rome. He had 
taken the vow of poverty like a faithful Catholic, even as one of 
the old school ; but the validity of his action being disputed, he 
would go and ask the Pope to sanction it. Nothing could be 
more logical. The example of Peter of Lyons going to ask the 
approbation of Alexander III. was followed later on by Francis 
of Assisi in the days of Innocent III. But in addition to 
his vow of poverty, Waldo was haunted by a new care. He feared 
lest the hberty to preach the Gospel, which he claimed by virtue 
of his vow of poverty, might be contested. He hoped to obtain 
both from Alexander III. and the third Lateran Council, a per- 
mission similar to that which Dominic in his turn invoked from 
Pope Innocent III. and the fourth Council. Confident of being 
in the right, he by no means despaired of obtaining justice ; for 
after all, it was quite evident from the Scriptures and the Fathers 

32 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that he was introducmg- no innovation, and he had taken note of 
this. This is simplicity, ^'^- some will sa_y, but whose fault was 
that ? We shall soon see, for Waldo has arrived at the gates of 
Rome ! 

The Pope, after ten years' exile, had returned to Rome on the 
l'2th of March, 1178. The unheard of festivities, with which he 
had been received, were no longer spoken of ; because the reconcilia- 
tions of the Roman people with their Popes were as frequent as 
they were insincere, and hence also they were of short duration. 
Some new plot was being laid to shake off his tyrannical yoke, 
and he knew it perfectly well. What a destiny was that of this 
people ! Never free, constantly engaged in revolutions, ever 
rolling its stone of Sisyphus ! It was pitiful, especially at that 
time, when Italy was witnessing the revival of her civil liberties, 
which were dreaded by the very monarch who had sent to the 
scaffold Arnaldo da Brescia, the great Tribune of independence. 
Between the aspirations of the Romans and those of the Pope 
there was, unfortunately, one thing in common, namely, an 
incurable and fruitless ambition to rule, or, if nothing more could 
be gained, at least to appear to rule wbi et orhi. This ambition 
was not badly expressed in an inscription, which Waldo may 
have read, when he visitad the city. 

Roma vetusta fuit, sed nunc nova Roma vocabor, 
Eruta ruderibus culmen ad alta fero. 

Alexander III. lived, if not like a prisoner, at least as if in 
an enemy's country. "^^ The Eternal City, bristling with 361 
towers, 49 fortified castles, and 6,900 ramparts, resembled less 
the mystic Zion than a gigantic mouse trap. What may surprise 
us is, not that Waldo entered there, but that he ever came out 
again. It is true that he entered it with hundreds of Bishops 
and thousands of pilgrims, who arrested public attention sufficiently 
to permit him to pass in unperceived. In those days there was 
nothing going on in Rome of a nature to interest him except the 
Council. They were not translating the Bible there, as in Lyons ; 
they were attending to quite other labours. The learned 
Albinus was about to begin the collection of documents likely 
to justify the original rights of the Holy See. Others following 
the footsteps of the monk Gratiauus were compiling canons — 
not without consulting his Concordia discordantium canonum, 
which had been the rage. Some thought they had made 

The AValdenses of Italy. 33 

uistouiuling discoveries on the subject of Virgil. Several 
were on the point of attributing to him Messianic visions ; nay 
more, some discerned in hiui the Morning Star that had heralded 
the sun of the papacy and a new era. Some thought they had 
discovered that the Apostle Paul had made a pilgrimage to Naples 
to visit his sepulchre. Finally, he was no longer a magician, but 
a prophet, and saint in the popular imagination. He was being 
seized upon as a subject for sacred pictures, and presented to 
the veneration of the faithful, while his legend was sung before 
the altars. ^"^ All this was going on in Rome, and Waldo had not 
even heard a whisper of it. But if he were unknowing, he was also 
unknown. ^ Nobody knew who he was, nor what brought him to the 
Eternal City. ' His mission, however, they soon heard of in high 
places, when the time had come for the "Poor of Lyons" to 
present himself before the conqueror of Barbarossa. 

When Waldo arrived in the presence of the Pope he was 
received as a beloved son of the Church ; he had even the good 
fortune to receive a solemn embrace from His Holiness.'"^ Was 
he surprised at this ? Less than we are, undoubtedly. ' It must 
be admitted that, after a lapse of seven centuries, the anecdote has 
])t'come stimulating to the imagination. But why should we look 
upon that act as a mark of personal benevolence ? It was not a 
question of personal affection, but of sanctioning a vow of poverty.^*"' 
Hence, that kiss did not over-excite the imagination of the 
Waldenses. No mention is made of it in their writings, nor even 
in popular tradition. Certainly they do not think of recording it. 
^ The sanction granted by Alexander did not imply, however, 
liberty to preach — quite the contrary. It is therefore probable 
tliat Waldo prolonged his stay in Rome for the purpose of soften- 
ing the will of the Pontiff.^"'' A cardinal who enjoyed his evan- 
gelical and artless speech interested himself in Waldo, it seems, 
and pleaded his cause, ^'^^^ so says the chronicle. It adds that 
on this occasion Waldo engaged not to depart from the doctrine 
of the Latin Fathers, especially Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory 
and Jerome, who were deemed the pillars of the Romish Church. ^^'^ 
Finally, must they not have been convinced, when they listened 
to him, that he had not the slightest notion of becoming the rival 
of titled preachers? His mission was more humble. He did not even 
endeavour to preach, but to talk.^^*^ One is therefore tempted to 
believe that, out of regard for Waldo and his defenders, the Pope 


34 The Waldenses of Italy, 

may have yielded for a moment, pending a final decision. Indeed, 
one chronicle asserts that he did,^ii and another tells us that 
Waldo evangehzed in Rome, and not without success.^^^ g^^^ 
where did all this dispute take place ? In the Council, of course. 
Let us enter there : we shall assist at a curious little scene. We 
have a description of it from the hand of the principal actor ; this 
was Walter Map, a AVelshman, a delegate of Edward II., King 
of England. A passably good scholar, a friend of art, at one time 
jester, at another pedant, he concea,led under the gnise of a truly 
conventual humility a courtier's soul, which aimed at effect. This 
will be well seen, for his language soon betrays it. 

"I saw in the Council," says our writer, " some Waldenses, 
i'morant and unmannered people, called by the name of Waldo, 
their chief, who was formerly a citizen of Lyons on the Khone."^ 
They presented to the Pope a book written in the dialect of Gaul, 
containing the text of and a glossary to the Psalms, together with 
several portions of the Old and New Testaments. These people 
insisted that their right to preach should be recognised. They 
considered themselves worthy ; as a matter of fact they were 
nothing but fools, like the birds which do not observe the nets and 
fancy they can always find a way of escape. I, poor wretch, who 
felt remarkably small in such an imposing assembly, could not 
help thinking it ridiculous that their request should be seriously 
considered, and that it took so long to arrive at a decision. 
Being called upon, I expressed my opinion. At last, before 
several theologians well versed in the Canon law, two Wal- 
denses were brought forward, who were reputed to belong to 
the chiefs of the sect. They were not abashed, for they expected 
to silence me. I took my seat with perturbation. I have no 
hesitation in saying so, for I could not help asking myself whether 
for my sins I had not deserved that I should have been refused 
permission to speak in so grand a Council. But the Pontiff 
directed me to question them, which I was very ready to do. I 
commenced with the most elementary questions, which everyone 
should be capable of answering ; being well aware that a donkey 
which can munch oats does not disdain milk diet. 

" ' Do 3^ou believe in God the Father "?' 

" ' We do believe in Him.' 

" ' And in His Son ?' 

" ' We believe in Him also.' 

The AValdenses of Italy. 35 

'"And in the Holy Ghost?' 

" ' Equally,' 

" ' And in the mother of Christ ? ' 

" ' Yes.' 

"At this the whole assemhly hurst out laughing."^ Our 
friends retired in confusion and justice was done. They pre- 
tended to he guides and were themselves in want of guides ; 
resembling in this case Phseton, who d'd not even know the 
names of his horses. These are people without fixed abode. 
They go about in pairs, bare-footed with a woollen tunic and 
possessing nothing. Being poor themselves they follow a Christ 
who is poor, like the Apostles. Certainly they cannot take a 
humbler stand for they have scarcely learned to walk. But if we 
admit them, it is we who ought to be turned out.""^ 

The end of it all was that the Waldenses lost their cause. 
The answer of the Council as delivered by the Pope may be 
summed up in two words: — "You shall not under any circum- 
stances preach, except at the express desire and under the 
authority of the clergy of your country ""'' 

What were they to do ? There remained nothing for them 
hut to bow their heads submissively and to cany the grave news 
to Lyons. Could Waldo return there again ? or would he remaui 
in Italy '^' among the sect of the " Poor of Lombardy," who had 
also audvery justly claimed the right of free speech ?"^ We cannot 
tell for certain. Then occurred that ominous pause which precedes 
all revolutions, and men hastened to pretend to see in it an indica- 
tion of wavering."" Not so. ' The ^\^^,ldenses drew themselves 
back to consult their oracle — that is to say God's own Word. ' 
Instinctively they were led to read over again the first acts of 
the Church of the Apostles, in that book which traces with such 
truthfulness the relations between them and the ancient Sj-na- 
gogue. They meditated and compared and were finally able to 
make out their real position. They felt as though scales had 
fallen from their eyes. ' Waldo was not far away ; he roused him- 
self like a lion awakening fi'om iiis sleep, and repeated the 
apostoHc cry, " We must obey God r.ther than men." That day 
a Reformer was born. The apos^ui". motto remains; it forms 
their Articles of Association. ' TL<' loice was made, conscience 
was saved and with it reason an .!)erty. What would be the 
issue ? It was well foreseen, j norrow rupture ; after that 

c 2 

36 The Waldenses of Italy. 

persecution. Meanwhile the mission of the WaMenses took a 
fresh onward leap. Like the river which is momentarily inter- 
rupted in its course, it advanced with a bound. 

Waldo multiplied himself, thanks to the co-operation of his 
most faithful friends, amongst them perhaps Vivetus, of whom 
we hear.'^^ *-With their assistance, if not with them, he 
taught and evangelized. The sect of the Waldenses was 
established. This was not sufficient ; he sent his brethren two 
by two, into the surrounding countries, and so effectually did 
the word of Christ spread abroad that, ere long, one could say of 
the diocese of Lyons what Melanchthon wrote concerning another 
country at the dawn of the Reformation, " The Gospel resounds 
in this country — sonat Evangelium.'" 

Unfortunately, it was not for long. Alexander III., driven by 
the tide of revolution, had quitted his country for the last time 
and had just died on 30th August, 1181. Guichard, the aged 
Archbishop, was also dead and had left his throne a prey to the 
intrigues which were the ordinary prelude to a new election. He 
was succeeded by Jean aux Blanches Mains, heretofore bishop of 
Poitiers, and the Archbishop designate of Narbonne.^^^ The 
installation of the new Primate of the Gauls was no sooner decreed 
at Rome, where Lucius III. had taken the place of Alexandei-, 
than it was celebrated by the gay city of Lyons, with the Chapter 
at its head.'*'' Jean aux Blanches Mains accepted his festive 
reception with a good grace. He was said to be a learned and 
eloquent man ;'^^ but he had little else than that eloquence which 
borrows clerical thunders. When tlie festivities incident upon his 
installation were at an end, he turned to business. The aged 
counsellors of the Archbishop declared that it was urgently 
necessary to put an end, once for all, to the preaching which had 
been carried on in the houses and even in the streets 
to the prejudice of the sacred ministry. Moreover, it 
was the express desire of the Pope.'*^ Nothing remained to 
be done but to carry it into execution. John summoned Waldo 
to appear. He told him to desist from preaching and enjoined 
the same upon all his disciples; but he availed nothing.^^^ At last 
the Waldenses were driven into exile. It is said that there 
were about eight thousand of them.'*' 

A few years after, a decrepit old man was sighing over his 
sins in the Convent of Clairvaux. He read the sacred Scriptures 

The Waldenses of Italy. 87 

with devotion, and was particulai'ly absorbed in meditating on 
the Psahns. Every day he celebrated mass for his own soul and 
that of St. Bernard. When he wrote to friends it was always in 
these words, " I am doing penance here ; I am atoning for my 
crimes ; I beseech you intercede for my pardon — siippliciter exoro 
quatiniis pro reatimm meorum venia intervenire dignemini"^^^ 

This Latin is authentic. It was written by the white hand of 
John, Archbishop of Lyons, after he had abdicated, previous to 
doing penance. 

Compared with those Primates of the Gauls and tlieir pitiful 
ideal of shutting themselves up in a convent to mumble over a 
" men culpa,'" Waldo seems to us a gi-aud contrast, owing to the 
character, simplicity, and logic of his convictions. That which 
Archbishops muttered at their last hour, he carried written large 
ujjon his forehead. He read the same Bible ; but like a free 
man, surrounded by souls whom he enlightened and saved by 
means of that book, he found better things to do than to shut 
himself up in the solitary cell of a cloister, when people were 
dying of ignorance. He went out and faced the world, bearing 
the Word of life and followed by a legion of missionaries. 

Hunted out of their native town, the Waldenses discovered 
more than one country suited for their adoption. It must be con- 
fessed that up to that time their community had been recruited 
from none but the poorer classes, and had attracted neither the 
nobility nor the middle classes. But if the wind had hitherto set 
always in favour of clericalism, a future was imminent in which it 
would favour liberty. Hitherto there had been nothing done but 
preparatory work; now the mission of AN'aldo was about to com- 
mence in reality. He devoted himself entirely to it, and so 
thoroughly, that a cloud of silence gathered around him, and it has 
been supposed that this was the silence of death. Still he was 
" nel mezzo del cammin di sua vita." Only, like the poet he was 
entering a dark forest, wild and full of dangers. His career was as 
long as it was laborious. He died full of years about 1217,^-^ 
leaving an ineffaceable impression upon the minds of men, and a 
vacant place which was more difficult to fill satisfactorily than was 
the throne of his Archbishop. ■ 

But listen ! The forest is filled with sounds. Is tb at lightning 
which has just struck ? Yes, it is the gi-eater excommunication 
pronounced by Pope Lucian III. in the Council of Verone under the 

38 The Waldenses of Italy. 

auspices of the Emperor Frederick, towards the end of the year 
1183. It runs thus : — " By the present decree we condemn 
all heresies ; therefore we first anathematize the Cathari and 
the Patarins, as well as those who conceal themselves under the 
name of Humiliati or Poor of Lyons, the Passagins, Josephites, 
and Arnaldists. And as some with a certain appearance of piety, 
but denying the real sense of the Apostle's words, arrogate to 
themselves the right of preaching, although the very same apostle 
says, ' How will they preach if they are not sent ? ' we include 
under the same perpetual anathema all those who, in spite of our 
interdiction and without being sent by us, shall dare to preach 
whether in private or in public, contrary to the authority repre- 
sented by the Apostolic See and the Bishops." '^"^ 

Evidently this general decree was aimed directly at the "Wal- 
denses. They were heretics because they arrogated to themselves 
the right of preaching. War was now openly declared ; they were 
hunted like wild beasts on the mountains, in the valleys, and along 
the roads. "What will become of them now? WiU they perish- 
in the dark glades of the forest ? No, certainly not ; they carried 
with them that light which shines in darkness. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 39 


The Dispersion. 

The Exodus — TJie ]]\tlde)ises enter into IJauphiny after a 
protest from Peter of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The 
reactions in Southern France : why the doctrine of the Cathari 
ivas propagated there ; its progress and influence — Appearance 
of the Waldenses : their disputation irith the Catholic clergy 
at Narhonne and what resulted from it — Diego and the new 
tactics of the missionary Legates — Fresh disputations at 
Montreal and Pdmiers — Durand of Huesca separates, 
capitulates to the Pope, and founds the order of the Catholic 
Poor — Bernard I. follows his example -End of the Catholic 
Poor; their principle survives — The Waldenses at Metz — 
Traces of their mission in Sioitzerland and the Valley of the 
Rhine ; The Brethren of the Free Spirit — Milan the centre 
of dissent — The tendency of Arnaldo and the dissent of the 
Humiliate — The Poor of Lomhardy ; the retrograde party 
and that of the conservatives and of the progressists — 
The conference of Bergamo and the circidar letter — Mission 
in the diocese of Passau and in the rest of Germany — Jlu; 
Hussite reaction in Bohemia and its relation to the Waldensian 
mission: Frederick Reiser — The Unity of Brethren and thr 
Waldenses' participation in it, through their BisJioj) Stephen 
of Austria — The clue to the dispersion disappears. 

WAS the expulsion of the Waldenses from their native city a 
misfortune '? That may be doubted, for it benefited their 
mission. One might say of them, as was said of tlie jH'imitive Chris- 
tians after the persecution, that " they that were scattered abroad, 
went everywhere preaching the word."'-'* Who cannot picture to him- 
self the part taken by Waldo in this critical hour '? Was he not the 
Moses of this little people which were going out of the land of 
bondage ? He it was therefore who must have directed the exodus. 

40 The Waldenses of Italy. 

every departing band received from him a parting glance and a watch- 
word. There is a basis of truth in the legend which multiplies 
his presence. Where are all these exiles going ? To the field 
destined for them. Their field is the world. Ploughed up by 
discord and famine, harrowed by the most various reactions, it 
awaits the new seed. When the Reformation shall come, the 
harvest will be great. 

One of the first bands, soon followed by others, took the 
direction of Dauphiny. This can be surmised even without 
existing indications. It had been the early home of a number of them^ 
and it was a possible refuge for all. The names of Peter of Bruys 
and his disciple Henry were still held in veneration and the fire of 
their protest was smouldering there. Peter, a native of 
the neighbourhood of Gap,''''^ undoubtedly had spread these 
principles of liberty and reform, he had learned at school and 
found in the Scriptures. More conservative than his teacher, 
Abelard, with regard to dogmas, he had nevertheless aimed 
at the uprooting of gross traditional abuses in divine wor- 
ship, which he wished to see purified. In his way, he con- 
tinued the Carlovingian reaction against idolatry, the echo of 
which had resounded in Lyons and Turin, during the times of 
Agobard and Claude. After twenty years of labour he finally 
succumbed at St. Gilles, a victim to his iconoclastic zeal against 
the idolatry of the Cross. This tragic end, the sinister prelude 
to the scenes of the Inquisition, made the greatest sensation. 
The monks saw in it the finger of God. At Cluny, an oracle of 
the time declared that his soul had passed from the flames of the 
stake to those of HelJ.^''- The reaction revived, thanks to the 
appearance of Henry, a disciple of the martyr. His origin is 
imknown. Whether he came from Lausanne, from some village 
of Savoy, or from Italy, it is impossible to state. ^^^ At any rate 
he was known ; he had been seen by the side of his master, Peter 
de Bruys, whose mouth-piece he was, and an eloquent one for the 
people. He vvas a man of imposing deportment ; his glance and 
his powerful voice possessed a singular animation. Clear, austere 
and pliant of speech — now impassioned as the stormy wind, or 
striking as the thunderbolt, now gentle as the zephyr that kisses, 
the flowers of spring — he carried away men of generous impulses and 
touched the most hardened hearts. The people thought that he read 
the souls of his hearers ; he even passed for a prophet ;^^"* less so, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 41 

however, in Lausainie, whence he had heen driven, or in Savoy, 
or Orleans, than in the South of France, At Mans he was 
for a time the arbiter of pubhc opinion ; but the clergy, seeing 
their credit more than threatened, collected their forces in 
time, faced about and constrained him to withdraw. Did he then 
go into Dauphiny '? Some have been of that opinion. He found 
there a less excitable and colder population, but yet sufficiently 
favourable to him to alarm the bishops. They had not the courage to 
resist him openly. The Cluny monk, shrewd and vulgar under his 
venerable cowl, scoffed at his fellows, though a little late in the day. 
" You are petrified with astonishment," he wrote to them, ''^ " dazed 
as the dove charmed by the serpent ; nay, as simple minded as the 
ox being led to the slaughter.'"' Much cause there is for this 
indeed ! Had you to defend yourselves against the wisdom of the 
Greeks, perhaps, the power of the Komans, the cruelty of the 
Persians, the prodigies of Antichrist, or the rage of a riotous 
mob '? For shame ! A^ou had only to resist two miserable 
heretics,^" and now there you stand with your arms folded as if, 
because Henry the false apostle and his companions had been 
compelled to withdraw, there were nothing more to do." Henry 
had withdi-awn then, to go into Provence, it woidd appear. There 
he was pursued and summoned before the Courcil of Pisa, which 
condemned him to do penance in a cloister. When he came out 
he went into Languedoc, according to some ; others say to 
Guyenne, and the chase began once more. St. Bernard had 
provoked it by his letters to his pupil, Eugene III. ; he in- 
augurated it by his doleful censures. The Pope delegated 
Cardinal Alberic to the spot, and Heniy who was hiding in the 
neighbourhood of Toulouse, tracked like a wild beast, was 
arrested, put in chains, taken to the Council of Ptheims, and sen- 
tenced to life -long incarceration, under which he soon after died. 
His adherents, more or less scattered, let the storm pass. There 
were some yet in Dauphiny, and this knowledge deprived the Abbot 
of Cluny of his sleep. In his epistle to the Bishops, he examined 
and refuted the errors of the heretics point by point, whilst he 
begged the prelates to render his polemics beneficial to those who 
were led astray. " Piouse yourselves ! " he further wrote, " con- 
sider that if the teachers of error are far away, their seed 
remains ; nay, it abounds, and if you neglect to destroy it, 
to-morrow the tares will have srown and damaged the liarvest.'""* 

42 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Let us avert this danger. We do not desire to witness the 
resuscitation of that iniquitous brood. '^^ Thereupon, from the 
depths of his cloister, the Abbot apostrophizes the heretics : — 
" Come out in broad dayHght, if you dare, heretical outcasts and 
schismatic rabble ; come out, ye blind leaders of the blind, from 
the darkness that shelters you. I defy you.^^*^ Truth loves not 
dark corners ; light is not made to remain under a bushel ; come, 
I say, hasten to the voice of the Church vvhich calls you."'*^ 

Thus spake the Abbot. There is nothing to indicate that his 
voice was listened to. Half- a- century elapsed, and lo ! a new band 
of heretics are driven out of Lyons. They lodged in the Valleys of 
Dauphiny, and constitute the stock of the Waldenses of the Alps. 
We shall have to return again to this point. ' Let us now follow 
their brethren who went down further South, toward the classic 
land of the Kenaissance and reaction. 

Before they reached it, the wind, thus far adverse, changed 
and became favourable to them. Let us first form an idea of the 
new surroundings by which they were attracted. 

" During the second half of the XII. century, protest under 
all its forms had a visible tendency to concentrate itself in the 
South of ±i'rance. The principal wandering sectarians — those at 
least who left a name in history — are seen to concentrate upon that 
point, to found congregations and organize for the struggle. 
They were attracted by the superior civilization of the South, by 
its light literature, which willingly lent itself to attacks upon the 
monks and official prelacy, and by its independent and jesting turn 
of fancy. The beautiful country, extending from the Alps to the 
Gulf of Cascony, had in truth never thoroughly submitted to 
Roman orthodoxy. Arianism had long reigned there under the 
Visigoth kings, and the recollections of that form of Christianity 
were confounded with the traditions of the glorious independence 
of Aquitania. To the eyes of the Southern, Catholicism ever 
represented the religion of Northern men, of conquest and of 
invasion. Those recollections were still so vivid when the 
sectarians first appeared, that the defenders of Rome saw in them 
at first only a continuance of Arianism. It was, however, nothing 
of the kind. Arianism, whether Visigoth, Burgundian, or Lom- 
bard, had truly died under the blows of the Frankish lance." '"*- 

This could hardly be better expressed. But is the almost 
sudden breaking into blossom of the grand reaction of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 43 

Albigenses in those districts now quite clear to us ? Not quite. 
Arianism was certainly forgotten ; but it is also certain that 
" Catharism took deep root in the West, only in those districts 
formerly Arian, which Frank conquest had brought back by force 
into Catholic unity, namely. Northern Spain, Southern France, 
and Northern Italy." •'*® From that it has been concluded, on the 
one hand, that Arianism had left a leaven of protest against the 
ruling Church ; on the other, that ancient Manicbeism, every- 
where repressed and in its turn forgotten, had deposited certain 
germs which the superstitions of the Middle Ages relative to 
Satan were of a nature to sustain, and which, after having long 
been buried, had finally been hatched at the favourable time. 
Catharism, making Rome one of the seats of Satan's empire 
and attributing the Papal doctrines to the veiy principle of evil 
as their only and necessary source, responded freely to the 
antipathy provoked by the scandals of ecclesiastic life, and to a 
well-lmown passionate hostility. The radicalism of its protest 
ought not to have been displeasing to men of advanced ideas, and 
its manner of explaining the Old Testament anticipated their 
doubts, although its metaphysical incumbrances must have caused 
thinkers to smile while it left the people indifferent." Ai-e we, 
however, hereby made to understand how Oriental Catharism in this 
district prevailed over the indigenous reactions ? Why did not our 
populations follow rather their own Apostles, Peter of Bruys, 
for example, Henry of Lausanne or Waldo '? This question, 
which continues to be a knotty one, has been answered with a 
perfectly just remark,^*^ namely, that Catharism, though a leveller 
in the field of orthodox dogmatism, nevertheless reserved plenty 
of work for the most refined dialectics, and that in another respect, 
it was distinguished by its aristocracy of forms. It must be 
recognised, for instance, that its episcopalianism was very marked; 
to say nothing of the Po])e it was said to have, but who does not 
seem to be an authentic character. Also the nobiUty enjoyed 
Catharism, and distnisted evangelists sprung from the ranks of 
the people, their mission being too democratic for people with 
" white hands." As a consequence of these very quaHties it was 
inevitable that as soon as the nobility should cease to patronize 
Catharism it must coUapse, and its ruin would be irretrievable. 
With that collapse the Waldensian reaction will survive and the 
figm-e of Waldo will grow until it will, as it were, personify 
traditional protest. 

44 The Waldenses of Italy. 

But we are anticipating. The Cathari were yet preponderant 
in the South of France, where, however, they were not introduced 
before the eleventh century. In the year 1119 a Council held at 
Toulouse had pasped a sentence against them, enjoining the 
Lords of the soil to drive them away. In 1163 a new Council 
was held at Tours, presided over by Pope Alexander III., and 
at it the condemnation of the heresy of the Cathari was reiterated ; 
Toulouse, being regarded as its nearest source, was closely 
watched. In 1165 a third Council passed a third sentence at 
Lombers ; but it was as if the edict had gone forth, "Increase 
and multiply and fiU the whole earth." The heresy invaded the 
nobility ; ' it was pi-opagated even amongst the ranks of the clergy 
and pursued its conquest toward the West, " as far as the road 
goes." There is yet another council ; but this time it is a Council 
of Cathari. It met in 1167, at St. Felix de Caraman, not far from 
Toulouse, for the manifest pm-pose of completing the institution of 
the sect. A Bishop named Nicetas came from Constantinople ; 
he was undoubtedly a delegate of the Eastern Churches of the 
Cathari, and invested with a sufficiently real power, vividly to 
impress the popular imagination, which indeed dressed him in its 
own fashion, and the credulous chronicle presents him to posterity 
under the magnificent title of Dominus ixipa Niquinta. Besides 
that of Nicetas the presence of Bishops from Lombardy is notice- 
able. The Cathari of Toulouse gave a warm welcome to these 
"good men," as they were accustomed to be called, and 
actuated by jealousy, they asked that a Bishop should be given 
to them also. 

Toulouse had, therefore, very soon become the principal seat 
of the reaction of the Cathari. That is explained by the place she 
occupied in the political world. Her Count of the Kaymond 
lineage was the richest lord of the kingdom ; five neighbouring- 
fiefs were juridically dependent on his domain, the most consider- 
able being those of Narbonue and Beziers. Public opinion 
there favoured independence, both as regards the King of 
France and the Pope, and hence was favourable to the Cathari 
called Albigenses. The national spirit became so thoroughly 
impregnated with the Albigensian protest, that it finally became 
inseparable from it. The Count of Toulouse, for form's sake, 
attended Catholic worship, though it was known that the Albigenses 
held their meetings in his castle, and that he used to attend them. 

"J'he Waldenses of Italy. 45 

The Count of Foix adhered to the heresy through his family ; as 
for himself, he was almost a free-thinker. " The Pope has 
nothing to do with my religion," he would say, "inasmuch as 
every man must be free to choose his own."'*^ The troubadours 
took a share in the dispute, and certainly the dominant Church was 
not less ill-used in their sirventes than in religious discussions. 
If the troubadours are to be believed, the Prelates were too fond 
of " fair women and red wine ; " the orthodox are " Romipetes.'" 
Nay, more, an outrageous comedy was performed, whose subject 
was " the heresy of the Priests." The people enjoyed that, and 
reserved ecclesiastical titles for use in biting sarcasm. " ;Vmeriou 
miou estre capelan " (I Avould rather be a chaplain), they often 
said, '* than do that." The clergy, startled and alarmed, 
dared not always to appear in public. It is said that Priests 
went so far as to conceal the tonsure, by means of the hair on 
the back of their heads.''**' Even the great men were not spared, 
notwithstanding their gi-avity and accustomed i)omp. Thus, 
when ten years after the Council of the Cathari, the Cardinal 
Legate, Peter of St. Chrysogone, visited Toulouse, accompanied 
by Henry of Clairvaux, the latter complained that they were 
received with jeers. Fingers were pointed at them, and they 
were called apostates, hypocrites, and heretics,'"*' which proved, 
according to the Abbot, how necessary their visit was. " Had it 
only been retarded three years," thought he, "it is doubtful 
whether any worshippers of Christ would have been found in 
Toulouse."'*^ On this occasion he noticed a detail which is 
interesting to us ; namely, that not only did the heretics elect 
their leaders, but that they sent evangelists as missionaries to 
inculcate a new Gospel into men's souls. '*^ 

Such, then, was the state of the atmosphere of the place 
which welcomed the Waldenses when banished by the Primate of 
the Gauls. We may surmise how they were received. As for 
them, whilst inhaling the liberty with which they were surrounded, 
at first they did not feel quite at ease in the midst of those gross 
heretics. They were too distrustful of their jesting, virulent and 
frivolous discussions, to risk being carried along with them. They 
were fortified by their very stiifness and their own tendencies ; above 
all, by their firm attachment to the Gospel, as well as by the bond 
of real brotherhood which united them. Nevertheless circum- 
stances exercise an irresistible influence even on granite, and they 

46 The Waldenses of Italy. 

could not escape altogether. They were about to acquire a grace 
and freedom of manner that would be of service to them, and also a 
more impulsive imagination. Their too prosaic minds would yet 
bring forth the chanson, which the people prefer to sermons ; 
their lessons of morality interwoven with quotations from the 
Fathers would anon disengage themselves from the latter like a 
chrysalis, in order to rise nearer the ideal by means of the Avings 
"•iven them by the breath of poetry. Besides, what they gained 
from their new environment, their own biblical austerity and 
their moderation had a reacting influence on their new neigh- 
bours, by which the latter were civilized. Even the clergy 
appreciated them — after their own fashion. Says a monk who is 
not fond of sparing them, " They are wicked, but as compared 
with the other heretics, they are much less wicked. "^^'^ Hence it 
is not astonishing that, the opportunity offering, they should be 
placed in opposition to the Cathari. Nobility, till then inaccessible, 
half opened its doors to them sufficiently to procure them an 
influence which soon rivalled that of the Albigenses. ^ They 
even gained a hold upon general opinion, especially by means of 
public discussion, which is the ordinary prelude to the conversion 
of numbers of people and to persecution. But as to the result 
of their mission, one cannot attempt to define it with precision. 
Nobody now-a-days asserts that the Albigenses " received the 
belief of the Waldenses a little while after the departure of 
Waldo from Lyons,"^^^ because the Albigenses and Waldenses 
must no longer be confounded' as they have been heretofore by 
partisans whose object is very apparent. '^^ ^ While waiting for 
danger to unite them, liberty brought them occasionally into contact 
with each other, and sometimes with such success that it is 
difficult to distinguish the traces of the Waldenses from those of 
other dissenters. For once that they sided with the Catholics 
against the Albigenses, they fought a score of times by the side 
of the latter against their common enemy. / 

These disputes are furthermore a characteristic sign of the 
times, and especially of the places here in question. If they are 
witnesses to the zeal of Bomish missionaries, they tell us also 
how their arrogance must have been humbled to induce them to sub- 
mit to such discussions ; for, before commencing them, the parties 
brought face to face were accustomed to choose arbiters by 
common consent. It was even conceded on both sides tluit the 

The Waldenses ok Italy. 47 

Scriptures were to be accepted as a law from which there was iio 
appeal. Generally the arbitrator named was a Romish ecclesiastic, 
pious, moderate, and weak. In such a case, the sentence was 
hardly doubtful ; but, when neither Popes nor Councils were 
believed in, was there much risk in being bound by the sentence 
of a private individual '? Good argument was more effective than 
anything else. If the arbitrators were laymen, then the humilia- 
tion of the defenders of Mother Church was overwhelming. 
" Oh ! Shame !" exclaims a chaplain on one such occasion ; " the 
Church and Catholic faith must have fallen into very great con- 
tempt if we must submit to abide by the judgment of the 
laity." '^^ Let us attend one of these disputations. It took 
place between Catholics and Waldenses at Xarbonne, and may be 
reduced to a series of counts of indictment in the shape of accusa- 
tions and replies ; the meeting was under the presidency of the 
priest Raymond de Daventer. We shall listen to the dialogue. ^^'* 

" This, 0, Waldenses ! is the principal cause of complaint 
which we have to present against you ; you are in a state of 
rebellion against the Church of Rome. As a matter of fact you 
no longer obey either her Priests or her Bishops. By so doing 
you violate the principles of the Scriptures. Do they not expressly 
say : ' If any man obey not, note that man and have no company . 
mth him.' And again, ' Obey your rulers.' And of him who 
^^all not yield obedience what do we read '? ' If he neglect to hear 
the Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a 
publican.' '^^ You see, you are hkened to Pagans; so that your 
portion is with the unbelievers. You are damned, digni inorte 

" Gently — you would be right if Bishops and Priests were 
obedient to the Word of God ; but as they are, on the contrary, 
the very first to disobey, we must choose between two ways — either 
we must obey God and disobey the Church, or else we must obey 
the Church and disobey God. Having well considered the matter 
from all sides, we have concluded that the only path for us to 
pursue is to decide, as the Apostle Peter did on a similar occasion, 
when he said : ' We ought to obey God rather than men.' If, 
therefore, we are not with you, it is only that we may not abandon 
the path of obedience." 

" Error very soon betrays itself by its fruit. Having disobeyed 
the Chm-ch, you are about to usui-p the sacred office of preaching ; 

48 The Waldenses of Italy. 

you have all turned preachers, men and women. It is scandalous, 
for it is well-known that this office does not become the laity ; it 
is even prohibited to them. It is true that there may be excep- 
tions ; but then, the way to proceed is as follows : the layman 
who presents himself for the purpose is examined, in order to 
ascertain whether or not he be a good Catholic. If so, if he leads 
an honest life and his words do not lack wisdom, he may upon a 
sign from his Bishop or his Curate venture to exhort his neigh- 
bour ; at least, this is our opinion. Even then, there must be 
no encumbrance in the shape of a wife, or a business. Should 
the man be a heretic, then, of course, he must not preach under 
any circumstances ; it would be a sin to listen to him, even if he 
were a cleric. You are not all clerics ; very far from it ; it is not 
knowledge that makes you mad ; but this is your state. It is 
easy enough to understand why you go about saying that neither 
Pastors, nor Bishops, nor even holy Mother Church, is entitled to 
obedience. You pretend to obey God ! Nonsense ! that is a 
mere pretext. Indeed, it is clear enough : you teach differently 
from the Church,^''' drawing down just wrath upon your heads." 

" When we asked the Church to recognise onr right to speak, 
for the purpose of proclaiming the Gospel, you know how it 
answered us. We have not been convinced of error, and yet we 
are far from being agreed. What you call tlie exception, is for 
us the rule, for it is thus that the Scriptures regard it. Whoever 
is able to spread the Word of God among the people is in duty 
bound to do so : such is the Gospel principle, against which all 
your line arguments will fail. ' To him that knoweth to do 
good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin,' says St. James, Chap, iv., 
V. 17. If therefore, knowing how to evangelise, we were to 
abandon that work, we should connnit a grievous sin." 

" St. James does not say ' him that knoweth to teach,' but 
' him that knoweth to do.' There is a great difference between 
teaching and doing." 

"Alas! that is very clear; but the difference should 
not be made so great. St. James would be astonished to learn, 
that, to obey the precept of preaching the Gospel is not to 
do good." 

" You wish to argue by means of the Scriptures; very well. 
The Gospel of St. Mark, Chap, i., verse 23rd and following 
contains something that greatly concerns you. We read that 

The "Waldenses of Italy. 49 

iticre was in the synagogue a man with an unclean spirit. This 
man on meeting Christ cried out : ' I know thee who thou art, 
the Holy One of God.' But Jesus rehuked him saying : ' Hold 
thy i>eace.' There is the precept for you to follow. The name 
of Christ should not be proclaimed by your lips, even though you 
may have learned to know Him. You would soon infuse poison 
with your fine words." 

" Your interpretation is convenient ; but upon what is it 
founded "? Upon a slanderous judgment you have formed again: t 
us. Suppose we should answer that you are the ones, not we, 
who have the unclean spirit, what would that prove "? But look 
rather in the same Gospel, Chap, ix., verses 38 and 39 : 
* John said to him, Master, we saw one casting out devils in Thy 
name, and we forbade him because he followeth not us.' What 
did the Master answer to that ? ' Forbid him not, nolite x)rohihen' 
cum,'' do you hear "? ' For,' Christ adds, ' there is no man which 
shall do a mii-acle m my name, that can lightly speak evil of me.' 
There is the precept. If, therefore, we preach in the name of 
Christ, even w'hen we do not follow the Bishops and the Pastors, 
they have no right to forbid us."^^'' 

"Very good, if your preaching were inspired with a spirit of 
obedience, and you Avere animated by benevolent dispositions 
indicating a real vocation. But with your spirit of strife — — " 

" Very well, we will gi-ant you for the sake of argument, that 
our disposition is such as you have represented it. Then the 
case Avas foreseen by St. Paul in his words to the Philippiaus, 
Chap, i., V. 15 — 18 : ' Some indeed preach Christ even of envy 
and strife ; and some also of good will ; the one preach Christ of 
contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds : 
but the other of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the 
Gospel.' From all this, what conclusion does the Apostle draw '? 
' What then '? notwithstanding, every Avay, whether in pretence, or 
in truth, Christ is preached ; and I therein do rejoice, yea, and 
will rejoice.' Cannot you rejoice also ? One would think that 
you were envious." 

"We can only pity you." 

"Envy is old, and you would not be the first who luive been 
aftected by it. We read in the Old Testament, in the Book of 
Numbers, Chap, xi., that two men called Eldad and Medad having 
received the Spirit of God, prophesied in the camp of Israel. This 

50 The Waldenses of Italy. 

caused a great commotion. A young man ran to tell Moses ; 
' Eldad and Medad do prophesy in the camp ! ' Hearing tliis, 
Joshua, the son of Nun, answered and said : ' My Lord Moses, 
forbid them.' But Moses answered : 'Enviest thou for my sake '? 
Would God that all the Lord's people were prophets, and that the 
Lord would put his Spirit upon them ! ' " 

" That has nothing to do with this case, for you are not 
true but false prophets." 

" So you say, but does that prove anything ? He is a false 
prophet who speaks not according to the oracles of God." 

" You are heretics." 

" Again, you cannot be both judge and accuser. The judgment 
belongs not to you, but to Him who " 

" To him who presides over us, certainly, to that pious and 
venerable ecclesiastic of noble birth and still nobler character " 

" As much as you please — we wished to say just now that 
judgment belongs to God, and that it is already pronounced in 
His Word. If we were permitted to return to it, it would be for 
the purpose of calling your attention to the chief precept of 
Christ, to which we were alluding a moment ago. Did he not 
say to his disciples, before ascending into Heaven : ' Go ye into 
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature ?' " 

" That order does not concern you in the least ; it was given 
to the Church, that is to say, to the Priests. Laymen have 
nothing to do with that." 

" Of what Church are you speaking '? We belong to the 
Church of Christ and his Apostles, and we desire to follow the 
rule of the Apostolic Church ; there is our obedience or our dis- 
obedience, according to the way it is looked at. In the time of 
St. Gregory, people did not argue as you do, for he said : ' Who- 
ever has heard in his heart the supreme voice of love owes to his 
neighbour the voice of exhortation.' And, again, ' As far as it 
depends on you, give bountifully of His good word to your neigh- 
bour ; " proximis vestris boni verbi cyathos date."' We could 
remind you of many other precious maxims, which, alas, are now 
a dead letter. But how many practised them before us and are 
an example to us?'^^ The blessed Honorius and St. Equitius, 
for instance, whom the same Gregory mentions in his Dialogues ; 
and even in our own time Paul Eaymond, whose holiness is con- 
firmed by so many miracles. Those, it seems to us, were lay 

The Waldenses of Italy. 61 

preachers ; but why should we stop at them '? What men more 
truly belonged to the laity than the Apostles, the pre-eminent 
messengers of the Gospel of the Master.'^'' It is true that, accord- 
ing to the Synagogue, they were without authority, without 
vocation, illiterate, incompetent, and above all, very disobedient." 

" You are no Apostles ; you are not even laymen provided 
with the mandate of the Church. St. Raymond had the permission 
of the Church, but j'ou have not." 

" "Wliose fault is that '? " 

" You ought to know. But time presses, and we would like 
to speak of one more grievance. It bears upon the method and 
certain already visible results of your illicit mission ; indeed, you go 
about seducing everybody to some extent. Who are your prose- 
lytes ? First, women ; then more women, that is to say, 
effeminate men.^*''^ Y'ou attract people of unsound judgment, liars, 
misers; in short, worthless persons. It is said that you first 
address yourselves to the women, and reach their husbands through 
them."*^ Are you not ashamed of yourselves? You are like 
a lot of bulls. You know the Scriptures compare heretics to 

"It is repugnant to our feelings to follow you on such 

" That is comparatively a small matter. But what is serious 
and scandalous is that you permit women to preach. Now, we 
ask, how do you reconcile the taking of such liberties with the 
precept of the Apostle "? ' Let your women keep silence in the 
Churches ; for it is not permitted unto them to speak.' "^^•'' 

" You exaggerate. It is less a question of preaching than of 
teaching ; so that the same Apostle is able to say to his disciple 
Titus, Chap, ii., v. 3 : ' the aged women should be teachers of good 
things.' " 

" Those women are not called to teach men pnbHcly, but 
young persons and in private. Notice, if you please, that he 
speaks of aged women." 

" This deserves consideration. But, while recognizing the 
rule laid down by St. Paul, might not an exception be made of 
such a prophetess as Anna, for instance, of whom it is written 
that she ' praised God in the temple '? ' " 

" Anna was 84 years old, and by her fasting well deserved 
the gift of prophecy. Furthermore, we do not read that she 

52 The Waldenses of Italy. 

preached or taught ; she spoke of Christ, and that was alL Now, 
preaching and speaking are very difterent things."""* 

The Waldenses would have liked nothing better than to leave 
the privilege of preaching in the hands of the Priests ; provided 
always that they were allowed to retain the right of free 

Thus ends the dispute of Narbonne.^"^ A few days later a sen- 
tence written by the arbitrator, Kaymond of Deventer, pronounced 
the condemnation of the Waldenses. ^'^'^ This sentence had its use 
as a local enunciation of that of the Council of Verona. Haste 
was made to enforce it, by means of vigorous decrees, like that of 
Alfonso II., King of Aragon and Marquis of Provence, and that 
(if the Bishop of Toul. Both were issued in 1192. The rirst 
especially is of unheard-of virulence, perhaps for the very reason 
of its ineflticacy. "We order," said the King, "that the Wal- 
. lenses or Ensahates,^^'' who are also called the ' Poor of Lyons,' 
and all the other numberless heretics, anathematized by Holy 
Mother Church, be expelled from all our States as enemies of the 
cross of Christ, violaters of the Christian religion, and public 
enemies of our person and Kingdom. Therefore, from this day 
forth, whosoever shall dare to receive into his house, or listen to the 
preaching of the said Waldenses or such other heretics, wherever 
it may be, or to feed or assist them in any way, is warned that he 
will thereby incur the wrath of Almighty God, and of ourselves ; 
and that his possessions will be confiscated without appeal, 
according to the penalty provided against those who render them- 
i^elves guilty of high treason."^''** This decree reminds one of the 
Inquisition ; but the Dominicans were not yet in existence to carry 
it into efiect, and it ran the risk of remaining a dead letter. Two 
years later it was revived by Don Pedro, Alfonso's successor, and 
again renewed in 1197. The other decree emanated from Eudes 
of Vaudemont, Bishop of Toul. "With regard to the heretics 
called Wadoys," he says, " we order all the faithful, who may 
chance to meet with them, to arrest and bring them, bound, to 
our See of Toul, in order that they may be punished.""''' These 
are the precursory signs of the crusade, which was declared 
seventeen years later. In the meantime they seemed to alarm no 
one. Fanaticism had been so effectually lulled to sleep by the 
songs of the Troubadours, that its awakening was despaired of. 
It was no longer a question of driving heresy back within its 

The Wai.denses of Italy. 53 

iutrenchments, but of defending themselves against it. More than 
one ecclesiastic, weary of war, joined the ballad singers' chorus. 
"Witness the monk of Clunv who wrote : — 

" Rome nous suce et nous euglot, 
Eome est la doiz de la malice 
Dont sordent tuit li malves vice ; 
C'est un viviers pleins de vermine, 
Contre I'Escripture divine 
Et contre Deu sont teut lor fet."'"" 

And so passed the last years of the XII. century and the 
first of the XIII. At that time a pious Bishop, named Diego, 
was languishing in bis diocese, his soul tormented. Sud- 
denly he came to a grave decision. " What can I do here ? " he 
asked himself. " It were better for me to can-y my religion to 
the heathen." He started for Rome forthwith, for he required the 
approbation of the Pope, but this he could not obtain. " The best 
thing for you to do," the inexorable Pontiff rephed, " is to return 
to your diocese." Diego bowed submissively, and made his way 
back by short stages, accompanied by a young Canon, whose zeal 
indicated the most brilliant prospects. The Pontiff was Inno- 
cent III., and the Canon Dominic. These names suggest the 
preparation of something new and a change in the times. When 
he arrived at Montpellier Diego met the three missionary Legates, 
who had just been sent out against the heretics. They were 
demorahzed, crushed, and on the point of giving up their mission 
in despair,^"' " What disheartens us so completely," said they, 
" is that whenever we talk with heretics they continually harp on 
this string, namely, that we are like physicians who, instead of 
thinking about healing others, would do well to cure themselves. 
We must admit that the morals of our clergy are abominable. If 
no remedy can be found there is an end of the matter ; we shall 
be preaching in the desert. We might as well abandon it alto- 
gether."^" The Bishop remained wrapt in deep thought. Sud- 
denly these words came from his lips : — 

"Listen! I have an idea. Be the very first to preach by 
your example." 

" What then, have we done till now ?" 

" Your equipages and this large retinue \\hich accompanies 
you, doubtless, solely for the sake of appearances, are not, believe 

54 The Waldenses of Italy. 

nie, in keeping with yonr mission, and only contribute to its dis- 
credit in this country." 

"And then?" 

" You will go on foot ; you will take with you neither gold nor 
silver ; in fact, you will act as the Apostles did.^'* That is my 
advice. Do that and the wind will change." 

Dominic seconded the advice of his aged Bishop, with all the 
impetuosity of his thirty-five years. 

" Very well, said one of the Legates ; Ave are of your opinion, 
only there is one danger." 
" What is that ? " 

" Have you thought of this : that we should then ourselves be 

" But after the manner of the Apostles." 

" Ah ! if some one would only lead the way for us ! We would 
certainly follow him." 

" Well, here I am ! I will lead the way." 

Thereupon Diego started upon his course, preceded by 
Dominic, that grand greyhound of the chase after heretics, and 
the Legates followed in good earnest. The mission was once 
more undertaken, and not without some little success. 

Here we have one fact among a thousand, showing how use- 
ful a protest is, even to the Church which condemns it. The 
bare-footed heretics cause the messengers of the Church to step 
down from their carriages. A battle is about to be fought, but a 
moral victory is already won. The renewed discussions are more 
animated and noisy than ever. We shall notice two of them only, 
which relate to the dissent of the Waldenses. They are the dis- 
putations of Montreal and Pamiers. 

At Montreal the disputation lasted for fifteen days, under the 
presidency of two lay arbitrators. The dissenting orator, Arnaud 
Hot, spoke at great length, and yet so well as to produce a great 
impression upon the audience. " It was a pity that so many good 
souls should have heard him," naively remarks the chaplain who 
relates the circumstance.^''' However, Hot had a good opportunity : 
he showed how the Apostolic ministry had become vitiated in the 
Church by becoming a ministry of temporal aff"airs. This told 
in the vernacular, and in the manner one can imagine, must 
have made the monks feel as though hail were falling on their 
shaven crowns ; so much so that tlie legates, being unable to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 55 

stand it, left abruptly and withdrew with their adherents, a 
light dwelling in their eyes that was soon to kindle the fires of the 
Inquisition. The arbitrators on this occasion had no judgment 
to pronounce. Desertion spoke more eloquently than they could 
have done, concerning the discomfiture of the Romipetes. The 
disputations did not, however, usually close in this way. 

Diego resumed his journey toward Osma, his diocese. When 
he reached Ptlmiers, in the territory of Toulouse, he made another 
halt where he was soon surrounded by Bishops and Abbots who had 
come to implore his support. A disputation with the Waldenses 
was about to take place in the castle itself, under the auspices of 
Bernard Roger, Count of Foix, whose wife and sister had joined 
their society. Another sister, it is believed, had taken the part of 
the Cathari. As usual, an arbitrator was elected. This honour 
fell to the lot of a certain master of theology, named Arnaud de 
Campran. The arguments brought forward by the two parties 
have not been reported. It appears that the struggle became so 
lively that Claramonde, the sister who sided with the Waldenses, 
forgot herself and made some remark. She was immediately 
snubbed with unheard of rudeness by a monk. " Madam," said 
he, " go to your distaft' ; women have nothing to do with this sort 
of discussion. "^^^ Yet she was in her brother's house if not in 
her own. One might he tempted to believe that the Count of 
Foix shewed himself more than tolerant on this occasion ; unless, 
indeed, the monk owed his good fortune, in not feeling the back of 
some knight's hand, to the regard entertained for the lady of the 
manor, who, like a good Waldensian, had possibly adopted the 
maxim that forbids us to return evil for evil. The arbitrator 
decided against the Waldenses this time, and the dispute seems 
to have had untoward results for them ; for from this same dis- 
putation, held in the castle of Pamiers in the year 1206, dates a 
movement of separation which finally brought back a few dissi- 
dents within the pale of clie Church. It is worth while to 
follow their history.'^" 

Among the adherents of the opposition to the Church who had 
been present at the dispute of Pamiers, Wxis a small number of 
ecclesiastics, among whom a certain Dm-and was conspicuous. 
He came from the city of Huesca, not far from the Pyrenees. 
Shaken in his opinions, and attracted perhaps by Dominic's zeal, 
he was won over with some others of his colleagues. The few 

56 The Waldenses of Italy. 

who had separated held a council, and decided to draw up a con- 
fession of faith, to be submitted to the Pope, asking him to 
authorise them to keep the statutes they had thus far observed. 
Thereupon Durand started for Rome, accompanied by John of 
Narbonne, Guilliaume of St. Antonin, D. of Naiaque, Bernard and 
Ermengard of Beziers, Raymond of St. Paul, Hebrin and several 
other persons who are not named. Innocent III., who no doubt 
had been forewarned, welcomed them in a fatherly manner but 
with shrewdness. He approved of the confession, and authorised 
the statutes, to both of which they were obliged to bind themselves 
by oath. The following were their salient points : — 

" To the glory of God and of his Church and for the salvation 
of our souls, we pledge ourselves to believe with our hearts and 
to confess with our lips the Catholic faith, inviolable and in its 
integrity, as under the protection and government of the Roman 
Pontiff. Having renounced the world and given our possessions 
to the poor, according to God's precept, and having made a vow 
of poverty, we take no thought for the morrow, and will accept in 
alms neither gold nor silver, nor anything of that kind, but only 
enough to eat and wherewithal to clothe ourselves day by day. 
Our law is to observe the counsels of evangelical perfection as so 
many precepts. Inasmuch as most of us are clerics and almost 
all men of letters, we have resolved to devote ourselves to reading, 
exhortation, teaching, and discussing against all the different 
kinds of error ; and we intend to propose that those who are the 
best instructed in the law of God and the maxims of the Fathers be 
utilised in our school to bring the erring back to the faith and to 
the pale of the Church, without doing anything that might be 
prejudicial to episcopal authority. We have agreed to wear the 
modest religious dress to which we have been accustomed, with 
shoes cut off at the top and made in such a way that people may 
know at a glance, and without a doubt, that we have separated 
ourselves from the Lyonese in body as we are separated in heart, 
so long as they shall not become reconciled with the Church. If 
laymen express desire to join us, we shall take care that, with 
the exception of those who may be capable of talking and disputing 
with the heretics, they live at home religiously and in good order, 
working with their hands, an.l discharging their duties towards the 
Church with respect to their tithes, first-fruits and ofterings."'" 

The statute having been sworn to, the dissidents were granted a 

The Waldenses of Italy. 57 

tL\s pri\ileges us ii recompense for their fidelit}- ; such as that of 
notbeuig obliged to take up anus against Christians, nor to take 
an oath in temporal matters ; so long onlj- as this could he 
reconciled with the respect due to others, and occasion no annoy- 
ance to the secular authority.'"^ They were all handed togethei- 
under the protection of the Pope, who named them the " Catholic 
Poor." Before leaving the City of Rome, Durand promised to 
pay one bezant every year as a token of submission to th« 
Apostolic See.'"" 

In a very short time the Pope received complaints from the 
Ai'chbishop of Narbonne and some of the bishops belonging to 
his jurisdiction, to the effect that Durand and his associates weie 
becoming unmanageable on account of their boasting. They had 
changed nothing in their practices, and Waldenses, who were still 
unreconciled with the Church, were by them admitted to the 
participation of the mass. They opened their doors to unfrocked 
monks, and by their discourses attracted faithful believers, who 
were afterwards seen to forsake canonical ser-sices ; in which thing 
the latter only followed the example of their teachers. Innocent 
hastened to state these complaints to his proteges, exhorting 
them to give no more occasion for them, if they did not wish it 
to be said that the remedy Avas worse than the disease. ^""^ More- 
over, he wrote to the Prelates to quiet down their ruffled temper, 
and to give them a lesson in pastoral prudence after his own style. 
"Be not alarmed on their account," said he to them. " If they 
intend to deceive the Chm-cli and to elude its discipline, they will 
very soon be caught in their own toils. But if they do nothing 
worse, for the time being, than retain somewhat of their ancient 
practices, it may be but pure craftiness, for the purpose of more 
easUy gaining over their former co-rehgionists, those Httle foxes 
which devastate the vineyard of the Lord. It were better to be 
patient and to abide results. So long as they do not wander from 
the essential principles of truth, it is right that Ave should deal 
somewhat indulgently Avith them. If they do not break off all 
at once from theu- former habits, that is undoubtedly one Avay of 
burying them, Avith a certain decency which spares one's feelings. 
Let us practice the word of the Apostle : " Being crafty I caught 
you Avith guile."'**' 

Though the prelates submitted, they Avere furious with rage. 
Durand, Avith his arts of dissimulation and his insolence of 

58 The Waldenses of Italy. 

manner, provoked them more than an outright adversary. They 
soon renewed their complaints, repeating nearly the same charges. 
Innocent also repeated his exhortations to gentleness and prudence. 
He even charged them not to permit the poor wretches to be 
worried ; he went so far as to guarantee to the latter the right of 
electing their own provost, in conjunction with the local Bishop, 
for he was vexed to learn that dissidents who were ready to he 
readmitted were allowed to remain outside the Church. '^^ 

Some pretend that in the meantime Durandreturned to Rome, ^^^ 
but the truth about this we do not know. It is quite certain that he 
had explanations enough to give and new favours to ask. The fact is, 
that he never was without the protection of the Pontiff", and by that 
means he succeeded in founding more than one refuge for such 
unfortunates as age, sickness or privation compelled to seek his 

With this movement of the Catholic Poor is connected that 
of Bernard I., Guillaume, Arnaud, and a few other Waldenses of 
Lombardy, who had gone to Ptome in the year 1210 and had been 
examined before the Pontiff. '^"^ They had experienced much 
more difficulty than their predecessors in being admitted, and 
were compelled to undergo a humiliating interrogation. 

" You look to me, with your shoes cut off" at the sole, like 
tramps," said Innocent; "that is superstition! And how 
fi-iglitful you look with your hooded cloak. It hardly harmonizes 
with your uncut hair. You look too much like laymen. And, by 
the way, tell me : I am informed that you travel about, men and 
women together ; it is even said that you lodge in the same 
houses ; I shall not repeat to you all that I hear,'**^ What am 
I to believe ?" 

" We travel with women, it is true, but after the manner of 
the Apostles."^**" 

"I do not approve of that, nor of certain other usages which 
it appears you have not abandoned ; for instance, the mania 
several of you manifest for preaching, for administering the 
Eucharist, and for hearing confession. There are these women, 
too, who meddle with teaching in the Church ; I will not tolerate 
!iny thing of that kind, remember. "^^'' 

They were not admitted therefore on that occasion ; but it 
seems that they were not long in coming to an agreement. After 
all, the Pope had not shown himself \eij exacting. Bernard in 

The Waldknses of Italy. 50 

the following year presented a declaration, in consequence of 
which his suhniission was accepted. This is evident from a 
letter written by Innocent III. to the Bishop of Cremona. Hi- 
expresses in it the same sentiment he had before formulated, when 
addressing the Bishops of the Lower Languedoc. " Use gentle 
means with these people," said he, " for if we are told to invite 
the lame and the blind to the feast of the Lord, even to compel 
them to come in ; with how much more reason should we beware 
of thrusting back those who come of their own accord. That is 
why we commend to you Bernard I. and his colleague. They 
were, it is true, deeply tainted with heresy ; but they have re- 
turned to us to take refuge in the bosom of the Church. ""^^ 

On seeing these different companies of "the Poor " returning tu 
the fold of the Church by difierent ways, we are tempted to ask 
what difference there was between them. Their origin was the 
same, and their real object also. One as much as the other, they 
observed the apostolic rule of life, more especially the vow of 
poverty. As a matter of fact, they had given their goods to the 
poor ; they did not accept either silver or gold, but food and 
raiment only. They all followed their itinerant mission, not as in 
past times, for the pui-pose of preaching the Gospel freely, but in 
order to work under the papal shield and to bring back theiv 
brethren to the fold.''^^ This last trait was more especially the 
distinguishing characteristic of the followers of Durand ; whUst 
those of Bernard, being less fitted to teach, did not disdain to 
labour with their hands. The former remind us of the order of 
Dominican Friars, the latter of the Franciscans.'^*' The idea of 
these orders of Mendicant Friars, which was eminently opposed 
to the Waldensian idea, is already beginning to shew itself as in 
a seed. But before it caii spring up the seed must die. Did the 
Poor Catholics succeed in reconciling the statutes of the Waldenses 
with the authority of the Pioman Church "? To all appearance they 
did so, but, as a matter of fact they never did ; for, without the 
liberty to obey God rather than men, the statutes are not Walden- 
sian. Where is the merit of all this '? If there be any merit in 
the whole affair it belongs entirely to the Pope ; but of a truth 
there was very httle. Innocent III. has been credited with bene- 
volence, because he was complaisant; just as these "Poor" were 
submissive because they had flexible backs. If the Pontiff exer- 
cised his authoritv to enforce tolerance on the clergv, to whom 

60 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Alexander III. had sacrificed too much, it was because he had no 
longer to deal with men like Waldo and his first disciples. The 
capitulation of the Poor Catholics was equivalent to a recantation 
— if not to suicide — which is always the case, unfortunately, when 
liberty has to be immolated on the altar of peace. 

Such was the fate of this little reaction, which made more noise 
than work. The Catholic Poor did not long survive their founders. 
They were finally incorporated in the order of the Hermits of 
St. Augustine as early as the year 1256.^^' " They became extinct 
without anyone taking notice of the fact," writes an apologist,^^^ 
and were buried with a decorum against which nothing can be 
said. The Pope had dreamed of another end, that of the Wal- 
denses properly so-called, and had thought he would obtain it by 
setting up discord ; but his wish was so far from being realized 
that the Waldenses do not even seem to have been disturbed by 
the desertion of the Catholic Poor. One would think they forgot 
them, for they never mention them ; as far at least as we know. 
The deserters were not even regretted. They were Priests, 
mostly, more or less men of letters, but apt to compromise the 
lay character of the Waldensian mission ; and besides, who 
knows whether their doctrine was not hiding the old leaven of 
Manicheism ?^^^ They had fallen back too wantonly ; there was too 
much artifice in their movements, to make us believe that their 
profession was of a sterling quality. In such a case it is better 
to separate. Separation purifies more than it weakens. 

The Catholic Poor have taken us out of France. Let us 
in imagination return thither. Before leaving we must take notice of 
another centre of reaction, away up in the North. This time we 
shall see a bright ray of Waldensian faith emanate therefrom. 

Metz, notwithstanding her bishop, was a city of refuge. She 
did not even repel the Jews, who were proscribed everywhere. 
" It was the city of those who had no city of habitation — a mixed 
city if ever there were one."'^^ Hence, it wiU not be surprising if 
Waldenses be found there. It is not easy to fix the time of their 
coming ; but it must have taken place, if not immediately after W^aldo 
was driven into exile, at least close upon the exile of his brethren, 
under the persecution of Jean aux Blanches Mains. We read 
that it was during the time of Bertram, who was Bishop of Metz 
from 1180 to 1212.^^^ One day, while in the cathedral, Bertram 
recognised amongst the congregation two Waldenses whose con- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 61 

flenination lie had witnessed at Montpellier. As soon as lie had 
descended from his jmlpit he issued the order for their arrest. But 
it was not executed. They were protected, we are told, "by some 
notable personage belonging to the city."'^^ The Waldensian 
party had then some adherents there ; in fact, they must have 
gained a firm footing amongst the citizens of Metz. It must be 
remembered, too, that this took place before the year 1199, when the 
persecution commenced. "They swarmed," says the chronicle. '"^ 
The Bishop having learned what was going on, informed Innocent III. 
and, thanks to this Pope's letters, it has come to our knowledge. 
A translation of the (rospels, of the Epistles of St. Paul, of the 
Psalms, and j^erhaps of some other book of the Scripture, had 
been put in circulation ; it was eagerly sought after by a large 
number of laymen; they met in secret to hear portions explained, 
and at these meetings anyone might speak. When Priests inter- 
vened to reprove, like true disciples of Waldo they resisted 
them face to face, and the Pope took notice of the fact.'^'* If their 
right were questioned, they appealed to the testimony of the Scrip- 
tures. Upon this Innocent III. took the matter in hand ; he wrote 
both to the people and to the Bishop ; to the former for the pur- 
pose of instruction and admonition ; to the latter to direct him m 
his inquiry. "Assuredly there is nothing that is not laudable 
in the desire to understand the Scriptures," said the Pope to the 
faithful ; " but to meet in secret, to usui-p the ministry of preach- 
ing, to dispense with the ministry of the Priest, to the extent of 
scorning it, there lies the e\il, and some remedy must be devised. 
Who does not know the depth of meaning contained in the 
Scriptures ? If wlien endeavouring to penetrate it, learned men 
be obliged to recognise their insufficiency, you will be the 
more so in that you are simple and illiterate. Hence the Divine 
law has wisely decreed that any beast touching the holy mountain 
should be stoned to death ; this tyi^efies that common people may not 
presume by their intellect to attain to the sublime heights of 
Revelation and to preach it to others. The Apostle, on the other 
hand, exhoris us not to think of ourselves more highly than we 
ought to think. We must have knowledge; but not too much."'* 
There remains for you, therefore, but one thing to do, namely, to 
obey. Do so voluntarily, and you will not be compelled by 
force. "^"^^ To the Bishop the Pope has something more to say : — 
"Why do you not tell me whether these people en- as regards the 

62 The Waldenses of Italy. 

faith, whetlier they depart from wholesome doctrine ? Inquire 
into this without delay ; be in a position to tell me especially, who 
is the author of that translation, what is his object in view, what 
faith do they who read it profess, and the reason of their teaching. 
Do they hold our apostolic See and the Koman Church in venera- 
tion ? We desire to be clearly informed concerning these things 
for our guidance."-"' 

One would say that, finding himself face to face with the 
censure and threats of Rome, the Bishop was the one who would 
be the most embarassed. Indeed, several of the leading men of 
the City refused to submit, protesting that they owed obedience 
to God alone. -°- They did not give up their meetings or their 
preaching, or the reading of holy books in the vernacular. Let 
them prohibit the use of our translation if they like, said they ; 
as for us, we shall keep it. It is said by some, that in this affair 
the Bishop was even roughly handled.^"^ However that may be, he 
complained to the Pontift', especially against a certain " Master 
Crespin," a Priest, as we read, and one of his own companions. 
This Crespin was possibly one of the authors of the translation ; for, 
had he been satisfied with expounding the Scriptures, the Bishop 
would not have cried out so loudly against him especially. What 
did Innocent III. do ? He charged threp Abbots to interfere, 
and in concert with the Bishop to proceed to the desired enquiry, 
and to the application of ecclesiastical discipline. This mission 
had its effect, for the chronicle relates that the Pontifical 
Commissioners succeeded in burning " a few books translated from 
the Latin into the vernacular," if not in " exterminating the 
sect."^*^* It is true that more than one copy of the forbidden 
translation escaped the flames. As a matter of fact two years 
later, at Lieges, people were ordered to place in the hands of the 
Bishop any translation of the Scriptures, either French or German, 
which they possessed.-^'' As for the sect, it was so imperfectly 
exterminated that subsequent measures had to be taken for its 
persecution. The Crusade had already burst forth ; it raged with 
fury in the South, when Innocent III., writing to Bishop Bertram, 
invited him to proclaim it against the heretics of his diocese. He 
did so, and with such success that the Count of Bat and a goodly 
number of knights were enrolled.^'''' Yet it does not appear that 
the sword had any better success than the sermons of the 
Abbotts ; for m 1221 " heresy was not extinct in the City of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 63 

Metz,"^"^ and the door remained open for new reactions, which 
invaded Flanders and disseminated themselves to the centre of 

' Let US now follow the footsteps of other refugees, who, passing 
through the upper valleys of the Rhone and Rhine, reached 
Switzerland and Italy on the one hand, and Germany on the other, 
and continuing their mission, spread their doctrines in Austria, 
Hungary, and as far as Transylvania. 

Those who went up the valley of the Rhone were, perhaps, 
about to resuscitate in the mountains of Switzerland the memory 
of Arnaldo Brescia, and Henry of Lausanne, who had resided 
there less than fifty years before. At any rate they found they 
had been preceded by the Cathari, who had penetrated to those 
heights even as they had almost everywhere else.^'^^ It is not 
known where they pitched their tents. Nearly a century had 
passed away before the presence of heretics was ascertained in 
Beme.-"^ "Were these the Waldenses, or did they belong to 
some other reaction ? It is impossible to state. Traces 
of them may still be found either in Berne itself or in Fribourg.-'" 
During the year 1400, the magistrates of Berne decreed that no 
individual holding the creed of the "Waldenses should be eligible 
for civil office or even as a mtness before the tribunals. This 
decree was read thenceforth every year on Easter Monday, that is 
to say, on the day of the election of the two hundred.^^^ After- 
wards the storm of persecution arose more furiously than ever, 
and the Waldenses finally succumbed. If no visible bond united 
them with their brethren of Italy, they nevertheless heard them 
spoken of ;^'^ no doubt by the missionaries, who we shall see 
joined them from further Germany. 

Fribourg is a small city, a thoroughfare between the South and 
the Valley of the Rhine, which the refugees from Lyons must 
have reached at an early date. This magnificent valley, thanks 
to the attractions which it offered, had for a long time been the 
favourite residence of Prelates.^'^ Perched up there in their 
castles they lived parasitic Hves, which their avarice made stiU 
more scandalous. In this respect the Rhine had little or no 
cause to envy the Tiber. What the troubadours of Provence and 
Italian poets sung at great length in their fruitless invectives, 
the peasants of the borders of the Rhine whispered low in their 
simple legends. We can easily guess how the disciples of Waldo, 

64 The Waldenses of Italy. 

with their passion for vokmtary poverty, and especially with the 
word of Christ, which they came to announce to the poor and 
destitute, must have made their way in the midst of a population 
troubled by the worldliness of the clergy and dreaming of an ideal. 
They made proselytes in Strasburg, a relatively free, commercial 
and wealthy city — a city in which the Bishop had so often been held 
in check that he was perhaps the first in Germany to call to his aid 
the Dominican monks. In 1212 the chase began in earnest; 
more than five hundred heretics were ferreted out. Were 
they AValdenses ? We are inclined to think so.^'* They pro- 
fessed articles of faith which correspond more with those of the 
Waldenses than they do Avith those of divers sects that, 
however, in their turn did some missionary work here. 
Their principal superintendent resided in Milan ; to him they 
forwarded their collections for the poor. But there were two 
others, one in Bohemia, surnamed the Picard — could it be Waldo ? 
— the other in Strasburg itself. The latter was John the Presbyter, 
who marched to the stake at the head of a handful of heroes. 

" Would'st thou," his judges asked him, "that thy cause be 
decided by the trial of red hot iron '? " 
" That would be tempting God." 
" Ah ! you are afraid of burning even a finger." 
" Very well ! here is more than a finger ; here is my whole 
body. It is ready to be burnt, if it is a question of rendering 
homage to the Word of God." 

He walked to the stake with a firm step, followed by his 
seventy-nine companions, among whom were twelve priests and 
twenty-three women. 

Later, in 1216 and again in 1230, the heretics reappeared 
on the scene of martyrdom, thanks to the persecution proclaimed 
by Conrad of Marburg. We find always the same tendency, 
more or less. The Church is for them a synagogue of Satan, 
the Pope, Bishops and Priests are ministers of the Adversary. 
They call themselves disciples of the Apostles, and take the Holy 
Spirit as their guide. They are so numerous that when one of 
them goes from England or Antwerp to Rome, he is able to lodge 
every night at the house of one of his brethren. They continue 
to send their contributions to their chief at Milan.^'^ If these are 
Waldenses, ought we not to admit that there is here a com- 
mingling with the sectarians who are about to appear unexpectedly. 

The "SValdenses of Italy. 65 

Nothing seems more natural than this.-^'' However that ma}' be, 
after this date, silence enshrouds them ; of them no more mention 
is made. They did not disappear ; but their voice, intimidated by 
persecution or overpowered by that of other sects, cannot 
reach us. 

What are these other sects ? We cannot avoid saying a word 
about them. Fii'st, the Cathari, with whom we are acquainted, 
and of whom we shall not speak again here ; the more so as 
they had not in the North that full sway which they had in the 
South. There were the Beghards, too, whose principal seat was 
at Cologne. These were uneducated Pietists, less careful of the 
study of the Scriptures than of their vague and mystic speculations. 
They lived in common, but had taken no vows ; they spent their 
time in doing penance and in working and caring for the unfortunate. 
Their first origin dates from the end of the XII. century ; the 
XIII. was their most flourishing period. -^'^ Afterwards, to avoid 
persecution, they took refuge in the ranks of the Tertiary Friars of 
the order of Mendicants, especially with the Franciscans, leaving 
the way open for the entrance of the Brethren of the Free Spirit. 
These latter were bolder, in thought at least, if not in character. 
On the one hand they professed the Pantheistic ideas that their 
master Aniaur of Bena seems to have borrowed from the school of 
Scotus Erigene ; namely, that God is everything, and that man 
alone of all his creatures is one with him through the Spii-it. On 
the other hand, they shared the tendency of the hermit Joachim of 
Floris who had just proclaimed the approaching end of the second 
epoch of humanity, that of the Son, and the inauguration of the 
third, that of the Spirit, foretold for the year 1260. They abandoned 
the use of sacraments, which in their opinion were losing their 
importance. One of their first centres was Paris, where they met 
at the house of a jeweller named Guillaume. At Strasburg they 
had a new master called Ortlieo. He continued the sect by 
renewing it; it was called from that time the sect of the " New 
Spirit." To this movement it is that the Strasburg dissent — 
which we have marked as an offshoot of the Waldenses, whether 
the}^ be called Ortliebers'-'* or Winkelers, which was subsequently 
given as a nickname — attaches itself.^''' Alter considering the 
matter fully, we find that the principles of this local reaction are 
sufficiently characteristic. As a matter of fact, the Ortliebeis 
arrogated to themselves the right of hearing confession, and even 


66 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that of administering baptism. They rejected the doctrine of 
purgatory, saying of masses for the dead, and the intercession of 
Saints ; they also abstained from lying, from swearing, and from 
shedding of blood. We learn from all this that their quarrel with 
the Romish Church, more especially as regards the sacrament of 
the Eucharist, the ritual and other ordinances, bore the seal of the 
mission of the Poor of Lombardy, of whom we shall soon speak. 
On the other hand, the Ortliebers differed from the Wal- 
denses of France, as well as from those of Lombardy and of 
Oermany, by their allegoric notions, tainted with Pantheism, and 
hy their tendency to spiritualize the dogmas, and even the actions 
recorded in the life of Jesus,-^^ including the sacrament of the 
Last Supper, which a portion of them set aside as the Quakers do 
now.^^^ From Alsace where they had their centre they spread in 
•different directions, into France, Swabia, and as far as Austria.^^^ 
W^e find them mentioned for the last time in the XIV. century, 
and we only hear of them again as the Winkelers, who disappeared 
in their turn, with other less known divisions, such as the 
Sifrides, the Tortolans and the Communies. We can understand 
from this, how it was that the valley of the Rhine became for 
Germany a nursery of missionaries. An agitation was commenced 
there which permeated public opinion to a great distance, reacting 
against the abuses of the Romish Church. Still the principal 
seat of the Waldenses movement was not here, but in a country 
which we have still to visit ; namely, Milan. We shall go down 
there, following the tracks of the refugees from Lyons, before 
proceeding into Germany. 

Milan, once the seat of the Western Empire and of the 
illustrious Bishop Ambrose, had not yet forgiven Rome for casting 
her into the shade. Resigned though she was, she preserved a 
leaven of distrust and a remnant of liberal inclinations that showed 
itself in the morals of the laity. While bowing to the tiara, 
her Primate had lost the splendour of his ancient prestige and 
much of his popularity ; on the other hand, his servitude had been 
rewarded. Rome had hastened to confirm the Archiepiscopal 
authority, which he wielded over eighteen bishops. It extended 
to the boundaries of Old Lombardy, stretching out on the East, 
as far as the Venetian territory, and on the West to the Cottian 
Alps. The Synod of Milan rivalled the Councils in gravity, but 
hardly anything was heard there beyond the echo of the Roman 

The Waldenses of Italy. 67 

oracle, repeated by the Bishops, either of Turin and Asti or of 
Bresciti and Cremona. Its debates lacked that breath of life which 
animated the disputes of the Republican community. Between 
the head of the large diocese and tbe Podosta, harmony did not 
invariably exist. They quarrelled more than once, without coming 
to blows, however ; this, either because they feared each other, 
or because frequent wars wdth other free cities and ecclesiastical 
conflicts had the effect of diverting their attention. StiU heresy 
was increasing rapidly in the metropolis. The sect of the 
Cathari was rooted there, either on the decline or else absorbed 
into the indigenous party of the Patarins, who were less a 
religious than a political party, and did not draw their recruits, as 
at the commencement, from the quarter of Pataria alone, but 
were almost as much from the palaces of the nobles.--^ Thanks 
to this party, the temporal power formerly wielded by the Bishops 
had passed into the hands of the magistrates. The Patarins 
protected the smaller dissenting societies, which literally swarmed. 
Were there not seventeen in Milan alone ? At least that is what 
we are told by one of the Waldenses, who had lived there for a 
long time. 22* The refugees from Lyons had hardly arrived--^ 
before they found themselves at war with more than one sect, 
although on good terms with others, who eventually associated 
themselves with them in some numbers. We shall make mention 
of the liumiliati, and the disciples of Arnaldo of Brescia. 

Arnaldo had filled Italy with his reputation. The voice of the 
mai-tyr still echoed in the consciences of the people. Taking 
up involuntarily the principal thread of that ancient Puritan move- 
ment of the Donatists, which had for a long time been lost sio-ht 
of, he reminded the Roman Pontiff that it is not the frock that 
makes the monk, and certainly not a successor of the Apostles ; 
that the right of apostolic succession is based upon the practical 
application of the primitive law, of wdiich the first pirecept 
consists in the vow of poverty.^-'^ Xot only has he no power to 
ally himself to the ambition of temporal dominion ; but this vow 
absolutely excludes it. Arnaldo said, "A Pope ought to be able 
to repeat the words of St. Peter, ' Silver and gold have I none,' 
otherwise he is like the salt which has lost its savour."--^ In 
speaking thus, the illustrious emulator of Abelard ploughed a broad 
furrow, in which since that time the principles of our political 
liberty have been sown with a prodigal hand. That Cardinal also, 

D 2 

68 The Waldenses of Italy. 

who recognised in Arualdo "the prince and the patriarch of 
political heresy, "-^^ had a quick and discerning eye. Was he 
nothing more than this ? We cannot doubt that he was. 
He did not found a rehgious sect, but his leanings possessed both 
a religious and a political character. His religious tendencies 
opened a way for more than one reaction, and in Lombardy, at 
least, he seems to have preceded Waldo. This may be a conjecture, 
yet more than one sign justifies it.-^^ At any rate, we shall see the 
Donatist principle which he had re-lighted making itself pretty 
plainly visible in the movement of the Poor of Lombardy. 

As regards the movement of the Humiliati, it is now an 
undoubted fact that it brought about, in Milan itself, a distinct 
association which seems to be linked to that of the Poor of Lyons. 
We derive our information on this point from the same source as 
our history. The chronicle of Laon says :— " There lived in the 
towns of Lombardy a certain number of citizens, who without 
quitting their own hearths observed a set of rules which they had 
selected for themselves. Simply clothed, they abstained from 
lying, from swearing, and all lawsuits which are opposed to the 
Catholic faith. They addressed themselves to the Pope, asking 
him to sanction their profession of faith. The Pope replied that 
he sanctioned all that they did honestly and in humility, " but," 
he added, "I expressly forbid you to arrogate to yourselves the 
right of preaching in public." These people made light of the 
orders of the Pontiff; they disobeyed and were excommunicated. 
They called themselves Humiliati," because they were content 
with plain, uncoloured vestments.-^*^ This took place under the 
pontificate of Alexander IH. One writer reports that the 
Humiliati multipHed in Lombardy like the fish of the sea. Those, 
concerning whom we are writing, constituted undoubtedly a lay 
branch, if not an offshoot of the general order known by this 
name.^^' It is they who are referred to in the following verp^^s : — 

" Sunt et in Italia fratres humiliati 
Qui jurare renuunt et sunt uxorati." 

Coming into existence about the same time, the Poor of 
Lyons and the Humiliati made the same appeal to the same Pope, 
and finished by being condemned by the same Council cf Verona 
which made no effort to distinguish between them f^'^ perhaps 
because their union was already an accomplished fact, or on the 


The Waldenses of Italy. 69 

eve of becoming so. The name which prevailed was that of the 
Poor, only they were no longer called the Poor of Lyons, but 
the Poor of Lombardy. The principle of the Waldenses was 
based upon the authority of Scripture and lay preaching, but 
their fusion with the characteristic principles of their associates — 
such as their joint duty to support themselves by work in lieu of 
by alms, and their independent position with regard to the Cathohc 
clergy, whom they regarded as unworthy — gave rise to discord, 
and this was intensified by persecution. Taking advantage of a 
favourable opportunity, they succeeded in obtaining from the town 
a site suitable for the erection of a school, which was soon built ; 
they thereby roused the anger of the Archbisliop Philip, who 
caused it to be demoHshed."-^ Philip died in 1206 and the school 
w-as rebuilt.-^* His successor, Hubert of Pirovano, followed the 
example of Innocent III., just as PhiHp of Lampugnano had 
followed that of Lucius III. Still the young community was 
passing through a critical period, as its open way of procedure 
terrified the timid ones, w^ho were still seeking some concessions 
from Rome. Thereupon Durand of Huesca, the Apostle of the 
Catholic Poor, returnmg from the court of Innocent HI. took 
these people in hand, for the purpose of bringing them back 
within the pale of the Church, and finally succeeded in rallying 
around him about one hundi'ed whom he induced to sign the con- 
fession sanctioned by the Pope. The perverts signed it on con- 
dition that the fr^e use of the above mentioned school building, or of 
another suitable for their meetings, should be granted them. Their 
petition, transmitted by Durand, was duly approved of and 
recommended to the Archbishop Hubert by Innocent IH. This 
was in April, 1210.-^^ We learn that, at the same time, Bernard 
Premier was deahng with the Pope for the return of a certain 
number of his co-reHgionists, and we know wdth what result.-^" 
While the perverts were thus returning to the pale of the Church, 
those who remained and formed the great majority found themselves 
at variance with their former companions. They represent during 
this critical period the traditional and Conservative party. They 
had up to that time carried everything before them with a high 
hand, and unity had been maintained, notwithstanding tlie dis- 
tance which separated them and more than one difficulty that had 
arisen. This time discord broke out anew and a breach was 
mevitable."'" The rupture was as painful to one party as to the 

70 The Waldenses of Italy. 

other, more especially to the original mother communitj^, which 
coukl not view without emotion its children thus abandoning the 
paternal roof; for we must not forget that the poor of Lombardy were 
an offshoot of the Lyonese stock.^'''^ Waldo, who still was at the 
head of the community, ^^^ greatly deplored this division. He 
looked upon it as a misfortune from more than one point of view. 
He protested and grieved over it for the rest of his days. After 
his death an attempt was made at a reconciliation and for this 
purpose a conference was assembled at Bergamo in May, 1218.^^^ 
There were twelve commissioners chosen, six of whom represented 
the ultramontane Waldenses and six those of Lombardy.^'*^ 
Different questions were there discussed which we shall proceed 
to note. 

The first thing which strikes us as strange is the great 
importance in which the memory of Waldo was held. It rises 
above all discussion and seems to make a strangely imposing 
effect. We shall see further on what is the reason of this. In 
the meantime reciprocal advances were made on more than one 
point. The Lombards nominated their superiors for life ; the 
others chose their rectors jpro tempore. It was agreed — in the 
interests of all and of peace — to refer the nomination to the reunited 
community and to leave the decision to them, whether in the one 
sense or the otlier. The same conclusion was come to with 
reference to the ordination of ministers. As regards the question 
of manual labour the ultramontane party no longer insisted, as 
Waldo had done, on its absolute prohibition, while the Lombard 
party admitted the advantage of subjecting it to a more rigorous 
control. A compromise was agreed to. Let us agree on the 
other points, they said, we shall be able to come to a solution of 
the difficulty some way or other. The points which had caused 
the disunion seemed to be disposed of. With regard to matri- 
mony and baptism, there was no conflict to speak of; there was 
only one isolated fact in dispute. It was a question concerning 
Thomas de Jean Francigena and others, who had for special reasons 
been excluded from the community by the brethren of France. 
Let their matter, it was said, be thoroughly sifted ; they are ready to 
render satisfaction if necessary and all will be well. But after all 
there remained a twofold difficulty — one concerned the memory of 
Waldo ; the other had reference to the sacrament of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 71 

" Tell us frankly," said Peter de Relaua who was associated 
with Berenger d'Aquaviva ; "do you or do you not admit that 
"Waldo and Vivetus are in paradise ?" 

" That is a personal question if ever there was one. Should 
we do not do better to strike it out ?" 

" Well then we may as well separate for good and all."-" 
" Our opinion has not changed. If during their lifetime they 
have made satisfaction to God for all their sins, they are saved."^ *^ 
" Those sins, how are they to be understood ? It is no ques- 
tion of ordinary sins ; the declaration of the Lombards would be 
too unmeaning for that, and one cannot very well see in what way 
it could contain anything that was shocking to their co-religionists. 
It must therefore have reference to some errors with which 
he had been reproached in his relations with the brethren of 
Lombardy. In such case one can understand that the French 
Waldenses would not have been ready to avow them over the 
scarcely closed grave of him whom they regarded as the founder 
of the whole sect. Meanwhile the discord became more envenomed 
on a more serious matter. Unhappily it was the Sacrament of the 
Eucharist, the symbol of peace, which was destined to re-light the 
torch of discord without raising any serious point of dogma. The 
only question was as to the part played by the Priest recognised 
by the Church. According to the ultramontane Waldenses, if the 
Priest pronounced the sacramental words the mystery is accom- 
pHshed, as it is not the virtue of the man which operates, but the 
word of God.-" The Poor of Lombardy did not hold that to be 
sufficient ; besides this, according to them the Priest must not 
be unworthy of his office. Upon that point we will not yield, 
said they, to those who would subjugate us, even though they be 
of higher worldly position than ourselves ; for our Saviour did not 
accept any man's authority. Are they doctors ? Let them meditate 
on the instruction handed down to us by the fathers. St. Cyprian, 
for example, says vei^ clearly, that the faithful ought not to receive 
the sacrament at the hands of heretical, unworthy and profane 
priests. According to him, it is certain that the Eucharist does 
not have effect where hope is lost and faith corrupted— where all 
is a trick and a lie. In arrogating to himself the authority and 
the verity of the Church the heretic acts hke a monkey who, not 
belonging to our race, is reduced to imitating us. An intruder, 
cursed of God and dead, he invokes the Saviour and pronounces 

72 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the words of benediction with blasphemy in his soul. Is not 
that a sacrilege ? He carries audacity even to the point of cele- 
brating the holy sacrament of the Eucharist ; but without the 
presence of the Holy Spirit, how shall his offering be sanctified ? 
God cannot give heed to the prayer of the impious.^*^ Jerome 
teaches us that priests who administer- the sacrament of the altar 
unworthily act in a profane manner. This father says in his 
Commentaries, that disregarding the law of Christ they imagine 
that the solemn words of prayer suffice for the celebration, and 
that neither integrity nor merit are necessary in the celebrant ; 
whereas it is written, as we know, that a Priest who has sinned 
is not .permitted to present an ofi"ering. Holy in appearance 
before the eyes of the faithful, it is not the less tainted with sin 
in reality, if the soul of the priest be impure. '^"^ Such as buy or 
sell holy orders are not legitimate priests, observes Pope Gregory,. 
and it has been said with reason that the curse rests both upon 
him who gives and him who receives. Such is the case in a 
matter of simony. Besides which, how can he, who is himself 
under the ban of anathema, sanctify another ? How can he offer 
or receive the body of Christ if he have no part in it himself ? ""^^ 

"We should prefer to have some proofs taken from Scripture. 
You lay too much stress upon the man ; we prefer to look at the 
words of benediction which proceed from his mouth. "-''^ 

" The objection is an old one, and if you do not know it, we 
will repeat the answer made by Pope Innocent. ' Oh ! most 
miserable of the miserable ! you forget that which the Lord said 
to the mercenary priests by the mouth of His prophet Maluchi : 
' I will curse your blessings.' "^-^^ 

" You no longer agree with yourselves, for you formerly, looked 
upon the matter in the same way as ourselves." 

"Yes, formerly, when we were children. It is as St. Paul 
says : ' "When I was a child I spake as a child, I understood as a 
child, I thought as a child ; but when I became a man I put away 
childish things.' "-^" 

" It wiU be necessary to return to that state, if you still have 
any wish for unity." 

"We cannot believe that which contradicts the evidence of the 
Scriptures. No, we shall not do that, even though the Waldenses 
wished to compel us. It is our turn to say : ' We ought to obey 
God rather than men.' As you know, Paul resisted those who 

The Waldenses of Italy. 73 

wanted to bring- liini under the yoke of the kiw ; and Peter, after 
he had proclaimed the order whicli he had received in a vision, 
touching the conversion of Cornehus, was suffered by the brethren 
of the circumcision to do as he wished ; they created no opposition 
or discord ; on the contrary, they glorified the Lord. "2^' 

The two parties were far from being of one mind. It is clear 
that the French Waldenses were still afraid of schism ; for fear of 
tiie Church they hesitated about crossing the Rubicon. Their 
brethren in Milan, on the contrary, had learned in a good school 
that conciliation was a snare. They could not consent to a protest 
without issue, and they were not far from anticipating that separa- 
tion which was to take place in the days of the lieformation. 

After the conference of Bergamo they separated for a long 
time.-^^ The brethren of the diaspora had, moreover, to be officially 
informed, this being necessary to prevent any misunderstand- 
ing. A circular letter was sent addressed " to the brethren and 
friends residing beyond the Alps," in the name of Otto de 
Eamezello.-^-'' The vague address seems to imply that the 
Lombardy mission was about to be enlarged. INIeanwhile the 
letter could hardly be destined for any others than the missionary 
brethren of South Germany, and notably for those who were to be 
found in the district of Passau, Avhich then formed part of the 
Duchy of Austria. Let us take as our guide the inquisitor who 
was on duty there, and he will soon put us on the track of the 

The inquisitor of Passau unrolls before our eyes a little 
catalogue, in which are indicated the localities in the diocese of 
Passau alone visited by our Italian missionaries. There are 
forty-two, and adherents everywhere. In speaking of twelve of 
them he adds : "And schools are there also."^^* In one place we 
even read : " Schools are also there, and the Bishop ; "-^^ this is at 
Einzispach. Elsewhere, at Kematen, there are "several schools," 
ten it would seem ; but this doleful note is added, " They have 
killed the Curate there. "^■''' Why ? Was it perchance as in Styiia, 
where a Curate's barn had been fired, because the Inquisitor had 
lodged in his house ? These reprisals are surprising in one 
respect ; they are rare. It would be odious to infer from this 
that the morals of the dissenters were in unison, especially when 
the Inquisitor himself eulogizes them. We shall have to refer to 
these eulogies later on, and we shall see that they are 

74 The Waldenses of Italy. 

worth more than many apologies. One monk — who loved to 
account for the movement of reform, into the nature of which his 
official position had led him to inquire — finds one of the principal 
causes to be the morals of the heretics, which he praises. In his. 
opinion they present the greatest contrast to those of the clergy, 
which he criticises with equal frankness. It is true that he did 
not complete publishing his criticisms. The Jesuit Gretser, who 
quotes so many pages from the Inquisitor of Passau, omits this 
one.-^'' All the sacraments, it says, the temples, feasts, worship of 
saints, miracles, relics, the cross, pilgrimages, funeral rites — 
all are profaned by a frivolous, mercenary, cynical, deceitful 
clergy; and, as if the testimony of an Inquisitor were not above 
suspicion, facts are adduced to support it. The most strildng 
part is the final statement, in which our monk reproaches the 
Priests for asserting, among other impostures, that the Roman See 
is infallible : " quod sedes romana non possit errare." But, to 
explain this movement of reform, there are also reasons of a 
different character, quite external. The schisms which were 
convulsing the Church ; the strifes of the Pontiffs among them- 
selves and against the Empire ; the excommunications and 
persecutions, were opening new doors.-^^ For that matter the 
Emperor was far from protecting them, even though his name 
was' Frederick II. To this very Prince may be traced back the 
Code which condemns new heresies as political crimes and 
dissenters as rebelHous subjects. For this reason,' the fact of the 
propagation of the Waldenses in Germany is worthy of con- 
sideration ; the more so as, after the researches now being made, 
it is of more importance than all that has been said about it till 
now. As early as the thirteenth century it was increasing 
rapidly ; at the end of the fourteenth it was at its climax, and 
had then reached every class of society.-'^'' Adherents multiphed 
and feared not to call themselves " the friends," in contrast to the 
CathoHc adversaries who, in their estimation were "the enemies " 
or "the strangers."^*'*' So there is no cause for astonishment that 
at that time Waldenses were met with in all the thoroughfares, 
from Lombardy to the Baltic and from the Rhine to Raab ; nor 
that, in the general opinion, separation from the Church of Rome 
seemed to be a possibility.^^^ ' But thanks to the assistance of the 
secular arm, the Inquisition succeeded in charming it away, and it 
is by the light of the blazing piles that we can distinguish, one 

The Waldenses of Italy. 75 

after the other, the principal stations belonging to the Wakleusian 
mission. In Bavaria, Ratisbon ; in Franconia, Wiirzburg, 
Eichstiiclt, Nuremberg, Bamberg, Heilsbronn ; in Swabia, Augs- 
burg, Tischingen, Norcllingen, Donawert, ; in Saxony, Wittemberg, 
Plauen ; in Thuriugia, Erfurt ; in the Rhenish provinces, Cologne, 
Mayence, Friedberg, Spires, Bingen, Treves, Strasburg, Hagenau, 
Weissemberg, OfFenburg, Lahr ; in Pomerania and the Margravate 
of Brandeburg, Stettin and its neighbourhood, Konigsberg in 
Neunark, Draniburg, Angermunds, Prenzlau ; in Austria, Vienna, 
Steyer, and good number of villages, both in the Duchy of Styria 
itself and in the Archduchies; in Hungary, Budapest, Oedenburg, 
Gunz ; furthermore, in Transylvania, in Silesia, in Poland j-"^ 
finally, in Switzerland, Basle, Berne, Fribourg, Soleure,-*'^ as also 
in the Netherlands-*'* were the principal stations. Among the 
victims, itinerant preachers occupy the first place. Twelve of them 
were imprisoned in Austria at one and the same time ; among 
them were Hermann of Mistelgau and Nicholas of Plauen.-^^ With 
regard to the persecutors, two of them deserved well of the 
Church ; they were Peter of the Order of Celestins, and Martin 
of Prague. In the XV. century decadence began. Nevertheless, 
the Waldenses held their own until the end of that centuiy, 
as is proved by the persecution which was proclaimed in 
Brandeburg about the year 1480, and in consequence of which 
a certain number of fugitives passed into ^Nlora^-ia and Bohemia,^^^ 
where a new centre of reaction was formed, w'hich thenceforth 
attracted the attention of the Waldenses scattered through 
Germany. This reaction is well-known, but we must notice it 

Bohemia was its arena, and Conrad Stiekna, an Austrian, was the 
man who commenced it. He saw, in the errors and scandals of 
the dominating Church, so many signs of the early coming of 
Antichrist, for as such he described them. His friend Milicz of 
Moravia went further ; in his opinion Antichrist had come ; it was 
a question of denouncing him. What did he do ? He started for 
Rome, where he posted his thesis on the doors of St. Peter. This 
audacious act nearly cost him his life. Matthias of Janow, 
Curate of Prague, in his turn, mounted the breach. He gazed 
fixedly upon Antichrist, and boldly said w'hat he thought o" him. 
He declared that his name is Legion, for he constitutes the false 
hurch of the unfaithful, co mposed of monks, prelates and popes. 

76 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Finally came John Huss. By Lis ecclesiastic tendency, he was 
more nearly associated with Wychffe — whose writings had just 
been scattered throughout Bohemia — than with his own pre- 
decessors. He learned of him, not only what all dissidents had 
thought about the original fall of the Church, that it was in con- 
sequence of the gift of temporal power by Coustantine, but further- 
more that in the twelfth centur}^, Satan through the monks of the 
Inquisition had been let loose in the midst of Christendom for the 
purpose of establishing the reign of Antichrist, who substitutes for 
the laws of God " the new bulls, which Jesus Christ did not 
issue." Excommunicated by the Pope, he appealed directly to 
Christ, without referring his cause to the Council. The Pope was 
not so anxious for the reformation of the Church as for the mono- 
poly of the reformation ; rather than renounce this, he put the 
reformer to death. Huss went to the stake on the 6th of July, 
1415. Then it was Jerome of Prague's turn. Meanwhile con- 
science, victorious through martyrdom, was being stirred up ; 
Jacques of Misa, Curate of Prague, celebrated the Holy Com- 
munion in both kinds. This was the signal for a long and bloody 
war. The Hussites were divided into two parties ; one national 
and conservative — that of the Calixtines,^'^'' had Kokycana for a 
leader ; the other, dissident and radical — that of the Taborites,^-^ 
was directed by Procopus the Greater. After divers vicissitudes the 
Taborites moderated their excessive zeal, which had sometimes 
partaken of the nature of frenzy ; but they never aban- 
doned their distinctive principles, namely : — 

The Bible ; the only rule of faith, independent of the interpre- 
tation of the Fathers. 

Justification by faith ; " the summary of the Gospel and basis 
of Christianity." 

Two Sacraments only ; Baptism and the Lord's Supper. 

From that time the agreement of the parties became impossible, 
at least upon legal and national grounds. The Taborites were 
dispersed and several little sects sprang up. One only of them is 
of interest to us here — that of Peter of Chelcicky. It professed, 
among other maxims, brotherly equality and separation from the 
Antichrist — that is to say, the Pope. Moreover, there was to be 
no armed resistance, and no taking of oaths. The reader per- 
ceives that these maxims go further than those of the Waldenses ; 
indeed, they are an indication of their presence and action. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 77 

The beliefs of Clielcicky, ucconliug to the national historian 
of Bohemia, showed him to be as much an oflshoot of the 
Waklensiau as of the Hussite teudency.-*^^ No one deui s 
the presence of the Waldenses,-"'^ only it is claimed that in 
Bohemia they were not constituted into distinct communi- 
ties.-"' If so, which party, then, did they most resemble ? They 
were more in affinity with the Calaxtines than the Taborites, 
though retaining some of their tendencies.-"- The latter's 
austerity of discipline undoubtedly attracted them ; but they were 
in full sympathy with the former, on account of their hesitancy to 
separate radically from the Church of Rome. They still exer- 
cised a certain influence, and were not reduced to receiving every- 
thing A^ithout being able to make any return. Wherever there 
is salt its savour will be felt. Some among the Waldenses 
of Germany even rose to a place in the general direction of the 
Hussite mission. This was the case, for instance, with Frederick 
Reiser, who is worthy of special mention. 

He was born in 1401, in the village of Deutach, near Dona- 
wert, and was from his infancy instructed by his father, who had 
made a profession of it in his capacity of a teacher m the doctrine 
of the Waldenses. At 18 years of age, he, desiring to devote him- 
self to the career of an itinerant preacher, was taken by his fcither 
to a friend, a merchant of Nuremberg, called John of Plauen, 
and placed under his care. This John, of course, belonged 
to the Waldenses' dissent as did the Reisen family ; he inter- 
ested himself zealously in their mission, and loved to prepare 
labourers for it. It was w^hile in Nuremberg that Frederick l)e- 
came acquainted with the Waldensian teachers, who visited the 
German and Swiss communities. In 1418 he also met a cele- 
brated teacher of Prague, named Peter Payne, who was at that 
time striving to bring about a union between the Hussites and the 
Waldenses, and by him the activity of the young Levite was 
inliuenced in the same direction. Reiser w'ent forth to visit 
different localities in Germany and Switzerland. As a preacher 
he visited the communities of his brethren ; as a merchant the 
customers of the house of Plauen. Finally, he settled in Heils- 
bronn, near Ansbach in Franconia, there succeeding in gathering 
together a certam number of adherents. Soon he underwent 
strange vicissitudes. The war of the Hussites was going on 
around him, and he was taken and carried away a captive in their 

78 The Waldenses of Italy. 

midst. This was the decisive moment of his hfe. At Prague 
and Tabor, Frederick entered into relations with the ecclesiastics ; 
here he found again his old friend Peter Payne, and through his 
instrumentality, received priestly ordination at the hands of 
Nicholas, Bishop of the Taborites. He then accompanied the 
Hussite deputies to the Council of Basle. Returning into 
Bohemia, Procop the Great, chief of the Taborites, sent him to 
his new destination, the little city of Landscron. His sojourn in 
Bohemia was not without advantage to the cause of union. He 
was forced to the conclusion that, without the support of the 
Taborites, there was no future for the Waldensian mission in 
Germany, and that its scattered and isolated communities, almost 
strangers to each other, had everything to gain by joining a move- 
ment, whose effect was to bring them together and establish a 
bond of union between them. He resumed his oflice of itinerant 
preacher that he might again visit his dispersed brethren, feed 
them, and bring them to the desired union. He certainly 
sojourned at Strasburg, at Basle, at Heilsbronn, and again with 
his old friends in Heroldsberg, not far from Nuremberg. If he 
did return to Bohemia at this time, it was probably only to obtain 
the definite sanction of his plans for organisation. At Tabor 
the establishment of a fixed number of itinerant preachers, under 
the direction of four Bishops, was determined upon, and the 
special superintendence of the Waldensian communities of Ger- 
many was put into Reiser's hands. Thenceforth he bore this title 
" Frederick, by the grace of God, Bishop of the fiiithful, who, 
in the Romish Church, reject the donation of Constantino."-''^ 
If union were brought about, the Inquisition was always on 
the watch to destroy it, and as early as 1458 Reiser succumbed at 
Strasburg. It seems that the torments of the rack extorted 
incoherent avowals from him, as they did later from Savonarola. 
As Gino Capponi said, in speaking of the latter, one may 
have the heart and not the fibres of a martyr.-'''* Reiser went to 
the stake together with his faithful companion, Anna Weiler, of 
Franconia, and their ashes were thrown together into the 

During the same year Matthew Hagen, who had been 
ordained by Reiser, died at the stake in Berlin, he proving him- 
self more staunch than his Bishop, notwithstanding the threats 
and seductions to which his companions had finally yielded.-'"'' 

The Waldenses of Italy. 79 

WHiile the monks of the Inquisition were still bent upon des- 
truction, the Bohemian Brethren built up the edifice of their 
unity. It was composed of divers elements, both Calixtine and 
Taborite, cemented by the discipline which Peter of Chelcicky 
had just elaborated. The plan on which it was arranged was the 
law of God. The organisation was completed in 1467, by the 
election of nine ministers, one of whom was called to the office 
of Bishop. Then a serious question arose as to who was to con- 
secrate him ; to decide this the Brethren appealed to the "Waldensian 
fraternity. There were a certain number in the Duchy of Austria, 
their origin, it was said, dating back to the days of the primitive 
Church. In one of his writings, Chelcicky tells how Sylvester 
and Waldo, fleeing from the Imperial Beast, had hidden in the 
woods ; and how Constautine, having meanwhile embraced the 
Christian faith, sent an animal for Sylvester to ride and brought 
him back to Rome, where he received the fatal donation. ^'^^ Waldo- 
did not retm-n ; he kept aloof and protested against Sylvester. 
" Thou dost not act," said he, " according to the doctrine and 
example given to us by Christ and our fathers the Apostles. "^''^ 
This legend was not contradicted by the Waldenses ; Stephen 
their Bishop even believed it. Thereupon the Brethren decided 
to free themselves from the yoke of Romish sacerdotal consecra- 
tion ; they even laid it solemnly aside and obtained the ordina- 
tion of one of their Elders at the hands of a venerable VValden- 
sian ecclesiastic. This act generated doubts ; however, it was asked 
if this were the true priestly consecration, would it not be more 
surely guaranteed and complete if received from a Bishop, and finally 
Stephen was asked to intervene. He conferred the laying on of 
hands upon Matthias of Kunewald, the first Bishop of the Unity 
of Brethren, who hastened to impart it to two Elders, his 
colleagues. Thereby the brethren thought they would again be- 
come attached to the true Church and accomplish their separation 
fi-om that of Rome.^"^ It has been claimed that Stephen had 
been consecrated by a Catholic Bishop, but this is a myth. 
Moreover, it is not a question of finding in Stephen a Bishop in 
the ordiuaiy sense of the word, but in its primitive and scriptural 
acceptation.-"*" It is to be regretted that he was not supported in 
Austria by the other Waldensian ecclesiastics. Had he been, 
their example would have induced their flocks to adhere in a body 
to the Unity of Brethren, but they had become more jealous for 

80 The Waldenses of Italy. 

tlieir Roman consecration and the privileges it conferred than for 
their profession of poverty. Stephen's entreaties were all in vain, 
and, if the truth has been told, his zeal for union betrayed him 
to the Inquisitors of heresy, who condemned him to the stake at 
Vienna.^^^ A few years later Stephen's colleagues passed over to 
the Church of Rome and the Waldenses of Austria were no 
longer heard of. 

If it be true that a few degenerate Waldenses left the Brethren 
to themselves, it is not necessarily to be inferred from this that the 
Waldensian mission in Bohemia was fruitless. The Unity owes 
it something more than the martyred Bishop's hand of fellow- 
ship ; she owes to it, partly at least, her very cohesion, and that dis- 
cipline, which Peter of Chelcicky received from the Waldenses as 
much as from his Hussite ancestors. At any rate, the mission of 
the Waldenses has been fruitful for Germany ; it there sowed the 
first seeds of the Reformation — the Bible — long before Luther's 
time.^^" This is now being recognised. " We acknowledge," 
exclaims a learned man, " that the Waldenses exercised a more 
vigorous and wide- spread influence in Germany before the Refor- 
mation than has been hitherto believed, "^^■'' and another writer 
adds, " their history is far from having enjoyed among us the con- 
sideration it deserves.^^'* 

• We shall not follow the traces of the dispersion of the Wal- 
denses any farther ; indeed, they cannot be followed. What 
we have said suffices to prove their missionary zeal, which made 
them carry out their Master's order, " Go into all the world. "^^^ 
Less than a century after their first banishment, one of their 
persecutors confessed that they had spread everywhere. " Where 
is," he exclaimed, "the country to be found, in which their sect 
does not exist?" Unfortunately, the Inquisition also v^as 
spreading everywhere on their track, putting out, one by one, the 
torches that were gleaming in the darkness, and we are assured 
that one of the Waldensian martyrs confessed to his judges that 
the cause for which he was about to die ' ' was a fire soon to 
disappear. "-^^ With all that a light does still hold on to burn 
upon yonder " Alpine-altar." 

The Waldenses of Italy. 81 


The Alpine Refuge. 

Ri'Jinous ideas, like birds, have a tendency to Jmikl nests 
for themselves — The retreat of the Waldenses into the 
Valleys of the Alps teas occasioned hy two facts : their 
hanisJiment from Lyons and the Crusade against the 
Alhigenses — The Waldenses reach the Italian side and 
cstahlish themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse 
circumstances — The configuration of the country — Un- 
rultivated lands — Is there any reason to admit the existence of 
traces of ancient local dissent in the Italian Valleys ? — Dis- 
russion tipon this point tends to prove the vicinity, if not the 
presence, of the sect of the Cathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of 
Pignerol and the Castle of Lucerna — Thomas I., Count of 
Savoy and the House of Achaia — New Colonies: that of 
Calabria — First decrees of ptersecution against the Waldenses 
of the Valleys: that of Turin, and that of Pignerol — The 
Inquisition : its " raison d'etre" and its establisliment — The 
strongholds capitulate : Podcsta Oldrado in Milan and 
the repression in the country toivns — First assaidts of the 
Monks at Perosa, Angrogna, Pragelas, and in Dauphiny — 
Two new decrees, one hy Louis XI. and the other by the 
Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the Waldenses : 
Innocent VIII. and his Bull: a check in the Valleys of Pied- 
mont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensiaji deputatiofi 
at Pignerol — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of 
Louis XII. — Margaret of Foix and the first glorious return 
— What was going on zcithin — The Barhes, the Mission and 
the School — Condition of the Waldenses on the eve of 
the Reformation. 

AS with primitive tribes, so it is with creeds ; after having 
wandered about for some time they finally settle down on 
the spot where their native genius can take root. It is a law of 

82 The Waldenses of Italy. 

nature. " As soon as a new creed is revealed to mankind it seeks 
a new country for its development. As the young birds which, 
as soon as hatched, set out all ignorant to find the climate and 
shelter most suited to them ; as the hidden stream which flows 
by the most direct route to the lake it has never seen ; even 
so does a religious idea, hardly conceived in the genius of a people, 
go forth to seek in nature the type into which it is to develope."-^^ 
This was the case with religious ideas in the East until the 
appearance of Christianity, and it was also that of the religious 
reactions of the Middle Ages down to the Reformation which was 
the crown of all. All seek nests for themselves ; the Cathari in 
Bosnia, the Albigenses in Toulouse, the Patarins in Milan, the 
Joachimists in Calabria, God's Friends in Alsace, the Apostolics 
in the mountains of Novara, the Taborites in Tabor. To-day the 
homes of all of those ancient forms of dissent are deserted. 
Sheltered by the Alps, that of the Waldenses still exists. 
It is worth while, therefore, to point out the circumstances in the 
midst of which they were led to establish themselves there. 
' We have already remarked that immediately after their exile 
from Lyons, there were some who took refuge in Dauphiny, and 
there constituted the stock from which the Waldenses of the Alps 
are sprung. This is the well-authenticated report of local 
tradition.^"^-' A chronicle of Malines in the Valley of Queyras says 
that " the Waldenses, having been driven out from Lyons, a 
number of them took refuge in the country and began to settle in 
Pimouzet ; thence they spread into Ginaillaud, Villar, La Pisse, 
and Les Pres, the other hamlets of the country being free from 
tliem."-'^^ Now these names correspond to a number of localities 
contained in a little district situated at the junction of the valleys 
of Pelvoux and Durance. Pimouzet, which tbe Waldensian refugees 
are said to have made their first stopping place, is situated at the 
lower end of Val Louise, on the right, and is now known by the name 
of Puy-Saint-Eusebe. Pinaillaud is on the left ; it is now called 
Puy-Aillaud. Le Villar is upon the left bank of the Durance, 
opposite Puy- Saint- Andre. La Pisse is at the bottom of a small 
lateral valley which terminates with the monastery of Briancon. 
Lastly, Les Pres are below the Vignaux, another village of Val 
Louise, which was inhabited by the Waldenses.^*^'^ From these 
different localities, many of the refugees climbed the heights, crossed 
the frontier, and reached the valleys on the Italian side,^^'' pre- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 83 

ceded iicrhaps by the first sconts, if it be true that any were sent 
on by Wahlo before leaving Lyons. This Last supposition is 
credited by Gilles. "It is thought," he says, "that tliesc perse- 
cuted Lyonnais, foreseeing the necessity of a retreat, had before 
moving them from Lyons, sent some one to reconnoitre and find 
out beforehand some places where they might put their house- 
holds in safety." Our historian adds that Waldo "accom- 
panied that band coming toward the Alps of Piedmont, and saw 
his flock settled there before he left it to return to the other 
bands, which had started out towards the North, and of whom he 
led a portion into Bohemia." All this is possible, only we must 
admit that it is not supported by any fact ; nay, more, there is 
nothing to indicate the presence of the Waldenses in the Italian 
Valleys of the Alps before the year 1209, which was the first year 
of the Crusade against the Albigenses. That event alone would 
suffice to account for the emigration of which we are speaking ; 
but it is probable that its only effect was to increase the 
proportions of it. 

We do not propose to relate here the history of that famous 
Cn-.sade, It is well known that Innocent III. was the soul of it, 
Dominic the Apostle, Simon de Montfort the executioner, and 
Raymond YL, Count of Toulouse, its most illustrious victim. In 
the eyes of Rome the latter had become, right or wrong, the 
personification of the evil genius of Rebellion in rehgion even 
more than in politics. Now, let us not forget that this was the 
time of the most powerful Pontiff that ever lived. It was he who 
reahzed the aspirations of the Conqueror of Canossa, and put forth 
pretensions which were boundless. " The Pope," he himself 
said, " acknowledges no superior except God. He is the mediator 
between God and men ; less than God, more than man. He is 
set over nations and kingdoms. According to the divine law, kings 
and priests are anointed ; the priest, however, anoints tlie king, 
not the king the priest. Now he who anoints holds a higher rank 
than he who is anointed. Priesthood is as far above royalty in 
rank as the soul is superior to the body. At the beginning of the 
world God placed two great lights in the canopy of heaven, one 
to shine by day and the other by night. As the moon receives its 
light from the sun, so do princes receive their power from us. "-'*'' 
Such is the papal doctrine. The rule of action, which Innocent 
carried out, Jean-sans-Terre knew something of, as did also King 

84 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Philip Augustus. Nay, was not the Emperor Frederick compelled 
to bow his head '? Now, when emperors and kings bowed the head, 
it was not for an insignificant Count of Toulouse to lift up his. 
If his predecessors had practised toleration, it was now, thought 
the great Pontiff, high time to stop. From the very first year of his 
reign, he had recalled the monks of Citeaux to their ofiice, which 
was to preach the Crusade. There had been Crusades in Asia ; 
why not have some in Europe ? People had rushed upon the 
Saracens ; but were not heretics even more wicked and 
dangerous ? Hence, death to the heretics ! The Crusade was 
proclaimed towards the end of 1207. It was a hunting field on a 
gigantic scale, worthy of Olympus and Tartarus. The king of 
France was invited to join, together with all the hobility who had 
willing minds. The Dominicans, those excellent hounds, were 
set loose, and all monkhood with them. The Count of Toulouse 
wavered, yielded, and wished to capitulate ; it was in vain. This 
was not enough, there was another and necessary element in this 
Crusade. After all, it was not so much a question of bringing 
him back to obedience as "of catching the little foxes which do 
not cease from devastating the vineyard of the Lord."^^^ Eighteen 
cities and one hundred and twenty-four villages, with more than 
60,000 inhabitants, gave way. It was determined upon to lay the 
land under an interdict, as in the East. Was this caused by 
thirst for carnage, or was it a piece of strategy in order to produce 
a general panic, which should hasten on the victory ? One or the 
other it must have been, if we are to account for the massacre of 
Beziers, for instance, where all the inhabitants were slain, 
including the 7,000 who, mad with terror, crouched down in the 
Church of St. Magdalen. " Nothing could save them," says a 
Troubadour, " neither cross, nor crucifix, nor altars ; I do not 
believe a single one escaped."-^" It was in this terrible hour that 
the legate Arnaud is said to have spoken the cynical words, " Kill 
them all; God knows his own."-^^ United in their death or 
flight, Albigenses and Waldenses crowded the highwaj^s ; dazed 
with fright they rushed pell-mell, mostly toward the East. ' This 
new exodus, only to be compared to the one seen afterwards in 
France after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, stripped the 
South of its industrious population. Whither should they flee ? 
The enemy were everywhere holding the outlets. In the meantime 
a large number succeeded in reaching Dauphiny, where they were 

The Waldenses of Italy. • 85 

received by their brethren. Soon the country hecanic unable to 
accommodate so great an influx of people. The valleys of 
Freyssinieres and Louise were invaded ; but the tide of emigration 
kept ilowing in day by day. Finally, the most needy formed a 
group, and in their turn reached the frontier. The pass of Mont- 
Genevre unites the valleys of the Durance and the Doire ; that of 
Hestrietres makes a communication between the former and the 
smaller valleys of Cluson and Pragelas. Now it is unnecessary to 
demonstrate that natural communications determine the relations 
between contiguous populations. Habitual, even intimate rela- 
tions, must have been formed between the inhabitants of those 
three valleys, and the old Roman road which crosses their terri- 
tories is a suflficient proof of the antiquity of this intercourse ; 
hence, the refugees had only to follow the established current to 
enter into relations ^nth the ItaKan valleys.-^- They descended 
mostly into the graceful little valley of Pragelas, at that time 
comprised in the territory of Count Gui of Vienne. According 
to a certain local tradition, the road of the Traversette, near Vise, 
did not exist then, as it dates only from 1220 ; but if the pass 
were open for the Saracens who had gone up from the valley of the 
Po into that of Queyras, whence they had finally been driven out 
after much difficulty, why should it not be open for the fugitives 
who crossed it in an opposite direction ? More than one band 
ventured into the footpaths of the Croix and Juhen passes, lead- 
ing up to the heights above the central valleys of Luserna, Perosa, 
and St. Martin, but the bulk of the colony settled in Pragelas, 
whence it soon overflowed into the neighbouring valleys. ** Being 
once estabhshed there," says a CathoHc writer, " their own needs 
compelled them to be so industrious and skilful in cultivating the 
soil even to the remotest little patches of ground, that, with no 
other occupation or means of supporting their already numerous 
families, they gradually cleared enough to supply their wants. 
Still finding themselves much cramped for room in the Pragelas 
and the neighbouring mountains, which could only with great 
difficulty shelter them all— for they were multiplying with great 
rapidity — they passed thence into the mountains of Piedmont, 
which are above Perier, and into the valleys of St. Martin and 
those -of Yal Lucerne that constitute the upper part of the com- 
mimities of Angrogna, Villar, and Bobbio."-'-'^ 

•86 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Waldenses have arrived. They have earned by the sweat 
of their brow the places which will be their retreat from one gene- 
ration to another. The sky is seldom clear over their heads, 
but further on it unrolls its azure vault. At their feet ravines 
run down to the valleys of Pelis and Cluson, intersected by dales 
whose upper end is closed by granite walls, but are bordered lower 
down with wooded and green hills. Pathways run along the 
rivers and debouche with them at the little city of Pignerol. 
There the plain of Piedmont opens out, intersected by the Po. 
On its north are the snow-clad Alps ; on its south the dark mass 
of the Apennines, almost shrouded in the clouds. 

One might be tempted to believe that the fugitives had come 
there incontinent, like the leaves, blown hither and thither by the 
storm raging behind them. But it is not so ; their emigration 
was well reasoned. Gilles tells us it was justified by different 
circumstances, by the simultaneous occurrence of Mdiich, the 
establishment of the Waldensian colony was destined soon to be an 
accomplished fact. 

In the first place, M'ith regard to security, " the situation was 
favourable to their condition. "^^* An individual qualified to judge 
of this observed, not long ago, that the valleys of Piedmont, 
made up, as we know they are, of the valley of the Pelis and a 
part of that of Cluson, which are two affluents of the Po, have as 
a whole " the form of a quadrilateral, with boundaries clearly 
marked by ridges of difficalt access." " On the Italian side," he , 
goes on to say, " they have extremely steep slopes, and are 
separated by short and abrupt spurs, whose extremities, formed 
of granite rock, draw near each other and give to the Alps, when 
looked at from Turin, the appearance of an immense wall enclosing 
a garden. "2^5 Indeed, it has been calculated that the double zone, 
which comes down from the ridge of the frontier to the plain of 
the Po on one side and to the Khone on the other, stretches out 
seven times further in the direction of France than in that of 
Italy. Furthermore, it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the case 
of the latter the valleys are joined together by upper passes, all 
directed towards a common entrance which can be easily closed ; 
while with the former, the valleys are independent, and open into 
France through separate roads which afford as many ways of ingress 
for an enemy. >• It is easy to see what might result from this. 
Moreover, history has confirmed the fact that, on the French 

The AValdenses of Italy. 87 

side, the Waklensiau population hardly succeeded in holding its 
own, except in the upper valleys, which communicate with the 
more privileged Italian valleys, while on the other side they were 
able to face attack ; hence we have a natural explanation of the 
fact, "svhich is, however, none the less marvellous, that the Wal- 
denses w'ere preserved in those countries in the midst of enemies 
bent on their destruction. If we compare their situation with 
that of their brethren dispersed in so many different lands, we 
can easily understand how, elsewhere, they finally disappeared, 
nor need their preservation here be — as it has often been — 
claimed as due to the intervention of miraculous power. The 
hand of Providence was sufficiently apparent in the fact of the 
fugitives' arrival, and especially in the circumstances which con- 
duced to their establishment in that lofty retreat ; and it is not 
reasonable that we should refuse to recognize that hand till later, 
and then only in a few isolated facts, and almost in such a manner 
as to give the impression that the God of the Israel of the Alps 
is "a God of the hills. "-^'' Historians "more pious than 
erudite "—remarks in this connection a writer who is both — have 
attributed to continual Providential intervention that victorious 
resistance to the multiplied attacks of the enemy. It is not 
necessary to explain their success by means of supernatural 
interference ; it is sufficient to examine the configuration of the 
country carefully.-^^ An instinct almost as sure as that of the 
eagle guided the Waldenses to those high valleys, where we find 
the cradle of their generations. They were the more easily able 
to put their trust in God, in that they sought for safety under the 
covert of nature's wings. Such instinct oftentimes makes up for 
scientific strategical observation, nor withal renders faith useless. 
Faith will, when necessary, of itself perform miracles — who has 
not witnessed that ? Meanwhile, it cannot be questioned, as one 
of their historians has said, that the situation of the new centre, 
in which the Waldensian colony established itself, was favourable 
to their condition. With his opinion the following words of the 
Catholic chronicle seem to agree : — " The situation of the valleys, 
shut in on all sides by high mountains, caused them to be sought 
after as retreats by the heretics when driven out of France. "^^^ 
After that there is no need of becoming over-excited or of resorting 
to prophecy, after the manner of Leger, who explains the situation 
of the country by the purpose of God, " who had prepared it, 

88 The Waldenses of Italy. 

according to the prophecy of St. John, for the preservation of the 
woman clothed with the sun, who holds the moon under her feet 
against all the floods of persecution which the great red dragon 
might cast out of his mouth against her."-^^ 

If we examine facts, we shall find that the locality we are dis- 
cussing was favourable to the refugees from a second stand-point. 
There was in the Alpine Valleys, says Gilles, "a considerable 
amount of unoccupied land suitable for their wants." In other 
words, half of the country was, when the new settlers arrived, 
still uncultivated, if not wooded. Its inhabitants, gathered here 
and there in isolated hamlets, " cultivated hardly any but those 
spots of more attractive appearance, the tilling of which was easy 
and profitable ; so that the new comers, by means of proper 
agreements, easily obtained from those who held it, sufficient land 
in the higher territory of all the valleys, on which to build their 
homes, with fields to cultivcite for a subsistence. There, in the 
different districts, they built their best and most secure villages.^°° 
To be convinced of this one has only to glance over some of the 
most ancient documents belonging to the noble house of Luserna, 
relating to the valley of that name and the smaller ones of 
Angrogna and Bora, bordering upon it,^"^ or study the act of 
donation by which Adelaide of Susa granted to the Abbey of 
Pignerol the right of sovereignty over the small territory -Rdiich 
skirts the Cluson. It will be seen that in Val Perosa especially, 
and even in Val St. Martin, there were uncultivated localities in 
abundance, whilst the inhabitants were few. The Waldenses 
established themselves in these regions comfortably, and so as to 
leave but little room for the Catholic population ; this could not 
be said regarding the valleys nearest the plain. Furthermore, the 
aspect presented by the entire Italian slope, both as regards culti- 
vation and habitation, points to these conclusions. Indeed, " four 
habitable zones, one above the other, and clearly distinguished by 
their produce,"^*^^ are distinctly visible ; so that the most super- 
ficial observer is struck by the fact, and asks himself what the 
cause of this may be. The reason is to be found in movements 
of the population upwards or downwards, according to the 
exigencies of the situation ; it had to mount upwards under 
the pressure of persecution by the troops of the Duke of 
of Savoy and of the outlaws turned loose by the Pope and the 
monks. The site of the hiahest hamlets, that of the churches 

The Waldenses of Italy. 89 

especially, is very significant in this respect. It reveals, at one 
and tlie same time, the necessity for security from a surprise by 
the enemy and the eftect of a continuous oppression, sanctioned 
by law. "It is a remarkable thing," someone lately observed, 
" that, after more than six centuries and a half have elapsed since 
the Poor of Lyons came with their families to occupy the hi'diest 
of the Waldensian Valleys of Italy, it would probably not be im- 
possible, even to-day, to draw approximately the line which marked 
the lower Umit of habitation assigned by the natives to their 
ultramontane brethren ; so much difference is there between the 
patois used in the mountains and in the plain, and even in certain 
towns, between the patois of the hill and that of the lower 
valley."^"^ But let us return to the soil itself, for it gives us oven 
more information. At the foot of the rocky, bare, and water- 
bearing snow-capped heights, the gi'ound is covered with fine and 
sweet-scented grass only, utilized during thesummer in the pasturage 
of cattle. Lower down, the coniferous trees and beeches ap[)ear, 
and among them the first chalets Still lower we find chestnut trees, 
wheatfields and permanent dwellings. The refugees were un- 
doubteiUy obliged to reach this zone to procure their food, and it 
was only little by httle that they mingled with the native popula- 
tion of the hill-sides near the plain, to participate thure 
in the raising of corn, the cultivation of the mulberry a. id 
fruit trees and the vine with its waving tendrils. Gradually 
they brought the vegetation higher up, as it were, and touk 
advantage for their sustenance of all the resources of theh- 
limited territory, so that "every undulation of the ground is 
covered with cultivated fields, meadows, houses, and villages, with 
their thick frame of fruit trees and high trained vines. Xo 
portion has been permitted to lie fallow, and life and vegetation 
are seen wherever the bare rock does not show above ground. In 
several places, even the rock itself, is clothed and blooming, 
thanks to the earth with which it has been artificially covered, and 
to the little streams of water skilfully dn-ected thereupon."'^' •* 
The chestnut tree is the one that towers above this varied 
vegetation. It is as a king, and it has been named the national 
tree of the "Waldenses. It is found scattered about on 
all the hills, spreading out its green canopy, and graccfuriy 
breaking the hne of the horizon. It bears a delicious fruit of a 
variety called the Lombarda, renowned for its size and 

■90 The Waldenses of Italy. 

flavour, and this fruit serves the Waldensian population in the 
same manner as the polenta of corn flour does the Piedmontese 
peasant, and the potato the Irishman. Often during the persecu- 
tions no other sustenance was obtainable ; hence it is that the 
Waldenses cultivate with a sort of filial afi'ection that " Saviour 
tree,"^°^ which at an early date covered the ground occupied by their 
ancestors and grew to a considerable height. It might be concluded 
that they hastened to plant chestnut trees on their arrival at the 
lower levels, and that afterwards they took them with them when 
they retreated to the heights, in order that their necessary bread 
might be within reach. 

So much with regard to the situation of the vdleys, from the 
standpoint of their configuration and conditions of soil. We are 
thereby aff'orded good reasons for the arrival of the Waldensian 
refugees and their attempt to settle there ; without, perhaps, 
sutficient explanation of the stability and permanence of their 
establishment. In order to understand this, one must take into 
account, not only the natural surroundings, but also the induce- 
ments off'ered by the existing society with its more or less 
unsettled ideas. Now, on this point we must hear what Gilles 
says. " The natives and their neighbours," he writes, " were 
not far from having the same feelings and knowledge, with 
regard to religion, and they gave evidence of this by the prompt- 
ness with which a great number of them joined the Lyonnais and 
professed the same religion. "^"*^ Thereupon he invokes — rather 
mal apropos — the testimony of a Catholic writer of his time, in 
order to show that upon their arrival in the valleys "the Wal- 
denses found there the true seed of religion. "^'^'' This conclusion 
goes too far ; it overleaps the facts. As yet there had been 
nothing that could positively justify such a conclusion, so that 
whatever value it may have is only that due to d priori reasoning ; 
in any case, in order to arrive at this conclusion facts should not 
be forced. Now what may be the meaning of this phrase — " true 
seed of religion ?" According to some, it refers to a certain 
more or less evangelic and anti-Koman tendency in a latent state ; 
according to others it means "Biblical principles," properly so- 
called, which already flourished before the Waldensian immigra- 
tion. In our opinion, the first interpretation does not give per- 
haps the full meaning of Gilles' words ; but, if it weakens them, 
it is in order to make them agree with the facts. The second, on 

The Waldenses of Italy. 91 

the contrary, strains the words of Gilles and invents freely. It 
expresses an absolutely gratuitous opinion, which is on that 
account unsustainable.^'"^ 

Is then the conventional belief to be repudiated ? We think 
that it necessarily must be. But it may be said by the reader 
that he has not yet been made able to form definite opinions 
on that pomt, and he may wish to know more about the matter. 
He may wish to know still more about the actual origin ; he 
may say that at the beginning of the book that was discussed 
from a general standpoint only. We shall, therefore, succinctly 
restate the arguments. Some have contended that the Apostles 
Paul and James may well have sown the true seed of religion in 
Waldensian soil when on their way to Spain; but this theory cannot 
be seriously maintained. Even were it the case, as has been 
asserted, that the Gospel penetrated to these valleys in the early 
days of the Church, when the persecutions of the Caesars were 
being carried on, this would not require us to admit that Christian 
faith took root there and maintained itself continuous and un- 
changeable. Such a conclusion could only be tenable on the 
assumption that the ancestors of the Waldenses had been more 
successful in escaping from the influence of the world than were 
the monks who retired into the desert. It is upon such an 
hypothesis, however, that it is possible to imagine that the Wal- 
denses dispensed with the Reformation. It is true that Gilles 
does not ventm-e thus far, but Leger and Rizzi go if possible 
further, and indeed reproach Gilles with having accepted the name 
of "reformed." It is stoutly asserted by them that the Wal- 
denses obtained their belief from the Apostles or their immediate 
successors, and that from that time " it has never changed in the 
valleys," and that, therefore, the Waldenses " have never under- 
gone any reformation." Were these things indeed so, the question 
would arise : Have the Waldenses been a race of living beings or 
a collection of immobile mummies ? Is there nothing for the 
Waldenses to repeat but the "apology of their evangelical 
immobility ?" 

The principal champion of the Waldensian legend is himself 
compelled to admit that " it would be absurd to ask for proofs of 
the apostolic succession of the Waldensian Church in times 
anterior to the seventh ceutury."-^^- Up to that time — indeed up to 
the time of Claudius, Bishop of Turin — there is no reason to sus- 

92 The Waldenses of Italy. 

pect the existence of Christian doctrines, other than Roman, in 
Waldensian Valleys. Murton does indeed conjecture that Claudius, 
being a Spaniard, may have visited the Waldenses on his way to 
Italy, and he — the wish being father to the thought — goes on to 
say that he may there have imbibed Waldensian opinions. ^^^ Of 
course this is but a conjecture on which Murton laid no emphasis, 
for he elsewhere states that " the doctrine of Claudius spread 
from Turin even to the valleys. "^^"^ 

Claudius presumably imbibed his opinions at the seat of the 
Carlovingians — whose mouthpiece he became on the Italian side of 
the Alps— and from direct study of the Scriptures. It has been 
stated by Leger that with the population of the valleys, he " openly 
separated from the communion of the Romish Cburch and from the 
Pope." But Leger could not of his own knowledge know anything 
of this, for he is separated from Claudius by an interval of time 
as wide as that which separates the period of Claudius from that of 
the Apostles. Claudius, as a matter of strict fact, never did separate 
from the Church of Rome ; when living he protested with emphasis 
that he " was preserving unity and desired neither schism, sect, nor 
heresy," and he ever struggled against them^^*^ as becomes what 
he was — a Bishop. He himself states that while protesting 
against the errors in his church he stood alone in the breach ;^^^ 
and it seems likely that his protests perished with him, for unlike 
Fra Dolcino, of whose retreat in the mountains of Novara local 
tradition^^*^ still tells, no record of any kind remains in the valley 
that commemorates his protest. ^^^ It is true that Leger states 
that the doctrine of the Waldenses differs in nothing from that 
of Claudius ; and other writers have repeated his statement, 
though it will bear no investigation.^^^ Brezzi, on the other hand, 
asserts that tlie original articles of faith of the Waldenses were 
identical with those of Bruys. 

Those conjectures are wide of the mark, and on careful 
examination of the matter a different conclusion is reached. The 
Waldensian re-action has its own distinctive character, and the 
settlement in the valleys of those who took part in it cannot be 
doubted and sufficiently explains the origin of the dissenting 
population there. Their establishment is possible under the con- 
ditions heretofore pointed out ; political circumstances favoured 
it as well. It has sometimes been claimed that there was in the 
Italian Alpine Valleys, or in their vicinity, before the time of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 93 

arrival of the refugees from Lyons, a distinct anti-Pioman tendency. 
It has been claimed that a search in the archives of such houses 
as those of Lucerne and Pignol, and neighbouring monasteries 
would reveal secrets which would estabhsh this view. It was 
said by Leger himself that but for a fire which consumed his 
memoirs this theory would have been established, and Meytre 
seems to credit this,^-^ So much does imagination rule in ques- 
tions of this kind that there be many who imagine that the 
archives hold secrets that would establish their views about the 
apostolic origin of the Waldenses. Such forget the fact that the 
archives have been searched, and that nothing has been found 
which can be cited in support of the opinion that an evangelical 
population existed in the valleys before the arrival of Waldo's 
disciples. Baron Manueli di S. Giovani testifies to this. He 
says : — " The first germs of the Waldensian heresy, in the valleys of 
Piedmont were brought there from neighbouring French provinces, at 
the end of the 12th century." Before that time they did not 
exist there, and he adds the following proof, to those alleged by 
the most creditable writers, Protestant as well as Catholic : — 
" No mention of them is found in any authenticated document; 
neither in foundation deeds nor other documents concerning 
monasteries and churches, erected not long before in these 
very territories and in neighbouring ones. They contain 
no allusion to the existence of heretics in their vicinity. Had 
heretics existed allusions to them would have been sure to occur 
and the expediency of making these foundations with a view to 
combatting their en-ors and defending the Catholic faith would 
have been demonstrated in the deeds.^-- It has been claimed by 
some that as early as the eleventh century some ghmmerings of 
evangelical light are discernible in the Waldensian valleys. Monas- 
tier is cited as saying that Pietro Damiani complained in a letter 
to the Duchess Adelaide of Susa that the clergy of her States " did 
not observe the ordinances of the Church. "^-"^ 

Monastier is mistaken, however. Damiani does not say that 
the law of celibacy, sanctioned by Pope Gregory VII., met with 
strong opposition everywhere, even in the States of the Duchess. 
On this account, Damiani wrote to Adelaide concerning the in- 
continence of his clergy — de dericorum in continentia.'^-^ On 
the other hand he found fault with Bishop Cuuibert of Turin for 
permitting priests to marry.''-^ The cpiestion, therefore, was that 

94 The Waldenses of Italy. 

of the marriage of priests, which the Pope wanted to put a stop 
to, and which he called incontinence. This had not anything to 
do with the Waldenses, who were chaste, even in the Roman 
sense of the word and upon the testimony of their enemies. 

Then the bull of Pope Victor II. to Viniman, Archbishop of 
Embrun is cited. It is dated in the year 1057, and according to 
Hudry-Menos, it states that Archbishop Viniman was invited 
"to take measures against heresy," and warned that his diocese 
"was wonderfully corrupted thereby.""-'' 

But the bull itself reads thus : — " The Church of Embrun, 
formerly so remarkable for its piety and wealth, has been plunged 
into misery and corruption — first, by the Saracen invasion and 
cruelties ; then by the arrival and sojourn of fugitives and people 
without discipline ; and finally, by the long oppression undergone 
by its pastors."^-''' There is in this allusion to heresy, and if there 
be taken into account the political troubles of that epoch, the 
anarchy and disorder caused by the Saracens and Hungarians in 
Embrun as much as in the surrounding country, the words of the 
bull are capable of a perfectly natural explanation. Again it is 
stated, on the authority of Murton that Urbanus II., in the year 
1026, denounced Val Louise as " tainted with heresy. "^-'^ 

The text, however, contains no such statement.^^^ 

Then Monastier, quoting the so-called chronicle of St. Thron, 
in Belgium, states that a monk, called Radulphus, about to start 
for Italy, complained how, on crossing the Alps, he had to traverse 
" a territory contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the 
body and blood of the Lord*"^^" This chronicle dates apparently 
from the beginning of the twelfth century. It is claimed that 
the territory mentioned is in the Valleys of the Alps. These 
words are put forth as "an indication of evangelical and anti- 
Romish tendencies among the inhabitants of the valleys, before 
the arrival of Waldo or of his followers. "^^^ 

But the quotation is unfortunate. The chronicle of St. Thron 
does not speak of a territory at the crossing of the Alps. Radal- 
phus went to Rome, it says, and reached that city after having been 
robbed by marauders. He stopped a few days there, and hardly 
knew how to decide with reference to the rest of his journey. He 
had just been told that one of the territories he intended to 
traverse " was contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the 
body and blood of the Lord." What still further augmented his 

The Waldenses of Italy. 95 

uneasiness " was a pain in his hip whicli had troubled him for 
some time. It prevented his walking, and did not even permit 
him to ride on horseback." He therefore abandoned his plan and 
returned by the way of the St. Bernard.^^- There is, therefore, no 
occasion to look for a nest of heresy at the crossing of the Alps, 
and it must be admitted that, with his lame hip, Radulphus would 
have been in a bad condition to visit the valleys. Furthermore, 
the heresy alluded to by him was precisely at that time jwofessed 
by the Cathari in Italy and elsewhere, while it was far from 
characterizing the first Waldenses. 

The quotations cited to defend a view should, if possible, be 
obtained direct and not at second hand. Major Eochas d'Aiglun 
said not long ago, " so many books have been lightly written on 
the authority of second-hand documents that now-a-days a reader, 
anxious to get to the bottom of things, cannot rely upon simple 
statements. "^^^ An author should certainly be no less scrupulous 
than his reader, and it is for this reason that so many quotations 
are cited and examined here. 

There remain to be examined the arguments advanced in 
support of the proposition that the early Waldensian protest was 
derived from the reaction of Claudius, or from that of Peter of 
Bruys. The validity of this conclusion has been strongly denied.^^'* 

In speaking of the hypothesis of the Waldenses' antiquity, 
Hudry-Menos confesses that he knows not how to prop it up. 
*' In order to give an historical basis to this hypothesis," says he, 
"there is need of documents that are wauting."^^^ 

In summing up the arguments that have been advanced in 
proof of the antiquity of the Waldensian faith, we need not arrive 
at a directly negative conclusion. We may believe that the point 
of contact between the Waldensian refugees and the anti-Romish 
re-action, which stirred the minds of northern Italy, is supplied 
by the Cathari, and the following reasons that support such an 
opinion may be stated. 

The Cathari had spread over the north of Italy before the 
twelfth century. As early as 1028 we have unequivocal indica- 
tions of their presence in the village of Montfort, in the diocese of 
Asti.^^^ Afterwards they are found swarming in Susa, Coni, 
Saluzzio, Bagnolo, and other localities in the vicinity of the 
Valleys of Luserna and Pragelas. This being so, the refugees on 
their arrival could count upon their neighbourhness. If before 

96 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the Crusade, Waldenses and Catliari were able to approach each 
other in a brotherly fashion, to the extent of living in harmony 
under the same roof, as we have seen in one instance,^^'' it would 
not be extraordinary if the same thing should happen again, when 
in the face of such dangers as threatened all now brought near 
together under the shelter of the Alps. Now this is precisely 
what happened, and we notice without the least surprise that the 
first inquiries of the Inquisition reveal the presence of Cathari 
in the very valleys. In the fourteenth century they lived there, 
and there in the following century they as a sect died. Pope 
John XXII. mentions, in 1332, a certain Martin Pastre as having 
preached in those parts " against the incarnation of the Son of 
God and the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the 
altar."^^"^ If this accusation be correct, it can only refer to some 
of the Cathari. In 1387, Father Septo of Savigliano came tO' 
establish his tribunal in the Church of St. Dona in Pignerol^ 
where he summoned before him a large number of inhabitants of 
the surrounding places, both from the mountains and from the 
plain, and very thoroughly indeed did he do his work of prosecution 
in the valleys. The fact that becomes most incontestably evident 
is the intimate and intertwined co-existence of Waldenses and 
Cathari. What brought them thus together? Was it a mis- 
understanding, or a comprise ? The fact is that the Inquisitors 
were puzzled to distinguish between them.^^^ In 1403 the monk 
Vincent Ferreri visited the valleys of the Alps, and there he too 
remarked upon the co-existence of the Waldensian refugees with 
" the Gazari."^**^ Finally, in 1451, a man named Philip Eegis 
came down from Yal St. Martin to Pignerol, on account of a 
charge of heresy brought against him by the Judges. His cross- 
examination shows that he himself was no longer able to dis- 
tinguish between the doctrine of the Waldenses and that of the 
Cathari ; and yet this is the man who, in the absence of the 
Elders, would have been obliged to fill their place.^*^ It is, there- 
fore, evident that a mingling had taken place between the Wal- 
denses and the Cathari in the very bosom of the valleys. The 
question of the date at which this happened is an important one. 
Does it suffice to conclude with the historian of the Cathari, that 
their sect took shelter in those valleys " as early as the beginning 
of the fourteenth century ?"^^^' We are inclined to beheve that 
they did not wait till that time ; we think that the Cathari may 

The Waldenses of Italy. 97 

just as well have preceded the Waldenses iu then- retreat or have 
accompanied them thither.^" This would not prevent us from 
recognising the fact that others may afterwards have joined them, 
during the time that they were estahlished there, arriving 
either from France^'** or from the upper regions of Italy.^*^ We 
thus see that even religious circumstances conduced to facilitating 
the establishment of the Waldensian colony in the valleys of 
Piedmont ; nor must we lose sight of political circumstances as 

At the moment of the Waldenses' arrival, anarchy threatened 
everywhere. The Pope reigned almost absolute ; he was the 
" roi-soleil" of nations. The Emperor, with his train of vassals, 
—a more or less luminous, but frequently eclipsed satellite 
circled around him. The feudal edifice was shaken ; it threatened 
to tumble down at the people's call for liberty. The Church, ever 
encroaching, was taldng possession of kingdoms, dukedoms, and 
lesser manors. Its power penetrated with that of the Empire, 
even into the little valleys of the Cottian Alps. In 1032 the 
royal dynasty of Burgundy ceased to exist. On account of their 
strategic and, commercial importance of the passes over the 
frontier, the feudal lords struggled for their possession as they had 
done under King Cottius, the Longobards, the Saracens, and the 
Hungarians, and this struggle they carried on, notwithstanding 
Imperial intervention. The French slope belonged to the county 
of the Dauphin, as did also Val Pragelas ; the Italian slope 
formed a part of the domain of Savoy. Sometimes one Prince, 
sometimes the other, was dominant ; both had to deal with 
bishops, to whom were confided certain privileges and the charge 
of Abbeys which were being enlarged. Among the latter was the 
Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol, of the Benedictine order, whose 
foundation dates back to a very early period. In 1064 it 
received from the Duchess Adelaide a rich grant of territory. 
Twelve years later, this princess ceded to it all her rights over 
the valleys of the Perosa and St. Martin, and finally she presented 
to the Abbey the Castle of Pignerol and its dependencies.^'*'' All 
these gifts were confirmed by the Popes Calixtus II., Victor II., 
and Urbanus II., together with the grants of new privileges."'' 
While the Abbey of Pignerol was flourishing, that of Villar in Val 
PeHs was in ruin. The lord of those places had chosen for his 
residence the hill that rises on the right bank of the river, at the 


98 The Waldenses of Italy, 

point where the little valley of Eora opens. He was placed there, 
it is believed, by the Marquis of Susa, to keep the passage of the 
Alps.^*^ It would be difficult to say from whence this lord sprung. 
It has been supposed that he had Longobard blood in his veins, 
and was related to his sovereign ; a family tradition states that 
the head of the house of Luserna was a monk.^*^ If this be 
so, the monk did better service to the Church by breaking his 
vow of celibacy than by keeping it, for the house of Luserna 
furnished more than one Prior to the abbeys of St. Justus, 
Novalese, St. Michael, Staffarde, Cavour, and Pignerol. The 
genealogical tree begins with Henry of Luserna. His son 
WilHam exercised full right of seigniory in the valley. In 1154, 
he granted some lands in the Alps to the x^bbot of Staff"arde. He 
had three sons— Henry, whose line soon died out ; Hubert, from 
whom the Manfredi and Billours are sprung ; and, finally, Peter of 
Angrogna, father of Richard, Podestat of Pignerol, and of Berenger 
from whom the Rorengs were descended. The three famihes of 
the Manfredi, Billours, and Rorengs, were perpetuated to modern 
times ; the last two have now disappeared ; that of the Manfredi still 
exists.^^*^ On the arrival of the Waldenses, the seigniory of the 
valley was divided between William's sons. The prestige of the 
house of Luserna was on the increase ; and although there are no 
traces of their having used a coat of arms down to the thirteenth 
century, this is not very strange, for the same thing obtains with 
the house of Savoy, and every one knows that coats of arms are 
the result of gradual development. At first they have a personal 
and therefore unnoticed origin ; then they appear in public, after 
which they flourish and bloom with the name they adorn and 
symbolize, when, in consequence of the alliances and privileges 
which are successively entered upon from time to time, fresh 
quarterings and additions are made. During the thirteenth 
century, the seal of the lord of Luserna was a little star, 
surrounded by thick darkness. ^^^ Later, it bore the well-known 
inscription, " Lux in tenehris lucet,'' and the addition, " Vcrhuyn 
tuiim, Dojimie, lucerna pedum meorujii." This religious 
symbol, its origin easily explainable by the monkish origin of the 
house of Luserna, contains nothing which would indicate the 
existence of any protest in the bosom of the Church.^^^ That 
motto, like so many others of its kind, was, after all, and notwith- 
standing all embellishments, but a lamp without oil.'^^^ With the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 99 

coming of tlie Waldenses came the oil to fill that lamp which then 
was kindled, and continues to burn even unto this day.^^'* 

By crossing the frontier and descending into the valleys, the 
Waldenses escaped from the power of Giii VI., Count of Yienne. 
This at first they may have regretted, but it seems highly im- 
probable that at that critical time, and in the face of an uncertain 
future, they should have thought ofsoliciting from him the annexation 
of the higher localities of Angrogna which they bad just invaded. 
A chronicle, but one too modern to deserve absolute credit upon so 
special a point, goes so far as to state that they obtained this 
privilege. -^'^ Even if credence be given to the chronicle, it 
only indicates that, under the reign of that prince, settlements 
were possible, and some measure of liberty was enjoyed at a time 
when, on the other side of the frontier, all was anarchy and 
disorder. About this time there arose upon Italian soil another 
prince, whose valour and hberal-minded dealings caused him to be 
beloved by his new subjects. 

Count Thomas I. of Savoy, born in 1178, the son of Humbert 
III. and Beatrix of Burgundy, came of age in 1192, and from the 
beginning strove to bring about the union of his hereditary 
estates, divided by recent revolutions. The difficulties he had to 
encounter in his task were due to clerical reaction and small 
vassals. At Pignerol the people groaned under the yoke of the 
monks, and as early as 1198, Count Thomas had been called 
thither by the inhabitants, to support their complaints against the 
jurisdiction of the Abbot of St. Mary. " This is the first time," 
writes a Canon of that town, " that there has ever been seen princely 
authority disputing with the abbots concerning the exercise of 
their temporal power, without, however, daring to contest it or call it 
in question. "2^" The Bishop of Turin also had provoked disorders 
owing to his grievous exactions ; but he had been obliged to 
yield. Jacques Carisio, Abbot of the Benedictine order, who suc- 
ceeded him in 1206, acted as if he meant to hinder the prince in 
his purpose. Tired of his intrigues, and those of the Prior of 
the Pignerol Abbey and a few other lords, Thomas took up arms 
and carried war into Piedmont. When he arrived under the walls 
of Pignerol, the citizens opened the gates to him, put the city in 
his power, to the Abbot's great displeasure, and proclaimed huu 
sovereign. 2^'' The times w^ere favourable to emancipation ; the 
question for the districts was the shaking olf of the old feudal yoke-, 

E 2 

100 The Waldenses of Italy. 

which had now become intolerable. Pignerol was among the first 
to claim the restoration of her franchise, which dates from the 
year 1220. From that time she continued, day by day, to increase 
in importance, and became the principal city of the still very 
limited territory which constituted the province of Piedmont. In 
the meantime Thomas was raised to the dignity of Vicar of the 
Empire, and the credit of his policy was only increased thereby. 
The Waldenses who had settled upon the heights above the valleys 
were beginning to come down, bringing with them the light of the 
Gospel. The monks of the Abbey were alarmed j^^*^ the Bishop 
of Turin, indeed, bethought himself of driving them back, and 
even out of his diocese ; but he troubled himself without taking 
action, for Prince Thomas, busy in conjuring up still more threat- 
ening storms, needed all his thunderbolts, and thus his attention 
was called elsewhere. There is no necessity, in order to account 
for Thomas' moderation, to make it appear that he, followed 
by all his vassals, had set off on the Crusade against the Albi- 
genses.^^^ He had, in fact, something better to do than to mount 
guard over blaspheming and troublesome monks, while the Wal- 
denses were there to hold them in check at the least sign. As for 
his nobles, they, of course, observed the same attitude, both dis- 
creet and judicious. ^®*^ The chronicle, therefore, speaks the truth 
when it says that while the Prince was " so busy elsewhere, these 
poor Waldenses, who were hardly known, or were looked down 
upon as miserable wretches, were not hindered in the least, either 
by Thomas or the Lords of the Valleys of Piedmont, from settling 
in those mountains, almost by the same means and under the same 
conditions as in those of Pragelas in Dauphiny."^®^ 

In 1226, Frederick II. descended into Lombardy, and there 
organized the Ghibelline party. The following year, Turin and 
Pignerol, with Count Gui VII. of Vienne, together joined the 
Lombard alliance. Pope Gregory IX. hurled a sentence of 
excommunication against the Emperor, whilst an army went up 
from Milan into Piedmont, and was there defeated by Count 
Thomas. Overpowered by new complications. Count Thomas was 
afterward persuaded to grant the franchise to the city of Chamberi ; 
then he betook himself to the siege of Turin, where he was over- 
taken by death on the 1st of March, 1233. Amadous IV., his 
successor, was also obliged both on the north and south side of 
the Alps, with sword in hand, to stand for his rights. On the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 101 

south side his sovereignty had not taken deep root. The city of 
Pignerol, like Turin, professed to be loyal, but the profession 
was all ; Amadeus, therefore, surrendered his claims upon Pied- 
mont to his brother, Thomas II., and constituted him his repre- 
sentative. The latter repaired to the spot ; lie negotiated with 
Alboin, Abbot of Pignerol, and he obtained the rights and 
privileges which the latter had quietly re-appropriated, and, by 
an agreement concluded on the 31st of January, 124(5, he founded 
in this city the house of Achaia.'^"- The treaty concluded with the 
Abbot, who guaranteed him all rights over the castle, the city, and 
territory of Pignerol, as also over the valley of Cluson, in short, 
the entire sovereignty. On his side, Thomas II. agreed to defend 
the rights of the monastery against all comers. This alliance 
seemed to forebode no good to the Waldenses ; but it does not 
appear to have at once produced those evils which subsequently grew 
out of it. 

The Waldenses dwelt a long time in the valleys before they 
were molested by persecution. The first colonists had sufficient 
time to establish themselves ; they increased and prospered, and 
many of them died full of years, leaving to their children a safe 
asylum. With every returning spring came seed-time, with every 
autumn came the increase, and in the villages the sounds of the 
Hail on the threshing-floor were mingled with the voices of 
children at happy play. 

The colony visibly prospered, nor lacked the observance of country 
festivals and recurring public rejoicing. Here, as in Pragelas, the 
Waldenses are said to have "multiplied furiously."^*^'^ Then- increase 
beyond the power of the land to sustain them caused new swarms 
to leave the Alpine bee-hive. Some bands once more crossed the 
frontier to colonize the banks of the Durance, between Cisteron 
and the county of Avignon. Theii* activity was soon crowned with 
unparalleled prosperity, as is evident from the foundation of the 
villages of Cabrieres, Merindol, and Lormaret,^'^'* and the enlarge- 
ment of the hamlets which ah-eady existed. Other bands spread 
abroad in Piedmont, especially toward Saluzzo, in the valleys of 
Paesano, Crussol, and On^^no ; and also toward ^leane and Susa. 
Many of the Waldenses ventured further away into tlie plain ; but, 
of all those attempts at colonization, the most celebrated is un- 
j|uestionably that of the Calabris. 

102 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The kingdom of Naples, subjugated by the house of Anjou, 
was in course of consolidation under the sceptre of King Piobert. 
This Prince lavished upon his subjects grand promises of peace and 
protection, and they, unmindful of the proverbial untrustworthiness 
of princes' promises, credited them, Piobert had certain rights in 
Piedmont, and seneschals in his service were busy bringing back 
to obedience the rebel communities of Coni, Fossano, and Cherasco. 
Their soldiery, consisting entirely of adventurers and plunderers, 
were, from Saluzzo to Turin, carrying desolation into the adjoining 
neighbourhood, causing more than one Waldensian family to with- 
draw to the shelter of the mountains. With or against their will the 
territories submitted ; but peace did not seem to be established.^^^ 
Meantime while the tide of Waldensian population was at its 
flood and ready to overflow, and when the young and impatient 
were anxious to emigrate, opportunely enough, some of the 
Waldenses happened at an inn to meet a nobleman of Calabria, 
who was then staying in Turin. ^^*^ Some have thought, and it 
seems highly probable, that this personage was in the service of 
one of the king's seneschals, whose duty it was to enrol emigrants. 

The venerable Gilles relates that in the course of the con- 
versation which took place between the Calabrian nobleman and 
the Waldenses, the former, " having heard from them that they 
had need of new habitations, ofl'ered to procure for them vacant 
and fertile lands in Calabria, as much as they might want, 
on the condition that they should in the future pay a reasonable 
revenue to those to whom they might become subject. These 
things were promised on the condition that they should demean 
themselves well and virtuously. Thereupon the Waldenses sent 
capable men to examine the place, and they, having found it a 
pleasant one, were granted a great stretcli of country, producing 
abundantly, as the fruit which there grew uncultivated (and was 
wasted for want of hands to gather it) amply testified. There 
were plains and hills covered with all sorts of fruit trees, growing 
in utter confusion ; among them chestnuts, walnuts, olives, 
oranges, larches, and firs ; there were good pastures and also 
good fields for arable tillage. The bargain which was concluded 
was that, in exchange for a rent for the land occupied, the Wal- 
denses should have the privilege of forming among themselves 
one or more communities, and should be allowed to estabHsh the 
necessary leaders of their people, and impose and exact taxes 

The Waldenses of Italy. 103 

without periuissiou asked or obtained, or tlie rendering of any 
account to any but their own people. An agreement with the lords 
and magistrates, concerning all ordinary and casual rights, was 
also made ; and an authentic deed embodying all these matters 
was obtained. This deed was subsequently confirmed by Ferdinand 
of Arragon, King of Naples. The deputies having returned to 
the valleys, and having reported the above, a large number of 
people prepared for the journey, selling their claims to their 
relatives who remained behind. Young peo^jle got married before 
their departure, then, talcing leave and commending themselves to 
God's keeping, they set out on their five and twenty days' journey 
to their new home, near the town of Montalto in Calabria. In 
the immediate vicinity of Montalto, they first erected and peopled 
the village called Borgo d'Oltremontani, so called from the 
Apennines which lie between the valleys and the new territory. 
About fifty years later, their number having multiplied and 
increased, by the addition from the valleys of new comers, who 
joined them from time to time, they built another village about 
a mile distant from the first, and named it St. Sixtus ; it was 
here that one of their most famous churches was afterward 
placed. Subsequently, in consequence of their rapid increase 
and new arrivals from the valleys, they built and populated 
Vacarisso, Argentine, and St. Vincent. Finally, Marquis 
Spiuello allowed them to build on his estate the walled city of 
Guardia, which stood on elevated ground near the Mediterranean, 
he granting to the inhabitants important privileges, which in time 
caused it to become a rich and notable cit}-. In all these places 
those Waldenses, or Ultramontanes, multiplied greatly. About 
the year 1400, several ^ of the Waldenses of Provence, being 
persecuted at the instigation of the Pope reigning at A\-ignon, 
returned to the Valleys, whence their fathers had gone forth, and 
thence again, accompanied by dwellers in the Valleys, they went 
to live within the boundaries of " rApouille," toward the city of 
Naples, in time building there five small walled cities, namely, 
Monlione, Montalto, Faito, La Cella, and La Motta. Finally, 
about the year 1500, a few from Fraissiniere and other Walden- 
sian Valleys went to live in the town of Voltura, near the five 
small cities, founded by their predecessors. After this exodus in 
1500, the Waldenses of the Valleys did not to any great extent 
go forth colonizing, though it is true that in time they spread to 

104 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the other parts of the Kingdom of Naples, and as far as Sicily,, 
as well as to other places.^*''' 

Thus did the population of Calabria gradually increase. In the 
days of the Reformation it numbered nearly four thousand souls. ^''* 
We shall later recount how the colony came to an end. Far from 
its sheltering mountains, isolated in a Roman territory, ex])osed 
to political storms, it is a miracle that it lived at all ; but it was 
destined to succumb to the tirst persecution instituted against it. 
What astonishes us at first is that this should have been so long 
in bursting out, when we consider that it had already been 
ordered, by the head of the house of Anjou, against heretics, 
undoubtedly for the most part Cathari, who more than fifty years 
before had scattered themselves throughout the Southern countries 
of Italy. •''■^ There are, however, two circumstances which will aid 
us in understanding the matter. On the one hand, the lords of 
Pugiia and Calabria, as well as their King, were evidently 
interested in fostering the establishment of the colony ; on the 
other, although denounced in open council, the schism of the 
Waldenses was not an accomplished fact. They went to mass 
now and then, and still had their children baptized by Catholic 
priests. It is true that missionaries visited them occasionally, for 
the purpose of instructing them in the Holy Scriptures, hearing 
their secret confession, and keeping up their relations with theii' 
brethren in the North ; but aU this was carried on without any 
noise and with all the precautions rendered necessary by danger. 
Nevertheless, persecution began to trouble the Waldenses in their 
Alpine retreat. 

We saw that the monks of the Abbey of Pignerol were not 
ill-situated for spying out the arrival of the Waldenses. The first 
to take alarm, they naturally denounced them to the Abbot of 
their order, Carisio, Bishop of Turin. He meditated an appeal to 
the Emperor Otho TV., who had just overcome his rival in 
Germany, and had gone down into Italy to receive the Imperial 
crown at the hands of the Pontiff. To that end the Prelate 
prepared an edict of persecution and waited for a favourable 
moment to have it sanctioned by the monarch ; but just as the 
opportunity seemed to present itself, it suddenly disappeared. 
The Emperor, who had granted the clergy of Turin certain 
privileges,^"*' was excommunicated by the Pope for invading the 
States of Frederick II., King of Sicily, Thereupon he hastened 

The Waldenses of Italy. 105 

-once more to cross the mountains, and the edict was not si<,'ne(l ; 
but the draft remains, and it has its vahie, for the Waklenses are 
there mentioned, for the first time since their arrival in Piedmont. 
It was drawn up about the year 1210, and this is its tenor : — 

" Otho, by the grace of God, an ever-august Emperor, to liis 
well-beloved son, the Bishop of Turin. Grace be unto you and 
good-will. God's clemency is manifestly visible in this, that, 
actuated by the error of incredulity, he reveals to bis faithful ones 
the truth of faith. Indeed, the just live by faith, and whoever 
believes not is already condemned. Therefore, not having received 
the grace of faith in vain, we desire that those who endeavour, by 
means of the wickedness of heresy, to extinguish in our Empire 
the light of the CathoHc faith, be punished with severity and be 
everywhere separated from the body of the faithful. We send 
you, therefore, upon the authority of these presents, an order to 
expel from the entire diocese of Turin the Waldensian heretics, 
and whomsoever there may be who are sowing the tares of false 
doctrine and opposing themselves to the Catholic faith, no matter 
what the error be founded upon, conferring upon thee at the same 
time permission, complete authority and full power, in order that 
by thy dihgent care the garner of the diocese of Turin may be 
thoroughly cleansed from all wickedness, which raises its head 
against the Catholic faith." ^^ 

This decree remained a dead letter. There remained nothing 
for Carisio to do but to place the matter either in the hands of 
Prince Thomas, or before the Apostolic See. The Prince was 
hardly in the proper humour to gratify his wishes ; but when, a 
few years later, he received the keys of the Castle of Pignerol from 
the hands of the prior of St. Mary's, in compliance with the 
entreaties of the latter, it is possible that he may have authorised 
the following decree, which we read, under an uncertain date, 
among the first statutes of that city : " Whoever shall knowingly 
harbour a Waldensian man or woman shall pay ten sols for every 
ofience."^"^ This fine seems insignificant, but it is estimated that 
it was equivalent to about 280 francs.^^^ The decree this time is 
really authentic. It is nevertheless possible that the sanction of 
one of Thomas's successors ought to be recognized here and not 
his own.^^'^ 

This much had to be said concerning the Prince. The 
Roman Pontiff" naturally hstened intently to the statements of the 

106 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Bishop wlio had been outwitted, owing to the unexpected 
departure of the Emperor Otho, whose coveted signature he had 
hoped to obtain. The anathema was hurled, and there was no 
thought of stopping it for so small a matter as the want of a 
signature. The Waldenses of the Alps, unlike the Albigenses, 
did not constitute a danger or obstacle to the establishment of 
papal supremacy. Innocent III. had just then received the 
backsliding Waldenses into the fold. He was out of patience 
with the recusant and did not feel inclined to spare them any 
more than their brethren the Cathari, but his power was limited. 
Although let loose against heresy, the Albigensian crusade was 
confined by political circumstances to certain localities. Had he 
but been able to double it, so as to strike Lombardy also and 
cleanse it of its inveterate and manifold heresies, then would 
certainly have been seen fire and sword spreading terror abroad, 
and the fate of the Alpine refugees might well have been an evil one. 
However, even under such circumstances, the Pope could not 
have flattered himself that he would certainly witness the dis- 
appearance of all the little foxes, so much was his entire vineyard 
infested by them. * To destroy them there would have been need 
of an ideal, a universal, Crusade — that is to say, one which it would 
have been impossible to carry out. Nevertheless, this ideal and 
regular Crusade, which realized the dreams of priestly tyranny 
was in another way instituted. Every one recognizes it in the 
Inquisition. Instead of rushing like wolves upon the heretics, 
the priests seemed to say to themselves, " Let us like the spider 
lie in wait for them in the dark ; or in the garb of the shepherd, 
let us kill them after the manner of Agnelet, ' to keep them from 
dying.' " Did Innocent foresee how profitable this change of 
tactics would be to the Church ? ' Perhaps not. He had foreseen, 
however, that the Church might look to the armed bands of the 
Mendicant Orders for powerful assistance. It is even said that 
towards the close of his life he became a monomaniac on this 
subject. The Basilica of St. John of the Lateran appeared to 
him in a vision to be on the point of falling dowai, when two 
imknown men stepped out of the darkness and rushed forth to 
support it ; they were Dominic and Francis of Assise. However 
that may be, at the fourth Lateran Council, held in Rome in 
1216, he confirmed to the letter the condemnation of the Waldenses 
pronounced more than thirty years before at the Council of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 107 

Yerona, uot however, without addiug special prescripts, conceived 
with the purpose of enclosing the ecclesiastical world in the 
meshes of the Inquisition. Each Bishop was ordered to establish 
in every parish a lay committee of informers against heresy.^"^' 
Yet, after the idea had been started, it was soon discovered that it 
would not succeed in that way. The machine was perfect, but 
one wheel would not work, and this was the part assigned to the 
laity. The fact is that they had not the instincts of the hound, 
which, with keenness of scent, are only to be acquired in the 
seminary. Gregory IX. knew this very well, and he let the 
monks loose. He had the choice between two orders — the 
Franciscans and the Dominicans. It is known that, in order 
better to overcome the Waldensian protest, both brotherhoods had 
begun to imitate it ; the former by leading a life of poverty, the 
latter by fiUing the office of preachers. The vocation of the 
Dominicans was particularly obvious. They had made their first 
sortie before the Crusade, and were upon the heretics' tracks ; 
they had also gained the confidence of the Bishops, by their self- 
denial, zeal, and dialectic skill. Briefly, they had become 
the monks of ready help ; it was to them, therefore, that the 
Pope applied. He succeeded by their means in disciplining the 
Inquisition, and in urging it to action of a resolute kind ; that 
was not done in a day, but still sufficiently speedy. What was 
needed to establish the Inquisition was a solid and legal 
foundation, namely, dogma, law, a code, and the support of the 
secular power. Now, none of these elements were lacking. 
Dogma was there, within reach of all, saying by the mouth of 
every priest, that heresy is the greatest of crimes, because it 
oftends against the Divine Majesty. If anyone, therefore, be guilty 
of it, he must be dealt with by the Yicar of God, the Supreme 
Judge, the Emperor who does not bear the sword of Justice in 
vain. Of course the heretic deserves, at least, the penalty 
incuiTed for high treason, namely, the loss of all property, 
and death ; yet the Church desires not the death of the 
sinner, but rather that he should turn from his wickedness 
and live. If he be converted he shall live ; but for this 
clemency he must recant and do penance. If he refuse to be 
converted, then shall no mercy be granted to him. It will not 
suffice that he be excommunicated ; he must be delivered up to 
the secular arm and die ; it will be but justice. '^'''^ Thus heresy 

108 The Waldenses of Italy. 

was made to become a public crime — even the greatest. The law 
which made it so, being once obtained and formulated, the anvil 
was at last found upon which were successively hammered out 
the codes of inquisitorial procedure. The Dominican Code was 
sanctioned in 1232 for Aragon, Germany, and Austria ; the 
following year, thanks to the decrees of the Princes, who seem to 
have been as zealous as was Gregory IX. on this point, it was 
authorized in the South of France and Lombardy. Among all 
these decrees, we easily understand the decision of tone of the 
Emperor's ; yet it is surprising, and justly so, that Frederick, 
the old heretic, should have been the promulgator, and that he 
should have devoted all his Teutonic fury to such a villainous 
enterprise. At the time of his coronation in Rome, on the 22nd 
of November, 1220, he assumed an Olympian attitude, and hurled 
his first thunderbolts in the shape of a decree against the heretics. 
Nor did it strike the air only, for that decree was only the first of 
a whole series of legislative edicts. When he arrived at Padua 
he reiterated his edict more than once, aiming at Lombardy. 
Then he entirely dropped the mask ; his religious intolerance was 
evidently made to subserve his fierce political ambition, and this 
led him to sacrifice whatever principles he may have had, and to 
ape the Pope, at the very time, perhaps, when he flattered himself 
that he was deceiving him. When he writes from Catania to the 
Bishop of Madgeburg, his legate in Lombardy, concerning heresy 
which was springing up, it might well be thought from his language 
that he was quite disconsolate. He sighs over the hostile 
heretics.^^* He complains of them to Pope Honorius III., and 
impeaches those free — nay, too free — cities which are so ungrateful 
to him for his zeal.^- '^ Meanwhile, his decrees are enacted into con- 
stitutions, and he goes on adding to their number. Yesterday, 
the thunderbolts ; to-day, hail. He took measures for having his 
decrees well posted up, and above all, observed by all his officers, 
podestas, consuls, and rectors.^^*^ Nay, more, like a good 
successor of Barbarossa, he took the trouble to urge even the 
priests to hunt up heretics^^'' and to revive the zeal of the 
Pope,^*^^ which was hardly necessary, as it had not grown cold. 
Meanwhile, his cunning and angry glance had turned toward the 
North of Italy, for there the heart of Italy was still beating ; there 
was yet a remnant of liberty, which upon him had the effect of a 
pestilence. It might be thought from his words that he was 

The Waldenses of Italy. 109 

alarmed. If the North were to defile the ISIecca of the West, he 
would be grieved, and he would not like to have his sainted island 
contaminated by it.^''^ Was he in earnest, or was he laughing 
behind his political mask '? At any rate, liberty of thought, 
which he misused so badly, had in him a deadly enemy, and the 
tribunal of the Inquisition could not have been set up under better 
auspices. Undoubtedly, if the infernal machine had worked 
according to the wishes of its sponsors, it would have anticipated 
a certain steam guillotine imagined by a modern satirical poet, 
which in three hours 

fa la testa a centomila 
messi in fila.^'-"' 

But the heretics were a stirring folk, who did not allow them- 
selves to be thus dressed in line. Theoretically, it could be very 
quickly dune. Cathari, Poor of Lyons, Patarins, Passagins, 
Josephites, Arnaldists, Speronists, etc., all would be aimed at, 
riddled with bullets, and sent to the gibbet. A stroke of the pen : 
the signature : and the decree would be enacted. Practically, it 
was another thing ; here is a case of art being difficult. The 
opposition was strong. The executioners had their martyrs. 
Victory in the Crusade soon smiled upon them in the South of 
France ; but two Inquisitors of the province of Alby were mas- 
sacred, and those of Toulouse and Narbonne escaped the same 
fate, but not without difficulty. Finally, heresy disappeared. 
Thousands of fugitives had reached the sea or the mountains to 
take refuge in Lombardy. It was there that resistance centred, 
but in vain, for it had to be broken. Honorius III. first sought 
to apply to that resistance the decrees of the last Lateran Council. 
The podestas were slow to obey, for they feared to cause an 
uprising ; they contented themselves for a while with slight 
vexations. Here, a house where the heretics held their meetings 
was pulled down ; there, the castle of a Patarin lord was razed 
to the ground. Nor did the Waldenses' house in Milan — no 
doubt well known, as the Pope had heard it spoken of — escape 
these first severities. Once before it had been destroyed and 
again rebuilt.^^^ Its days were now surely numbered. One more 
message fi-om the Pope, and then the repression began in earnest. 
Until the monks of the Inquisition arrived or set about their work, 
the Archbishop took charge of heresy ;^®^ but he was driven out 

110 The Waldenses of Italy. 

of the city. Quiet was re-established ; then, suddenly, a loud 
alarm bell was heard ; the Emperor Frederick has sent out a 
decree which concerned the civil power, and, therefore, the com- 
munes. The clergy, hardly secure, attempted a decisive step 
with the podesta ; the latter still hesitated, and convened the 
assembly of the people. It met on the 13th of January, 1228, 
and decreed that : Heretics should be forbidden to reside either in 
Milan or in the villages under its jurisdiction ; their houses should 
be demolished ; their property confiscated ; whosoever should 
harbour them should pay twenty-five pounds ; whoever should 
rent them a lodging, fifteen pounds ; finally, an inquisitorial com- 
mission should be elected to seek out the guilty, it should be 
composed of twelve citizens and four mendicant monks. This 
was a mark of deference to the Pope, but he clamoured for 
decrees. The following year a Legate made the podesta and the 
assembly of the people swear to observe that law without mercy. ^^^ 
Everything was sworn to ; still, somebody had to be found who 
would bell the cat. The Cathari and Patarin party had adherents 
among the leading citizens ; the wealthiest belonged to them, 
and sheltered the "perfect" in their castles, just as their co- 
religionists had done in the South of France. Robert Pacta and 
Lantelmi received them in their domains ; the lattei- even put 
them in possession of one of his castles. Still the clerical tide 
was rising. The podesta looked to see which way the wind was 
blowing, and said to himself that it was favourable to clerical re- 
action, and that he was ready for anything. Thereupon he started 
and began to incite people to fall upon the heretics. He enforced 
the decrees of the Council, of the Emperor, and of the Arch- 
bishop. He even issued one after his own taste, which reads as 
follows : — 

"In the name of the Lord and in this year 1233, of the 
Incarnation, on a Friday, the I5th of September, the seventh con- 
vocation under the administration of Oldrad of Tresseno, Podesta 
of Milan, the Dominican friar, Peter of Verona, by virtue of the 
authority in him vested by the Pontiff against the heretics, as set 
forth in a charter attested and drawn up by Obizzon Scazzago, a 
notary of Milan, in 1232 ; by virtue also of the authority in him 
vested by the commune of Milan, and bestowed in the general 
assembly against the above mentioned heretics, as stated in 
another charter extracted and translated bv Singhimbaldo della 

The \\ali)KN8Es ov Italy, 111 

Torre, notary and kniylit of this community, the said Peter has 
decreed and ordained that the chapters, hereinafter set forth, he 
nunihered among the other statutes of this repuhlio, which chap- 
ters are contained in the letters of the sovereign Pontitf, addressed 
to the friar Peter of Verona, hy virtue of whicli all heretics are 
anathematized ; Cathari, Patarins, Poor of Lyons, Passagins, 
Josephites, Arnaldists, Speronists, and others of divers names, 
having difi'erent faces but united together by the tail, whicli 
heretics, being condemned by the Church of God, must be in like 
manner condemned by the secular arm." 

The decree does not end here, but it goes no further than to 
transcribe the dispositions already issued by the Pope as well as 
the Emperor. These state that the impenitent heretics render 
themselves liable to the penalty of imprisonment for life ; those 
who conceal or uphold them, to excommunication first, which 
involves the forfeiture of civil rights, then, in case of impenitence, 
the penalty inflicted upon the heretics themselves. Finally, the 
decree concludes : — 

'' No layman is allowed to discuss, either in public or in private, 
the subject of the Catholic faith, under penalty of excommunica- 
tion. Anyone who may hear of heretics gathering in secret 
conventicles, or celebrating rites and usages apart from the com- 
munion of the faithful, shall hasten to report to his confessor or 
other person, who shall also surely inform the prelate, this again 
under pain of excommunication. Children of heretics, and those 
who conceal or defend them shall, until the second generation, be 
incapable of holding ecclesiastic offices and benefices. Further- 
more, the houses of those who shall rashly receive such heretics 
into the city shall be demolished without delay or appeal. If 
anyone knows a heretic, and does not denounce him, he shall be 
fined twenty pounds ; and in default of payment he shall be 
banished. Moreover, the sentence shall not be remitted without 
payment of the said sum. Finally, those who conceal and defend 
heretics shall be deprived of the third part of their possessions, 
for the benefit of the commune of Milan ; and in the case of a 
second oflence they shall be driven out of the city and jurisdic- 
tion, and shall not be permitted to return within a certain time, 
without having dreed the aforesaid penalty."^'''* 

The podesta kept his word, and the proof is that an eques- 
trian statue was awarded him as "the defender of the faith." It 

112 The Waldenses of Italy. 

was placed on the facade of the ancient palace of the commune, 
in the Broletto Nuovo, now called the Merchants' Square, and there 
it stands unto this day. Upon it is the following inscription : — 

Atria qui grandis solii regalia scandis 
Civis laudensis fidei tutoris et ensis 
Presidis hie memores Oldradi semper honores 
Qui solium struxit Catharos ut debuit uxit.^^^ 

But all these things did not happen in a day, though Peter of 
Verona, the invincible, of Moneta, Rhenarius Saccho, and many 
others co-operated and gave themselves heart and soul to the work 
of repression. When the persecution began to rage Frederick 
accused the Pope of growing slack — nay, he accused Gregory IX. 
of actual complicity. ^^"^ It was, thanks to that perfidious monarch, 
who, with a light heart, sacrificed the holiest of liberties on the 
altar of his human ambition that the Inquisition worked prodigies ; 
Milan purged itself with the blood of heretics of the offence 
given to Frederick II. to such an extent as to earn the praise of 
Gregory IX. ^^'' Even after all these things heresy still existed. 
Several of the principal lords of the city continued to protect it ; 
meetings were held, sometimes at the house of the chief standard 
bearer, d'Allia, sometimes at the castles of La Gatta, or Mon- 
gano. The rage of the Inquisitors urged them to such unheard 
of excesses, that at last the indignation of the people burst forth. 
Peter of Verona was killed ; Rhenarius Saccho fled ; Moneta only 
escaped death by, crucifix in hand, arresting and sending to the 
stake those who had sworn to do away with him. The monks 
were again hindered in their work of repression by the influence of 
Ezzelino da Romano, a satellite of Frederick II. In 1280, the 
famous Guillelmina, with her dreamy ideas concerning the Holy 
Spirit, of which she believed herself to be the mouthpiece, had a 
whole people for her admirers. The Inquisition had now paused 
in its work, and by degrees quiet was restored. At the same 
tiine the other communes of Lombardy submitted in their turn, 
each one reading in its own fashion the decrees issued by the 
authority of the Church and backed by that of the Empire, though 
this also was gained only at the price of sanguinary struggles. At 
Brescia resistance had even got the upper hand. Pope Honorius 
III. tells us that the heretics burned the churches and that, from 
the top of the towers, they threw firebrands down upon the city 

The Waldenses of Italy. 113 

as a symbol of anathema against the Church of Rome and its 
adherents. He commanded the Bishop of Rimini to repair 
thither, and to raze to the ground the castles of the most guilty 
lords, such as the Gambara, Ugoni, Orani, and Bottazzi, but only 
to half pull down the towers of those who were less compromised, 
It may be doubted whether this order was literally earned out. At 
Monza, Bergamo, Plaisance, jModena, as far as Liguria in 
Tuscany, and in the cities of Umbria, fighting everywhere took 
place at the approach of the monks, but they were eventually 
obliged to succumb. Notwithstanding all her shrewdness and 
prestige, the Queen of the Adriatic herself became resigned to 
the intrusion of the abhorred tribunal ; she insisted, however, 
that her three " wise men in matters of heresy " should be 
admitted to seats that they might watch over its proceedings. 

Thus fell the strongholds of the dissident reaction. The 
Waldenses are hardly mentioned, for the Patarins had the same 
precedence here as the Albigenses in the South of France. It is, 
however, certain that they met with more than one check. 
In spite of all this, their school at Milan was still standing ; 
whence a constant stream of missionaries proceeded to reap a 
harvest at a distance ; and from all quarters of Germany loving 
eyes were turned toward her as the " Alma Mater." Several, up 
to the year 1325, stiU went there; some from the depths of 
Bohemia, to receive instruction from the lips of theu* venerated 
masters ; others to do homage to the Bishops, and to deliver up 
the amount of the collections made in their churches.^^^ In the 
year 1368, the Waldenses gave the last sign of life that we know 
of, by sending out a circular letter addi-essed to the Brethren in 
Austria, who had become alarmed at the news of the recent 
defections. The ebb tide had set in with full force, but in the 
midst of this raging sea, where everything was being lost, a pale 
ray of light still shone. It came from the lighthouse fixed 
upon the rocky summits of the Alps. Let us return there. 
Rome had already cast angry glances in that direction, and now 
began to bellow forth Anathemas. 

"While the tribunal of heresy triumphed everywhere, thanks to 
the odious complicity of papacy and the empire, it has been said 
that the Lord of Luserna demanded a certain tolerance in 
favour of the Waldenses. Such is the assertion made, and 
furthermore, it is added that this act of magnanimity is connected 

114 The Waldenses of Italy. 

with the treaty of submission to the house of Savoy, made or 
ratified m the year 1233.'^^'^ If this be so, the escutcheou of 
Luserna did momentarily shine with a pure light, too soon, alas ! 
obscured by the darkness of intolerance. It must be granted that, 
with the Abbot of St. Mary on the qui vive, and the Bishop of 
Turin on the watch, the Mendicant friars were early invited to 
come and spy out the Waldenses' retreat. They were, however, 
hardly bold enough to venture in there — and indeed they had good 
cause for their temerity — but were obliged to stay for some time 
in Pignerol. At last a station was established in Perosa. It is 
mentioned in the reign of Amadeus V., under the following circum- 
stances : Amadeus' grand-nephew, Philip, having received Pied- 
mont in appanage, had gone thither to receive the oath of fidelity 
of his vassals of Luserna, Piossasque, and other localities. His 
jurisdiction extended to the far end of the Val Perosa, and we 
read that he maintained an Inquisitor there at his own expense.*'^" 
In 1301, he married the Crown Princess of the house of Achaia. 
It has been ascertained that, on this same date, a monk of 
Bergamo was residing in Perosa, invested with full power to 
" seize heretics of whatever sect, condemned by the Church of 
Rome."^"^ Later, toward the year 1312, allusion is made to a case 
of death by fire for the crime of " valdesie."^'*- The Inquisition 
did not stop there ; it succeeded in planting a garrison in the chief 
town of the valley of Luserna, under the protection of her Lord. 
Thence, slinking into the neighbouring places, the monks made 
their way into the valley of Angrogna, as far as the pastor's 
house, and there hatched their plots. Once they are said to have 
paid dearly for their audacity. One Pope tells us that the 
Inquisitor, John Albert , of Castellazzo, having displayed an 
intention to exercise his office, the inhabitants of Angrogna 
hastily armed themselves and assembled upon the public square. 
Their angry eyes were turned in every direction to find the Priest 
Guillaume.''"^ He appeared after celebrating the mass, deprecatory 
and paternal, as to his air. A cry was raised, " Down with the. spy 
and traitor!" and he was stricken down. Then the people rushed 
tumultuously down the valley and besieged the Inquisitor's 
residence. The place had to be abandoned, of course.** " Castallazzo, 
no doubt, carried his complaint to Pignerol, to the Prince of 
Achaia, and further still. The Lord of Luserna had his mandate 
and he was ordered, not for the last time,**^''^ to lend assistance to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 115 

the judges of heresy. The monks retraced their footsteps, but 
noiselessly. It might be thought that they profited by their 
lesson. In one sense there is no doubt they did ; but if their 
caution increased, their zeal did not diminish. We can now only 
surmise Avhat went on for some time after these events. In 1374, 
an Incpiisitor fell at Briqueras, at tlie entrance of the valley ; it 
was Father Antonio Pavo of Savigliano.^"" Some time before this 
happened there had been a disturbance at Susa ; the monastery 
had been broken into, and the famous Pietro di Ruffia, Inquisitor- 
General of Piedmont, had been despatched.^^^'' Thereupon Pope 
Gregory complained to Amadeus VI., of Savoy, and took advantage 
of this opportunity to exhort him not to permit the thorns of eiTor 
to grow in his States, but to fight valiantly against heretics ; "as 
vaUantly," he added, " as thou didst against the Turks."'*"** At 
the same time the Bishop of Turin received positive mstructions ; 
as a consequence there succeeded some acts of repression. But 
now there was heard a sharp cry of despair, which no iron hand 
could smother. We hear it still re-echoed, as from age to age it 
has been, in the mountains and huts of Pragelas. It was at 
Christmastide of the year 1400 that Borrelli, a Franciscan monk, 
accompanied by a band of hired assassins, intent only on violence 
and carnage, fell upon the villages occupied by heretics. Fathers 
and mothers rushed out of their dwellings, and fled toward the 
mountains, carrying their children with them ; the snow covered 
the ground, and there was none to succour. Without shelter, 
famished, dying of fatigue, the fugitives fell one by one. Men, 
women, and children, they fell asleep upon nature's breast, never 
more to wake. It is said that a band of these unfortunates were 
lost in the ravines of Alberjean. When daylight dawned, the 
mothers held in their arms nothing but dead bodies, and they 
numbered upwards of fifty. For once, pity was not dumb ; its 
voice reached the ears of the Pope, who, it is said, now begged 
the Inquisitor to use moderation.'*"" It may be supposed that on 
the other side of the frontier, times were no less hard. 

In France, the Crusade had mown down its victims by thou- 
sands. Monks and prelates followed the reapers to glean what 
might have been left. The Inquisitor PeHsson mentions in his 
chronicle more than one execution ; for instance, that of the 
woman burned on the day of the canonization of St. Dominic. 
The learned and voluminous reports of Bernard de Caux and Jean 

116 The Waldenses of Italy. 

de St. Pierre deal with 106 localities, and are well wortb 
reading. That of Bernard Gui is no less eloquent ; he is respon- 
sible for the death of 630 persons. " The exact truth," observes- 
M. Donais, " is that he knew of 930 cases of heresy, and 42 
persons were handed over to the secular arm between 3rd March, 
1308, and 12th September, 1322."*^^ For his services Gui was 
promoted to a bishopric. The victims of this Crusade were, how- 
ever, mostly Cathari, rarely Waldenses. There were many, as 
may be inferred from the names we find, who, Cathari at that 
time, afterwards became Waldenses.''^^ Heretics of any kmd were 
accused of " Vaudoisie."^^^ A nun of Lespinasse, of the order of 
Fontevrault, was accused of having given ahiis to Waldenses, 
Hers was a serious case, so she was condemned to go in peace, 
which meant that she was to be confined in a solitary cell, to see 
no one, not even the person from whom she received her food, as 
it was to be handed to her through a little window.^^^ In these 
actions we recognise the relations which existed between the 
South of France and Lombardy ; but as they refer almost alto- 
gether to the Albigenses, their history may be left to that body's 
historians. ^^■^ The Waldenses being less numerous than the Albi- 
genses, scattered less ; they endeavoured to keep together, and 
their tracks did not remain unknown to the " Hounds of the 
Lord,"^^^ who voiced the Bishop to the chase. But the Bishops 
were slow to move, and had to be urged on by the Pope, as we 
see by the admonitions addressed to the Bishops of Vienne and 
Valencia by Benedict XII.'*^'' The number of Waldenses had been 
diminished ; but again, by reason of the increase in the population 
of the higher valleys, and above all, by the return to Dauphiny 
about the year 1350 of those who had fled into Italy, it increased 
sensibly. Dauphiny, and even certain localities of Provence and 
Savoy, were again full to overflowing with heretics, so much so 
that the clergy hardly dared to molest them, or lend assistance to 
the Inquisition, whilst the civil authorities resisted prosecutions. 
Gregory XI. was obliged to interfere. His remonstrances to 
Charles V., King of France, were earnest and oft-repeated.^^'' 
He was particalarly vexed with the Governor of Dauphiny. His 
most pressing appeals were directed to the Archbishops of Vienne, 
Aries, and Embrun. His complaints singularly resemble those 
of the Abbot of Cluny, of venerable memory. " We are in- 
formed," he tells those too peaceful prelates, "that your tern- 

The Wai.denses of Italy. 117 

tories have, for a long time past, become a den of heretics. Your 
predecessors neglected to deal as they should have done with 
such a state of things, and you follow their example only too 
closely. When such is' the case, is it surprising if heretics 
swarm and spread around you?"""^ That was in 1375. Five 
years later, from his see at Avignon, Clement VII. gave the 
signal for new reprisals.""-' Then the fierce Franciscan monk, 
Borelli, who had acquired such an unenviable reputation in the 
valley of the Pragelas, appeared on . the scene. First, he sum- 
moned the inhabitants of Freyssinieres, Argentiere, and Val 
Louise before him. That was to satisfy a mere form. As they 
did not appear, he had them condemned in default, and several 
were burned at the stake, the victims being mostly from Yal 
Louise. Perin says that " as many as one hundred and fifty men, 
several women and a number of their grown-up sons and daugh- 
ters perished." He mentions as being amongst that number, 
Guillaume Marie of Yilar, Pierre and Jean Long, Albert and 
Jeanne Yincent. The victims of this slow persecution were less 
numerous in the other two valleys ; says the same historian, 
they were " to the number of eighty," and he names in that num- 
ber three women, viz. : Astrue Berarde, Agresonne Bresson, and 
Barthelemie Porte. This general sentence was pronounced in 
the Cathedral of Embrun, in 1393, and was executed at Greno- 
ble. ^-'^ Borelli had undoubtedly undertaken to prove that the 
order of St. Francis could be as useful to the Holy Office as that 
of St. Dominic. The proof was, as we have seen, only too con- 
clusive for a leaden silence, doleful and cold, he left in the places 
through which he had passed. It might be compared to that 
which makes itself felt in the mountain hut when a vulture has 
been hanging over it. Half-a-century elapsed, and danger 
seemed to have again drawn off" to a distance, when once more it 
approached, and this time very ominously. It was in the 
year 1460 that a Franciscan monk named Jean Yeylet, provided 
Anth the authority of the Archbishop of Embrun, took up against 
the "\Yaldenses of the valleys of Freyssineres, Argentiere, and 
Louise, the indictment of Borelli, of bloody memory. Peace, 
life, and property — especially property — were threatened ; the 
Inquisition, with its \-illainous mode of procedure, " bled and 
swallowed." The Waldenses' distress was gi-eat ; compassion 
was aroused for them, and they were advised to carry their com- 

118 The Waldenses of Italy. 

plaint direct to the sovereign. They therefore appealed to Louis XI., 
who ordered an inquiry to be made, Avhich was slow, of course, but 
advantageous to them. It established two points — first, that 
the Waldenses were not such as the judges of heresy had been 
pleased to represent them, but faithful subjects, neither wicked 
nor heretics ; second, that the persecution which they were 
made to undergo was too much fomented by the avarice and 
cupidity of judges whose proceedings were most venal. There- 
upon King Louis issued the memorable decree, dated Arras, 
May 18th, 1478, which began as follows : — 

" On the part of the viUeins and inhabitants of Val Loyse 
Fraissiniere, Argentiere and others of our land of Dauphiny, it 
has been made clear to us that whereas they have lived, and 
desire to live like good Catholic Christians without holding, 
believing, or maintaining any superstition, not in accordance 
with the observance and discipline of our Holy Mother Church, 
nevertheless certain Mendicant Monks, calling themselves Inquisi- 
tors of the Faith, and others, believing that by means of vexation 
and molestation they might unduly extort possessions from them, 
and otherwise personally ill-use them, have attempted and do 
attempt falsely to impute to them the holding and believing of 
certain heresies and superstitions against the Catholic Faith, 
and under cover of this have involved and do involve them in 
great complications of suits, as much in our Court of Parliament 
of Dauphiny, as in various other countries and jurisdictions. And 
in order to bring about the confiscation of the property of those 
whom they charge with the said accusations, several of the 
judges and likewise the said Inquisitors of the Faith, who are 
usually Mendicant Monks, have instituted, and do daily institute, 
proceedings against many poor people, without reasonable cause, 
under the cover of the office of Inquisitor, and have also tortured 
some and put them to the rack without preceding inquiry, and 
condemned them for crimes they had never committed, as has 
been afterward found ; and have taken others and exacted large 
sums of money to set them at liberty, and have by various means 
unjustly vexed and molested them, to the great prejudice and 
damage, not only of the said petitioners, but of us and of the 
entire common weal of our estate of Dauphiny. Therefore, 
desiring to provide for this, and not to sufter our poor people to 
be vexed and molested by such unjust means, inasmuch as the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 119 

iuliabitants of the saitl localities say that tliey have ever lived, 
and desire to live like good Christians and Catholics, without 
having ever believed, or held any other belief but that of our 
Holy Mother Church ; nor maintained or desired to maintain or 
believe anything contrary to the sincerity of our faith, and as by 
right, no one should be condemned for the crime of heresy except 
those who, by continuous obstinacy, would persistently maintain 
and affirm things contrary to the sincerity of our faith — We, after 
long and mature deliberation, and in order to obviate such frauds 
and abuses, vexations and undue exactions, have granted to those 
suppliants, and do hereby grant, and of our own certain know- 
ledge, special pleasure, full Royal and Dauphinal power and 
authority, have desired and decreed, and do desire and decree 
by these presents, that those suppliants and all others of our 
country of Dauphiny be relieved from all proceedings ; and all 
the suits which some of them may have been obliged to institute 
because of the above-mentioned matters, we have of our certain 
knowledge full Royal and Dauphinal power and authority abolished 
and do abolish, have put and do put to naught, by these presents, 
and desire that never, for all past time to the present shall any- 
thing be expected of them, on account of these matters in person 
or estate ; nor shall they be even reproached therefor, except, 
however, there be some who obstinately, and Avith hardened 
courage, maintain and affirm anything against the Holy Catholic 

In consequence of this decree, restitution was to be made of 
confiscated goods, without appeal or delay, and the will of the King 
would protect the owners in the future against the rapacity of the 
judges. For, says the decree, " in order to obviate the frauds 
and abuses perpetrated by the said Inquisitors of the Faith, we 
have forbidden and do forbid the said Inquisitors of the Faitli to 
be henceforth permitted to proceed against any of the said inhabi- 
tants of our country of Dauphiny, or to maintain any suit in court 
against them, for the above mentioned or similar causes, without 
having previously obtained for that purpose letters patent from 

One sighs with relief on reading this decree, \\hich would 
appear to have been dictated by a heart that felt for the " poor." 
At all events it is worthy of a prudent king, who was slower than 
the priests to shed blood. It is true that upon one point it sur- 

120 The Waldenses of Italy. 

prises us, especially if there lurk in our mind any prejudice with 
respect to the creed of the Waldenses before the Reformation. 
According to the letter of the decree those who were protected by 
the King had represented themselves as a body of "good Chris- 
tian Catholics." Did this denote cowardice on their part in 
order to avoid ruin, or did the king allow himself to be ill- 
informed by benevolent agents, who were filled with compassion 
for those unfortunate and oppressed people ? The reason may be 
found elsewhere. The Waldenses had the right to call themselves 
Christians — nay, even good Catholics, especially as compared with 
their persecutors, who really were neither the one nor the other. 
Besides the king was not then in the humour to suffer their pro- 
test to be scrupulously examined by the light of theology ; for it 
is evident that, if he had left things to take their course, he would 
have lost the opportunity of re-establishing peace. Let us not 
forget that " Louis by the grace of God, king of France," was, 
even according to the address of the decree, " Dauphin of 
Vienne," and not long before, in writing to the " faithful governor 
of his estates of Dauphiny," he had been interested in doing an 
act of wise policy. The inquiry must have proved to him that 
public conscience, in Dauphiny, revolted against the iniquities of 
the Inquisitor monks. It became important, therefore, to satisfy 
public conscience and rim no risk of alienating from himself the 
affection of those living on the frontier. After all, that would 
always have been the sentiment which would have prevailed in 
the policy of the Princes of the house of France, as well as in 
that of the house of Savoy, had it not been so resisted by the 
corrupt and fatal action of the clergy. Alas ! Princes yield but 
too easily, though sometimes with but an ill-grace. In this case, 
it might be thought that a word would have sufficed to stop the 
persecution, and that the decree having been issued, the appeal of 
the Waldenses would have been satisfied ; but the use that was 
made of the decree by the Archbishop was to cling to the excep- 
tion it contained, and to hold that there existed indeed in the Valleys 
of Dauphiny " some who obstinately maintain things contrary to 
the Catholic faith." In support of this he produced the testimony 
rendered by curates and other agents interested in his cause ; so 
that the case had to be begun over again. " For lack of means 
to defray the expenses of such a long suit," says Perrin, " most 
resorted simply to flight, there being only one among the perse- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 121 

cuted, a certain Jacques Paliveri, who protested against the undue 
vexation, to the prejudice of the letters obtained from His ]\Iajesty, 
and demanded a copy of their proceedings that be might have 
recourse to those whom it concerned. The Archbishop left him 
in peace, persecuting those who had not sufficient courage to 
resist his violent measures." It appears that even some of the 
boldest paid dearly for opposition. Thus " the consuls of Frais- 
sinieres, Michel Ruffi, and Jean Giraud did not get off so 
easily," adds our historian, " for being summoned to appear before 
the said Archbishop, to answer in their own name and in that of 
the inhabitants of the valley, they answered that they had nothing 
to say before the said Archbishop, inasmuch as their suit was 
pending before the King and his Council, that therefore they pro- 
tested and asked for a cop}'. Being urged to answer, notwith- 
standing all protestation to the contrary, Michel Ruffi, tossing his 
head, answered in his language : Veici rages ; and upon renewal 
of entreaties : Veici una hella raison. The Archbishop, irritated 
against the said consuls for such contempt, sent them to the 
stake without more ado."*'- 

"While the clergy of Dauphiny rendered the just edict of Louis 
XI. useless, those of Turin obtained an iniquitous decree from the 
Duchess lulante, elder sister of the King of France, and ^ndow of 
the most easy-tempered of the Dukes of Savoy. 

The Inquisition had never really withdrawn from the attack ; 
on the contraiw it was ever on the watch, and took advantage of 
every opportunity to oppress, still further, the peaceful inhabitants 
of the valleys. An Inquisitor, named Jacques, of Buronzo, near 
No vara, weary of preaching in the desert, and not knowing how to 
proceed against an entire population, had obtained an interdict 
against the valley of Luserna. By this means, which was never 
without result in the Middle Ages, he had been only too successful 
in bringing back more than one Waldensian to the fold of the 
Church. Yet, as the rope will break if it be stretched too mucli, 
he stopped in time, and in 1453 '-^ invoked the suspension of the 
interdict by means of a decree from Nicolas V., holding himself at 
liberty to take up again at any time, with renewed zeal, the 
course of his inquisitorial proceedings. Twenty years later, the- 
AValdenses had to deal with a new Inquisitor called Jean Andre, 
of Aquapendente. We gather from the decree hurled by him 
against the Lord of Luserna. that the Waldenses who had yielded 

122 The Waldenses of Italy. 

to the threats of his predecessor Jacques, had not not become 
Catholics, but had lived and died impenitent ; whence he is care- 
ful to conclude that their possessions had thereby been forfeited. 
His object was to gather this inheritance, to take it away from 
those who held it, in order to divide it between the Lord of the 
Manor, the Bishop, and the Holy Office. On the very first Sunday 
following the communication of the decree, officials who were 
recommended to read the proclamation very distinctly,"*-* made it 
known to the inhabitants of the valley after mass. The house of 
Luserna had then a woman at its head. She decided to submit 
to the decree, but held herself at liberty to do as she pleased 
about carrying it into execution. She regretted, perhaps, that she 
could not appeal to the clemency of a prince, like Amadeus IX., 
of blessed memory, for he had died three years previous. Under 
his reign the oppressed could indeed breathe, and the Jews of 
Chaniberi knew something of this. A Dominican monk having 
preached there to incite the people against them and drive them 
out, the crowd was about to rush upon them, thanks to the 
countenance of an impetuous and brutal nobleman called Aimar 
de Varax, when the Ducal Commissioner appeared on the scene, 
threatening the fanatics with the indignation of the Prince. But 
the times had changed. The regency had just been thrust into the 
hands of the Duchess lolante, and the moment was favourable to 
the judges of heresy. In the towns several Waldenses were seized ; 
more than one promised to change his religion, but for them it 
was a mere change of torture, for they could not avoid the burning- 
fire of remorse. To some it appeared that there was but one way 
of escape, namely, by flight ; some fled in the direction of 
Provence, others towards Calabria. However, the Inquisition got 
wind of their project, laid its snares, and recaptured some of its 
victims. Their fate was no longer doubtful. The martyrdom of 
Jordan Tertian, burned at Susa, and of Hyppolite Eoussier and 
Hugon Chiamp of Fenestrelles, executed at Turin, are cases in 
point ; furthermore, there are those of Ambroise Villerniin and 
Antoine Hiun, who were hung upon the Col de Meane."*-^ Besides 
these there were many others ; but their names are lost. Still 
the grand Inquisitor was meditating a radical repression. The 
decree issued not long before in the name of the Bishop of Turin 
had not produced the desired result. It was true that it could not 
be expected that the heretics of the valleys would be in the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 123 

humour to permit their rights of property to be vioLited, now that 
they were settled there ; but the Lords of Pigiierol aud Cavour, 
aud he of Luserna especially, were not over-devoted to Mother 
Church. The fact is that they did not afford the support which 
was demanded of them, so something had to be thought of which 
would be effective in making them yield it. In the days of the 
blessed Amadeus "those people did not care a bit about us," said 
the monk, "but under the regent we shall see whether they will long 
turn a deaf ear." Thereupon, Andre of Aquapendente went to the 
Bishop Campesio ; they conferred together for a time ; a clerical 
messenger started for the country residence of lolante at Rivoli, 
and a short decree soon appeared, reading as follows : — 

" lolante, elder sister to the King of France, Guardian and 
Eegent of our very illustrious sou Charles, by the grace of God 
Duke of Savoy. 

" To the beloved and faithful Lords of Pignerol, and Cavour, aud 
to the Lord of Luserna, and to all other officers or lieutenants, 
and to the mediate and immediate subjects of our son, to 
whom these presents shall come, Greeting : — Having looked 
into the request and the letter of the Inquisitor of heresy, a copy 
of which is herewith attached, and after examination has been 
made of them by our Council, in our residence, we enjoin you so 
to act, that more especially the people of the valley of Luserna 
may enter within the fold of Holy Mother Church.^-'' And we 
enjoin you all, as many as you may be, under penalty of a fine of one 
hundi-ed marks of silver each, and, with regard to officers, under 
penalty of being deprived of their charge, that the said letter of 
the Inquisitor in its form, spirit, and tenor, and in conformity 
with the requirements of justice, be by you received, considered, 
and obseiTed, and that ye may cause it to be received, considered, 
and observed in its integrity, by all whom it may concern, and that 
you insist upon the full and entii'e execution of it, without per- 
mitting yourselves to be hindered by any opposition, excuse, or 
frivolous exception whatsoever, and without waiting for any 
further order ; and let every one of you fear lest be may incur 
the penalties here above imposed. And since thou, Lord of 
Luserna, here above mentioned, hast refused to carry out the said 
request, and, furthermore, hast retained that letter in thy pos- 
session, at the instance of the Fiscal Attorney-General of Savoy, 
and through the above-mentioned Ducal officers, we summon and 

124 The Waldenses of Italy. 

enjoin thee to appear on the 10th of the month of February before 
our Council, in our residence, where thou shalt be present and 
appear, under the pains and penalties as aforesaid, in order to 
answer before the Fiscal Attorney concerning the charges brought, 
and to be brought, against tliee. Failing in which, on that same 
day, through the Council, thou shalt be made to see and hear the 
declaration of the penalties imposed, and the consequences which 
may result from them. 

" Given at Rivoli, this 23rd day of January, in the year of the 
Lord, 1476.'"'" 

According to what we have just read, the refusal of the Lord 
of Luserna seems to have been expHcit."*-^ That does him honour. 
Still, there is no reason for suspecting him of siding with the 
Waldenses in attempt to break the union of the CathoHc Church. 
All his merit lies in his not responding with warmth to the more 
or less arrogant requirements of the Holy Office.'"^ His prede- 
cessors had protested quite sufficiently concerning their orthodoxy, 
their faithfulness, and the sincerity of their efforts towards the 
extirpation of heresy at Angrogna and St. Jean, as well as at Bobi 
and Villar. Nor was it their fault if, when they lent themselves 
to be the instruments of inquisitorial intrigues, the population 
rose against them ; but that was what did happen.*^" However, 
the Regent of Savoy had hardly signed the decree when her atten- 
tion was called oft" elsewhere by changes in her Kingdom. The 
clerical party, however, who watched so carefully to prevent the 
execution of Louis XL's decree, worked just as hard to ensure that 
the one issued by his sister lolante should not remain a dead letter. 
They endeavoured to enforce it, but at first, almost without result. 
When Charles I. came into power, after the premature death of 
his brother Philibert, he sent delegates to the spot to enquire into 
the state of aftairs,^'"' and finally left the decision with the court 
at Rome. That was the match which exploded the mine of tlie 

Innocent III. had proclaimed the Crusade against the Albi- 
genses ; Innocent VIIL, of bad eminence,^^- was to proclaim the 
Crusade against the W^aldenses. John Baptist Cibo, for that was 
his name, had attained the apostolic chair, thanks to the venality 
of his electors. He had nothing to recommend him. Just as 
the other Innocent had been powerful in character, the present 

The Waldenses of Italy. 125 

one was weak and violent. The Romans bailed his accession 
hnniming the lines : — 

Octo nocens pneros gcnuit, totidemque puellas : 
Himc nierito poterit dicere Roma patrem. '^^ 

If Innocent VIII. had not a soul of steel, he had a face of 
brass. Far from being ashamed, he married off his sons in the 
face of the world, and with every wedding there was a feast at the 
Holy Father's. We do not wish to recall certain wanton scenes, 
which, moreover, were hardly noticed in those days ; but there 
was much talk concerning a mysterious personage, a prisoner in 
the Vatican. His name was J)jem. Fleeing from his brotlier, 
the Sultan Bajazet II. Djem had thrown himself into the arms 
of the great Prior of the Order of Malta. The Pope, seeing in 
this a possibility of gain, made an agreement with Bajazet. "I 
will hold your brother Djem behind the bolts of St. Peter," said 
lie to him, " if you pay me 40,000 ducats per annum for the ser- 
vice," and the bargain was struck, for Innocent was ever ready to 
turn a penny. The curia fixed a tariff upon sins. A crime could 
be expiated for a specified charge, and those able to pay indulged 
in sin at the market price. The Roman chronicle relates a 
villainous anecdote on that subject. Someone chatting one day 
with the Chamberlain of His Holiness, asked why penance was 
no longer obligatory. " It is,'' said the Chamberlain, "because Clod 
desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should live 
and pay," They had gone to that extent. The holy city, a prey 
to anarchy and every vice, was imprecating fire from Heaven 
upon herself. The Pontiff, instead of dressing in sackcloth and 
ashes, in order to avert such a calamity, set himself up as censor 
of the universe, and began to bring about a rain of fire and brim- 
stone. He commenced with the heretics, and appointed the most 
ferocious Inquisitors ; in Spain he appointed Torquemada ; in 
(jermany, Kraemer and Sprenger, whom he provided with a special 
bull, in which Germany is designated a country inhabited by 
sorcerers, male and female, " who had made an impious compact 
with the devil. "^'^ Finally, he proclaimed the Crusade against 
the Turks, and that, too, Avhile he himself was the Sultan's 
deputy gaol keeper. It need not surprise us, if, in the estimation 
of such an Innocent, the Waldenses were nothing but " sons of 
iniquity," worthy of the Papal Gehenna. 

126 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Charles VIII. liad succeeded Louis XI. upon the throne of 
France and Charles I., the warrior, had followed his mother 
lolante and his brother Philibert, the Hunter. The Pontiff', as 
early as 1-485, for the repression of the Waldenses of Piedmont 
and Dauphiuy, accredited a nuncio and a general inquisitor to 
those two Princes. When the moment had arrived, he addressed 
the buU which was to be the signal for the Crusade to the Nuncio. 
It bears the date of May 5th, 1487,'*^' and begins thus : — 

" Innocent, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our 
beloved son, Albert Catanee, Archdeacon of the Church of 
Cremona, our Nuncio and Commissary of the Apostolic See for 
the Seioniories of our dear Son, the noble Charles, Duke of 
Savoy, both on this and the other side of the mountains, and 
Vienne in Dauphiny, and the City of Zion, comprising the diocese 
and neighbouring locahties, greeting and apostolic benediction. 

" The desires of our heart induce us, with vigilant solicitude, 
to look for some means of extricating from the abyss of error, 
those for the salvation of whom the Sovereign Creator of all 
thmo's was himself pleased to endure the sufterings of human 
nature, and to seek their salvation by the help of Divine grace ; 
we to whom he has committed the charge and government of his 
flock have at heart the triumph of the Catholic faith during our 
reio-n, and the extirpation of the wickedness of heresy from the 
midst of the faithful. Now we have been informed, gi-eatly to our 
displeasure, that several sons of iniquity, inhabitants of the 
province of Embrun, adherents of that very pernicious and 
abominable sect of wicked men, called Poor of Lyons or Waldenses, 
which has unfortunately raised itself up for a long time in Pied- 
mont and in the neighbouring places"^^*^ by virtue of the evil one, 
who endeavours with fatal sagacity to ensnare by artful and 
circuitous ways, and in the darkness of precipices the sheep con- 
secrated to the Lord, and to lead them finally to the perdition of 
their souls, causing them to wander, under a certain false appear- 
ance of sanctity, rejected by their own sense, hold the following 
of the path of truth in great abhorence, and observe superstitious 
and heretical practices, say, do, and commit many things contrary 
to the orthodox faith, offensive in the eyes of his Divine Majesty, 
and verv dangerous in themselves to the salvation of souls. Our 
beloved Son, Blaise de Mont-Royal, of the Order of Preachers, 
Professor of Theology and General Inquisitor of those locahties. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 127 

has therefore betaken himself there to induce thcni to alijurc the 
above-mentioned errors and profess the true faith in Christ, and 
to extirpate from among them all sorts of evU, having been 
previously destined for that purpose by the ]Master-General of the 
said Order, and afterwards by our beloved Son, Dominic, Cardinal 
Priest of the title of St. Clement, Legate of the Apostolic See in 
those regions, and finally by Pope Sixtus IV. of blessed memory, 
our immediate predecessor. These people, far from abandoning 
their very wicked and perverse errors, stopping their ears like the 
deaf adder, and adding to the evils already committed, still 
gi-eater ones, have not feared to preach them publicly, and have 
dra^\^lby this means to these same errors, others of Christ's faithful, 
to vilify excommunications, interdicts and other censures of this 
same Inquisitor ; to throw down his house and to take away or 
alienate his goods, as also those of several other faithful men ; to 
kill his servant, to make open war, to resist their temporal Lords, 
to ravage their properties, to drive them with their families out of 
their parishes, to burn or destroy their houses, to prevent them 
fi'om receiving their revenues, and to do them all possible harm ; 
as also to commit an infinite number of other iniquities likewise 
execrable and abominable." 

These things beiiig so, there is nothing for it but the 
extirpation of this accursed sect, and the devotion thereto of all 
possible energy. Consequently, the Nuncio is authorized to call 
for the co-operation of the Archbishops, and to invoke the support 
of the secular arm from the King of France, the Duke of Savoy 
and the Lords, as they shall judge expedient, " in order to pro- 
ceed with armed hand against the said Waldenses and all other 
heretics, and to crush them like, venomous serpents," neglecting 
everything, whether threats or promises, for '* so holy and so 
necessary an extermination."^^'' To all those who shall obey is 
granted plenary indulgence, together with permission to seize the 
heretics' possessions. Then- neighbours and servants, debtors 
included, are loosed from all obligations, but they must withdraw 
fiom their company at the earliest opportunity. Woe to the 
refractory ! Princes and Plebians, Lords and Slaves, all are struck 
at by the interdict. 

Such w'as the signal for the Crusade. What the Waldenses 
had endured thus far in the shape of bloody molestations was but 
" roses and flowers," says Leger, as compared with what was 

128 The Waldenses of Italy. 

about to follow. The tlireateued region was divided among three 
Sovereigns : the King of France, the Duke of Savoy, and the 
Marquis of Saluces. It has been remarked that they took no 
part in the Crusade. That is untrue. They authorised it. Even 
had they been satisfied to remain passive, their attitude w^ould 
have resembled that of the shepherd who permits the wolf to 
enter the sheepfold, but their asistance was not of this negative 
kind. Charles VIII. , King of France, hastened to respond to the 
Pontiff's appeal, with express orders ; he enjoined the authorities 
to lend their support to the Nuncio Catanee.^'^^ It is true that 
these orders can refer only to the district of Dauphiny ; but when 
the King of France set the example, the Duke of Savoy was, of 
course, obliged to bow his head. Charles I., the warrior, was 
therefore, though somewhat against his will, submissive. He 
himself declared his unwillingness, and we must believe him. 
As for the Lord of Saluces he was of no importance, and more- 
over he was not primarily concerned. Albert of Catanee had 
only to follow the path marked out for him. Whilst a few bands 
of soldiers were recruited for him, he reached Pignerol, and 
stopped at the convent of St. Laurent, belonging to the order of 
the Humiliati. From there he sent out a few preaching monks 
towards the vaUeys, to invite the Waldenses to repentance ; but 
it was of no avail. Seeing this the Nuncio allowed the time of 
grace to elapse ; for he tells us everything was done according to 
law and order ;''^^ after which operations commenced. The 
Legate's strategy does not seem to have roused the enthusiasm of 
experts in such work. It is beyond our comprehension ; it seems 
to have been a chase in the dark. Instead of directing his 
forces against a given point, he scattered them in order to let not 
one escape ; but the net of his militia was so much stretched that 
the meshes broke, and the haul seems to have been but inconsider- 
able. It is a matter somewhat surprising that the Legate's 
writings include no mention of the double attack directed against 
the valley of the Angrogna. Perhaps he was not present ; besides 
the check received by his men there does not constitute an ele- 
ment necessary to his narrative, which is essentially apologetic. 
Let us pause a little before taking up again the thread of his blood- 
besprinlded journey across the frontier, while we hear of the 
attack from other sources. 

The Waldexses of Italy. 129 

If we believe the "Waldeiisian tnulitiou, which, as will be seen 
is borne out by witnesses, that against the valley of Augrogua, 
deserves to be mentioned among the principal attacks. The 
reader knows that at the summit of this valley is the Wal- 
denses' sacred refuge, " theii' last earthly refuge," called Pre du 
Tour. Protected as it is on the north by the bare ridges of 
Infernet, on the south by the rampart of Vandalin, on the west 
by the heights of Sella Yegha and Mount Roux, it is almost in- 
accessible, except from the east ; that is to say, to reach it one 
nmst enter by the door. Now the door is overhung on the left of the 
stream by rocks, which command it like the bastions of a gigantic 
fortress, and these natural bastions are guarded by all the force 
available, for behind the front ranks were sheltered the old people 
and the women and little children. So good was the guard that 
the enemy never succeeded in penetrating there during all the 
days of the persecution. Once they almost succeeded, however, 
but before reaching the spot they had already received a check, 
A baud of Crusaders had just climbed the border line of St. Joan, 
the name given to the hills which, at the approaches of the 
Valley of Angrogna, overlook this locality. They had hoped to 
force a passage at the village of Rocciamaneout, but w^ere suddenly 
brought to a standstill by the advanced guard of the "NYaldenses. 
The mountaineers, well stationed, had provided themselves with 
cuirasses and targets made of hides or chestnut bark, and these 
protected them against the arrows of the enemy. The latter, 
greatly superior in nimiber, were obliged to shoot upwards, and 
were therefore at some disadvantage, but the assault was a severe 
one nevertheless, and the position seemed for a moment to be in 
jeopardy. More than one of the Waldenses fell, but the ranks 
were maintained close. The irritated assailants renewed the 
attacks with greater fury. One of the leaders, followed by a band 
of soldiers advanced, breathing out threatenings and violence.^" 
All eyes turned towards him. " God, help us " — the women's 
voices cried — Dio aintaci.^^^ Tradition describes the leader of 
the assailants as a giant of swarthy complexion — a Goliath, full 
as to his mouth of curses and blasphemies, and called by 
the name of the Black One of Mondovi. As he advanced 
suddenly, whether from bravado or because of the heat, he raised 
his vizor, and quicldy a swift arrow, sped b^ Pierre Revel, 
stretched him on the dust. Then terror seized upon the enemy, 


130 The Waldenses of Italy. 

and they fell back in disorder, only to return to the assault by 
another way. The Waldenses now hastened to reach the heights 
of the valley while the Crusaders reascended, and drew out their 
bands in echelon on the left of the stream. Having reached 
Serre, they disappeared in the lowlands beyond the hill and 
entered into the pass of the Rodraille, at the approaches of Pre du 
Tour. At that instant a dense fog unexpectedly fell upon and 
surrounded them, and the path which winds along the Angrogna, 
was lost in darkness. Suddenly, some Waldenses posted in that 
vicinity came out of their retreat ; arrows flew through the fog ; 
rocks were hurled down from the mountain sides ; and with their 
noise the earth trembled and shook. Heaven and earth and the 
inhabitants thereof seemed to have formed a holy alliance against 
the redressers of heresy. The Crusaders, confounded and amazed, 
tried to beat a retreat ; but the narrow path was obstructed by the 
troops behind. Confusion and panic in such a situation was fatal, 
many, looking for a means of escape, slipped and fell from the 
rocks into the torrent below ; many threw themselves down head- 
long, as eager to anticipate their fate. Amongst the number of those 
who perished was Captain Saquet of Polonghera, of the province 
of Coni. It is said that he had just threatened the heretics with 
ceiiain ruin. Tradition says, " This man having fallen from a 
rock into the stream, which is called the Angrogna, was carried 
away, and thrown by it into a large and deep hole, formed among 
the rocks." The pool received thereafter the name of " Gouffre 
de Saquet," and its name ever since has helped to preserve the 
memory of that signal victory sent by heaven to its people. '^^^ 

The rout was complete and disastrous, and little likely to 
appease the wrath of the Nuncio against those who had brought it 
about. According to his account, the case was very different in 
the territory of Dauphiny, which comprised, as will be remembered, 
the valley of Pragelas, where Catanee caused twenty-twi 
Waldenses of Briancon and Cesane to be arrested and brought 
into his presence ; they were, if he is to be believed, among the 
principal people of those localities. He adds that the heretics, not 
satisfied with assaulting the Inquisitor, Veyleti, and covering him 
with wounds, had caused much grief and apprehension to certain 
magistrates and to the good souls in general who had been 
interested in their safety ; and now they wished to drive him from 
amongst them, for when they should have done with the Nuncio, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 131 

they tliou<;Lt they would be left in peace. In short, they had 
stirred up the water ; moreover, Catanee was there to testify to 
the fact, and to re-estabHsh order ; they were, therefore, put to 
torture and forced to confess their faith. Two of their number 
having refused to recant, were handed over to the executioner ; 
as for the others they re-entered the bosom of the Church, safe if 
not sound.''^ The report of this was sedulously disseminated, 
and the preaching monks called upon the people to seize the 
golden opportimity and obtain pardon. Several of the inhabitants 
of Yal Pragelas, and of the neighbouring places, took advantage of 
the occasion, and their return to the faith was celebrated with 
solemnity in Briancon.'*^^ But not all bowed the knee, for many 
belonging to Mentoules, Usseaux, Fenestrelles, and several 
villages in Val Cluson, wishing to avoid this, withdrew to the 
summits of the mountains, and there prepared for resistance. 
When the attack was about to commence, the AValdenses sent 
two men to parley ; they were Jean Camp and Jean Desidere. 
This is what they had to say : — 

" The true faithful of Yal Cluson entreat you, reverend and 
magnificent Lords, not to he led by the speeches of our enemies 
to condemn us without hearing our defence. We are the king's 
faithful subjects, and hold it an honour to bear the name of 
Christians. Our Barbes, who are educated and respectable 
persons, declare themselves ready to prove to you in a manner as 
clear as day, and in open conference, either on the testimony ( f 
the Old or New Testament, that we are orthodox with regard to 
the articles of our faith, and deserve not abuse but praise ; for 
we will not follow the transgressors of evangelic law, and those 
who turn away from the tradition of the Apostles, nor obey their 
wicked institutions. We delight in the poverty and innocence 
which marked the origin and development of orthodox faith. We 
despise wealth, luxury, and lust for power, and all these things 
which are, alas ! too truly the characteristics of our persecutors. 
Now you say that the destruction of what you call our sect, has 
been ordered. Beware, lest you make war against God, and di*aw 
down His wrath upon your heads, and lest, believing you are 
doing right, you be guilty of a great crime, as was the case 
with St. Paul. We have put our trust in God, for we are 
endeavouring to be acceptable unto Him rather than unto men. 
We fear not those who kill the bodv, but cannot kill tlie soul. 

13'2 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Know ye, therefore, that if it be not God's will, the forces you 
have gathered together against us will avail nothing," ^^ 

The Nuncio Catanee answered, and it is unnecessary to say 
how ; that can be easily imagined. He pretended that his 
answer terrified the Waldenses to such an extent as to induce 
them to ask for eight days' grace for reflection, declaring them- 
selves ready to abjure, if convinced of error. Aymar de la 
Koche, Prior of Mentoules, with some few preachers, went to 
visit them, in the hope of touching the heart of this people ; but 
they were not received in the manner they had hoped for and 
desired. "We are in the right; it is you who are the leaders 
into evil," the people cried to them,^^ and the messengers were 
obliged to return without having concluded anything. Then the 
Nuncio, having exhausted all his legal proceedings,**^ gave the 
signal for the combat to commence. The Waldenses, who had 
withdrawn to almost inaccessible heights, armed with arrows 
and short javelins, made a fierce resistance ; nevertheless, a 
number of them perished, especially at the defence of the Mont 
Fraisse cave. Fifteen of the most prominent heretics were sent 
to the stake. The next day the Crusaders attacked another refuge, 
steeper and more formidable : that above the rock of Roderie. 
They combined all their forces for this assault, but the Wal- 
denses were protected by the nature of their position, and the 
soldiers were obliged to fall back before an avalanche of stones. 
Several were killed, and a still larger number were wounded, 
being then precipitated over the rocks. The battle raged with 
much fury from daybreak till evening.**^ In this case, however, the 
persecuted folk were dealing with much more skilful adversaries 
than the Black One of Mondovi and Captain Saquet. King 
Charles VIII. had sent for his lieutenant, Hugues de la Palu, who, 
assisted by the Councillor Jean Ribot, went straight at his work. 
The very next day the Crusaders returned to the assault with 
engines of war, and the Waldenses were obliged to surrender. 
" Prostrate upon the earth," says Catanee, they promised to 
abjure if they were pardoned. Peace was granted them, and by 
the order of the Nuncio, all that multitude set out for Mentoules ; 
there, after a solemn celebration of the ordinary rite, leaving 
their old leaven, and having been made into a new lump, according 
to the word of the Apostle, they re-entered the Catholic 
union. "**^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 133 

Then the Nuncio Catanee crossed Mount Genevre, and went 
to Embrun, for the pui-pose of directing tlie Crusade in the 
direction of the valleys of Louise and Freyssinieres. There he 
repeated the menaces and promises contained in the Pope's Bull, 
and, Avith burning words, stirred up the zeal of the faithful, who 
had hastened to him from several localities of Dauphiny. After 
this prelude, Hugues de la Palu arose, and, at the head of his 
army, invaded first the narrow valley of Freyssinieres. At the 
sight of the soldiery, the inhabitants scaled the heights, and con- 
centrated themselves upon four difierent points, especially on the 
rock calledthe" Church Rock." Hugues, by taking a cross-road, got 
at this last-named vantage ground, and compelled the defenders to 
surrender, the rest soon following their example. Almost 
all went down to perform the act of submission. "You ask for 
mercy, come and ask it at Embrun," answered the Nuncio.'*'" 
They went, but we do not know to what number. 

In Val Louise, the rage of the Crusaders had freer scope, and 
their irritation at the care the persecuted people displayed for 
their Hves and their faith rendered them furious. The refugees 
for the most part betook themselves to a cave, which owes almost 
all its celebrity to this Crusade. It is situated on the slopes of 
Pelvoux, the Viso of the Brianconnais. Almost half-way up that 
mountain is a narrow gorge, which leads to the cave called Aigue 
Fraide, because of the spring which there issues from under the 
glaciers. In front of the opening, stretching out on a projection 
of the mountain is a platform, from which the eye looks down 
upon the siu-rounding ravines. This can only be reached by a 
frightful path, overhanging the precipices. Such is the spot 
where the Waldenses awaited their persecutors. They had pro- 
visioned themselves for two years, says the Nuncio, who was 
present at the assault. At first messengers were sent to summon 
them to perform the act of obedience. That was of no avail,. 
Measure the height of those rocks, answered they, and go 
and tell him who sent you that we are resolved, if necessary, to 
die for our faith.^^^ Catanee harangued the devout troops before 
they mounted to the assault ; but the stones began to roll dowTi, 
and all attempts to reach the platform by a direct ascent had to 
be abandoned. At night Hugues de la Palu bethought him of a 
stratagem, and he conceived the idea of putting it into execution 
the very next day — a Sunday. He managed to get a number of 

134 The Waldenses of Italy. 

youug men to climb from behind, and miperceived to the summit. 
From this point they, by means of ropes, lowered one another to 
a rock that overlooked the entrance to the cave. The Waldenses 
could not see them, nor had they any suspicion of their presence, 
as their attention was taken up by a feint attack, which was 
renewed in order to eflect a diversion.*^^ At the proper moment, a 
simultaneous rush was made upon the besieged from above and 
below, when, taken by surprise, and disconcerted, they were 
vanquished. They were possessed with such terror that more 
than ninety precipitated themselves from the rock. The Nuncio 
says that the survivors were pardoned,^'^^ but tradition sa}s differ- 
ently. It alleges that the soldiers piled up green wood at the 
entrance to the cave, set tire to it, and transformed that refuge 
into a tomb.'*'^'* When an entrance was afterwards made, 3,000 
victims were found, it is said, among whom were 400 children, 
who died in their cradles or in their mother's arms.^^^ According 
to another version, which perhaps falsifies in a different direc- 
tion, there were " thirty families only, numbering in all 70 
persons — men, women, and children. "^^'^ It is to be believed that 
"had the Waldenses been in such small numbers, it would not 
have been necessary to send the lieutenant-governor of the pro- 
vince with a miniature army against them."*^^ The cave is still 
there : a place of horrors. It is called the Balme des Vaudois, or 
the Balme Chapelne. 

The city of Embrun also witnessed the arrival of the poor 
inhabitants of the valley of Argentiere, seeking for pardon. The 
goods of the heretics were confiscated, especially in Yal Louise, 
which it was intended to re-people with Catholics. "Never since 
that time," saysMuston, " has the Waldensian Church risen again 
in those valleys."^^^ On quitting these desolated spots the 
Nuncio left the care of fulfilling his mission to a Franciscan 
monk, named Francois Ploireri, who immediately went to work. 
He summoned to Embrun those Waldenses who had not re- 
entered the pale of the Church, or were backsliders. He insti- 
tuted a number of proceedings against them, and, in order 
that no appeal might be had from his decision, condemned them, 
with the assistance of a Councillor of the Parliament of Dauphiny, 
called Pons. The general sentence having been once pronounced, 
it was posted up on the door, " and at the foot of it were the 32 
articles of the creed of the said W^aldenses.""*^^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 135 

The account of this Crusade may be closed with one more 
incident, for which we are indebted to tradition, narrated by Gilles. 
A battahon 700 stron^^, cHmbing over the pass of Abries, readied 
the heights of Val St. Martin more or less unexpectedly, and fell 
upon the village of Pommiers in the township of Prali."'" Tlio 
advent of the soldiers was discovered in time, ho that while the 
Crusaders were scattering for the purposes of plunder, the " Pralins " 
fell upon them. All, except the colour-bearer, were kiHcd, 
according to Gilles; or, "killed and put to flight," according to 
Muston. The colour-bearer had, during the flight, hidden himself 
in a ravine under the snow. Cold and hunger drove him out at 
last, and his life was spared. " Having cooled down a little, tlie 
'Pralins' let him go unharmed, to carry the news of the total 
defeat of his companions."'*^' 

Thus ended the Crusade, the date of which is not yet fixed. 
According to Waldensian historians, it took place in 1488;'"- 
but the accuracy of this date may be doubted, as it does not agree 
very well with the circumstances which accompanied the event. 
Indeed, we know that the bull of Innocent VIIL, first proclaimed 
at Rome, May 5th, 1487, in the third year of his pontificate, was 
less than two months afterwards (June 26th) repeated " in the 
convent of St. Laurent, without tlie walls of Pignerol. "**'•' The 
season was propitious for its execution, and there is nothing that 
indicates delay. The Crusade, therefore, probably commenced iii 
the year 1487^''-' 

Charles I., Duke of Savoy, had not been indifierent to the 
vicissitudes undergone by his subjects in the valleys.'**^^ Their 
sufl'erings, as well as their courage, had touched his heart. He 
delegated a Bishop to confer with, and assure them as to 
his true feelings. The prelate went up to Angrogna, and 
dehvered his message of sympathy at the village of Prassint. 
It was agreed that the Waldenses should send a deputation, 
composed of twelve of their principal men, to do homage to the 
Duke. Charles awaited them at his castle of Pignerol. He had 
doubtless heard much about the heretics, and what he had heard 
seems to have whetted his curiosity. The deputies arrived. 
The Duke received them with the courtesy and breeding due from 
one of the house of Savoy ; his youth — he was then only twenty — 
rendering it the more charming. According to some, he excused 
himself for having: tolerated such a cruel v^ar ; according to 

136 The Waldenses of Italy. 

others, " lie granted pardon on receipt of such a sum of money 
as should defray the expenses of it."'*'^^ These two versions cer- 
tainly differ materially, but one does not necessarily exclude the 
other ; still, whatever the means, peace was re-established, and the 
Waldenses had the opportunity of becoming convinced that, but 
for clerical interference, they might have enjoyed some little 
liberty. The audience ended in familiar conversation, during 
which children were mentioned. The Duke, who could hardly 
overcome his surprise at the nursery tales which had been palmed 
off upon him, asked with a smile : " Is it true that your children 
are born with a black throat, four rows of hairy teeth, and one 
eye in the middle of the forehead?" Some were presented to 
him, and they took it upon themselves to answer. The Duke 
blushed for having been so credulous, and was indignant with the 
slanderers. This is an anecdote worthy of being chronicled, as 
showing what fanaticism could invent. 

The most advantageous result of the conference at Pignerol 
was peace — a lasting peace which, in the valleys subject to the 
house of Savoy, was not again interrupted until after the Reforma- 
tion. The comments made upon the Prince by the deputies as, 
Avith light and joyful hearts, they returned to their firesides, may 
be surmised, and are undoubtedly reflected in those of Waldeusian 
writers. " God has touched the heart of the Prince," some said ; 
'• God be praised," others added, " our young Duke has harked back 
upon the natural kind ways of his race."''^'' They were jubilant in 
the valleys, and bonfires were kindled on the mountain-tops as a 
sign of rejoicing ; but a mysterious, unexpected, and unforeseen 
grief soon quenched the joy in every heart. The young Duke 
died in that very Pignerol on March 13th, 1490. It has been 
suspected by some that he was poisoned.^^*^ Nothing, however, 
is known for certain ; still, one thing we do know, namely, that 
suspicion did not fall upon the Waldenses, and that none mourned 
his death more sincerely than they : indeed, it came near being 
fatal to them, for its effect was to place the power once more in 
the hands of a regent. Only two years later another death took 
place, which, however, did not cause any regret — that of the 
author of the Crusade. Innocent VIII. had just received a sin- 
gular present from the Sultan ; it was a portion of the lance 
which had pierced the side of our Saviour. He rejoiced so much 
over this, that he ordered a procession to go out and meet 

The Waldenses of Italy. 137 

Bajazet's messenger, in order to receive and instal with siiitaMe 
ceremony the relic, which might indeed, as a symhol, have 
suggested some serious reflections to him. As he was about to die, a 
Jewish physician suggested, as a last remedy, a draught of human 
blood. Tliree apparently motherless young boys were brought ; 
they permitted their veins to be opened, for money which other 
hands received ; but the innocent blood did not help the Pontiff", 
who had ah-eady drunk too much of it. He went to his gi-ave on 
the 15th of July, 1492. 

Still, the peace granted by the Duke of Savoy had not put an 
end to all the effects of the Crusade. In Piedmont it left a dooi- 
open for the molestation of inquisitorial procedure, both regular 
and secret ; clerical reaction, however, had at least been checked. 
In Daupbiny people envied the fate of the subjects of the house of 
Savoy, and not without cause. After the Crusade there happened 
that which always followed war in those barbarous days ; the 
vultures and crows came down upon their prey. In this case the 
vultures were represented by the officials of the Eoyal Treasury, 
and this is shown by the following decree, issued March 4th, 
1488 :— 

" Charles * * * "We, having received a humble petition frcni 
our friends and faithful counsellors, Hugues do la Palu, Lord of 
Yaras, Lieutenant-Governor of our country of Daupbiny, Sire 
Pons, Counsellor in our Court of Parliament at Grenoble, and 
Charles Baron, our Counsellor and Chamberlain, setting forth that, 
by our other letters-patent given at Angers,; in the month of June 
past, we appointed and delegated them to take, seize, and put into 
our hands all estates and property whatever of certain inhabitants 
of the said country of Daupbiny, called Waldenses, who, by sen- 
tence of our dear and beloved master, Albert de Cappitaneys, 
learned in every law, appointed by our Holy Father the Pope for 
that purpose, had been declared confiscated and belonging to us, 
because of the evil schisms and heresies which they had lieretoforc 
held and were holding against the Holy Apostolic Faitli."'"'^ 

Another share of the confiscated property had fallen to Jean 
Baile, Archbishop of Embrun, and it increased day by day, in con- 
sequence of new confiscations. On the arrival of his successor, 
Rastain, in 1497, the patrimony of the Archbishopric had attained 
very goodly proportions. The latter prelate examined it care- 
fully, and compared it with the documentary titles. He ascer- 

138 The Waldenses of Italy. 

taiued, also, that the people of Freyssmieres were still under the 
burden of excommunication ; therefore, he said to himself, " I 
shall not go to visit their accursed valley." One day he was 
approached by a certain Fazy Gay of Freyssinieres, who said 
to him : — 

" We are expecting you up yonder," your Grace. " Shall you 
not come up and see us ? " 

" No, indeed." 

" Why, pray '? " 

" The excommunication which was hurled against you has not 
been taken away." 

" I beg pardon, your Grace ; it is a long time since we were 
freed from it. You must forget that we obtained absolution by 
the decree of Louis XI." 

" Nonsense. You are under condemnation by the authority 
of the Pontift" : autlioritate pontificis romani. I believe that's 

" So that we shall be deprived of your visit." 

" You will not see me in Freyssinieres, so long as you are not 
reconciled with the Pope." 

" But then, of what use was our promise to live like good 
Catholics ? " 

" I have nothing to say in the matter, I tell you. That is to 
say, I am quite willing to send you Sire Jean Colombi ; he wiU 
fiud out all about the rights of things. Moreover, I will write to 

It was found afterwards that the Pope never sent any reply to 
that communication. Alexander VI. had his hands full elsewhere ; 
lie was just then stirring up the lire which burned Savanarola. 
Meanwhile, Charles VIII. having died, Rostain went to attend the 
coronation of Louis XII., and the people of Freyssinieres sent their 
delegates to the new king, charging them to present to him their 
everlasting request. It was the old question of recovering their 
property, unjustly withheld by the Archbishop. The king referred 
the matter to his Chancellor, who questioned Ptostain. He, 
shrugging his shoulders, answered, " What can I tell you ? it is 
none of my business. The goods that are claimed were con- 
fiscated before my installation. In Paris you will find members 
of the Parliament of Grenoble, Counsellor Rabot among others. 
Ask them ; they will give you information." The Waldensian 

The Waldenses of Italy. l:jy 

deputies were heard in their turn ; they said : " We ask that 
the decree of Louis XI., of hlessed memory, be observed. Our 
best property is annexed to the patrimony of the Archbishopric. 
All our complaints have been in vain. After the king lias 
decided, we to the prejudice of his legitimate authority, are 
referred to the Pope." 

Thereupon the Royal Council decided upon an in(piiry. Tlie 
commissioners delegated for the purpose arrived in Embrun, 
on July 4, 1501, and Rostain, out of deference to his rank, was 
permitted to take part in the inquiry. He soon, however, got into a 
very bad humour, because the royal officers, from a feeling of delicacy, 
refused his interested attentions, and he showed his displeasure 
very plainly — first, by disputing their right to examine the papers 
in the case ; afterwards, by fuming during the wliole inquiry ; and 
finally, by spreadmg aimoying reports of the procedure. What 
made the Prelate most bitter was that the commissioners should, 
although with reserve, have granted the Waldenses absolution 
as regards contumacy.^''^ He at once protested, and began to aver 
that his colleagues showed too clearly by their remarks that they 
had espoused the cause of the heretics. 

" We wish to be just, first of aU. If our remarks are at 
fault, let your Grace denounce them," said the commissioners. 

" WeU, Monsieur d'Orleans, since you invite me to do so, I 
will tell you that I was pained to hear what you said at the Inn of 
the Angel." 

" What was that ? " 

" Oh ! What you said there goes beyond anything I could 
have imagined, and I am so deeply grieved at it, that I still 
wonder whether you really spoke the words which are attributed 
to you." 

" May I ask what they are "? " 

"It is affirmed that you said, * I would that I were as good a 
Christian as are the worst inhabitants of Freyssinieres.' " 

" And that distresses you." 

" It seems to me there is good reason why it should." 

Mahcious people averred that what most distressed the 
Archbishop was the fear of having to restore to the Waldenses 
the beautiful vmeyai'ds of St. Clement, St. Crespin, and 
Chanteloube, as well as the estates of Chateau Roux."*'^^ 

140 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Upon receipt of the Commissioners' report, Louis XII. issued 
the following decree : — 

" Louis, by the grace of God, king of France, etc. 

" It having come to our notice that the inhabitants of 
Freyssinieres have suffered great wrongs and vexations, difficulties 
and labour, desiring to relieve them, and that they may be 
reinstated in the possession of their property, chattels, and 
estates, we order by these presents to all those who are with- 
holding the said properties, incontinently and without delay to 
dispossess themselves of them, and hand over the said properties, 
and return and restore them to the said suppliants or their pro- 
curators, each one in his place, and in case of opposition, refusal, 
or delay, we, having regard to their poverty and misery, in the 
which they have long been and still are detained, without being 
able to obtain justice — WE desiring with all our heart that right 
shall be done to them, will our own selves know the reason 
thereof, &c., &c. 

" Given at Lyons on the 12th of October, 1501." '''- 

After this new decree, nothing, it would seem, remained but to 
obey. However, the Archbishop did not see matters in that 
light. He drew a distinction. "I am not indebted to the 
inhabitants of Freyssinieres for my property," he said, " I 
received that from my predecessor. I am quite willing," he 
added, "to conform to the orders of His Majesty; let us 
return confiscated property to the Waldenses ; I wait but for 
one thing, namely, that the Lords of Dauphiny set me the 

The reader will not have forgotten that, as the representatives 
of the civil power, these latter had had their bountiful share. 
Besides which, on this matter, Lords and Prelates always went 
hand and glove. Several personages were summoned before the 
king. They excused themselves without much ceremony, and 
actually Avent so far as to say that in order to carry out the desired 
restoration, they required, as did the Archbishop, the absolution 
of the Pope. Perhaps the Papal Bull which followed was 
obtained, if not directly by the Archbishop , at least by one of his 
dignitaries on a mission to the the Court of France. Such is 
with fair probability affirmed.^''^ If this be so, it must be confessed 
that when hope was lost, the Waldenses found an unexpected 
protector, whose favour, how^ever, was more venal than efficient : 

The Waldenses of Italy. 141 

venal, lor we are speaking- of the Pope, whose conduct suggested 
the well known distich : — 

Vendit Alexander cruces, altaria Christum. 
Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest. 

The protection was insufficient, because Ai-chbishop Rostain 
laughed at the Bull, and did not consider it obligatory. In order 
to be so, he replied, it must proceed directly from the Holy 
Father. In short, we learn here that nothing availed against his 
sacerdotal avarice, and the Poor of Lyons, or rather the faithful 
amongst them, would liave lost less time, and perhaps less credit, 
had they kept Waldo's ideal in sight, and had ceased to protest 
against it. 

The narrative thus far has not led us to 1,he valley of the Po, 
into which, however, we know that the Waldenses had a longtime 
before penetrated, either from France or from the valley bordering 
upon that of Luserna. Had the valley escaped the storm of the 
Crusade "? Judging from his memoirs, Albert de Catanee would not 
seem to have betaken himself thither ; no known fact indicates the 
presence in those parts of his soldiers, renowned as they were for 
their fanaticism."* "^^ The conclusion that may be drawn from this 
is, that the Waldenses had not yet collected there in sufficiently 
large numbers to draw upon themselves general attention ; or, as 
we prefer to believe, that during the raging of the Crusade there 
was no need of Romish thunderbolts to reduce the heretics to 
silence, and that the mild inquisitorial hail alone was sufficient. 
After the Crusade, those who fled from Yal Luserna, and particu- 
larly from the localities of Bobi and Rora, seem to have contri- 
buted to swell their number, but, at the same time also, the 
danger Avhich threatened them. Be that as it may, persecution 
(lid later fall upon them, and our business is to relate the facts, 
l)ut before doing so we must go back a Httle. 

It will be remembered that the vaUey of the Po had received 
the refugees from France, after the famous Crusade against the 
Albigenses. They had reached it — a part of them at least — 
by the more or less frequented paths in the vicinity of Viso. 
The whole frontier, as far as the Maritime Alps, was traversed 
by the stream of emigration ; divers points of the territory now 
comprised in the province of Coni being repeatedly attained. This 
city witnessed the rapid increase of heretics, either within its 

142 The Waldenses of Italy. 

walls or in its neiglibourliood, as far as Dronero, Busca, Savig- 
liano, Saluzzo, up toward the Alpine frontier, from the valley of 
the Po to that of Maira, and the pass of Tende. Yet it was 
further on, into the free cities of Lombardy, that the stream of 
emigration finally flowed. Coni v/as for the Albigenses hardly 
more than a city of passage.'*'^^ In the XV. century, heresy had 
by no means disappeared from it. In 1417, the Inquisition asked 
to be permitted free entrance and assistance, as it had leai-ned on 
good authority that in more than one locality heretics abounded, 
and that they even enjoyed sufficient favour to dare to hold meet- 
ings, and to teach their doctrines by means of which they out- 
rageously lacerated the bosom of Mother Church, and precipitated 
souls into the abyss of perdition. *^^ It has been doubted whether 
at that time the Inquisition obtained the desired support."*^*^ 
Thirty years later, its action was only too manifest. This was in 
the time of Duke Louis of Savoy.*''^ A local chronicle says that 
in 1445, some thirty houses were destroyed by fire in one of the 
streets of Coni, and that this accident seemed to herald the 
avenging flames of the CathoHc faith. With the assistance of 
monkish zeal, the omen was realised. Twenty-two inhabitants of 
the village of Bernezzo were summoned to Coni and burned. The 
chronicle is ambiguous as to whom they were. It says : " They 
profess the heresy of the Poor of Lyons whom some call tiazares 
and others Waldenses.^***^ But it was in the domain of the Marquis 
of Saluzzo mainly that the heretics succeeded in settling. It is 
the opinion of more than one writer, that Bagnolo was one of the 
most renowned centres of the Cathari,*^^ and some Waldenses 
may have intermingled with them. Still the latter shewed a 
tendency to settle more to the west, towards the sources of the 
Po, in the villages of Pravillelm, Biolet, and Bietonet, notwith- 
standing the Inquisition that aimed at their destruction. 

We have now arrived at the year 1509, in the month of 
November.^^^ Margaret of Foix, for the last five years widow of 
the Marquis Louis II. of Saluzzo, still young, but morose and 
bigoted,*^^ " Avas free as respects her own power, but a slave to 
her confessor. "''^^ There is little doubt that her zeal alarmed the 
lesser Lords of Paesane, and that would explain the conflict of 
jurisdiction which we find arose between the Marchioness and her 
vassals. The latter, jealous of their rights, claimed to manage 
the inquisition of heresy in concert with the monks and the bishop 

'J'he Waldensks of Italy. 143 

aiul without the interventiou of the Princess. Margaret thereupon 
bought up the rights of the monks and of the bishop, though without 
reUnquisliing her own, and intimated to her feudatories that she 
freed them from all care as regards the necessary expenses, 
including the cost of wood for the piles.'-' Then Angelo 
Ricciardino, a Dominican monk, Inquisitor at Saluzzo, betook 
himself to Paesane, and caused it to be proclaimed in the public 
market place, that the inhabitants of Pravellelm, Biolet, and 
Bietonet, and of the Serre of Moniian should come down to him 
and do penance. No one went down. In the meantime au 
unknown man from the borough of Saint Front was arrested. His 
name was Pierre Faro Julian. '^^ 

'" Tell me what you know about the Waldenses of your village," 
said the inquisitor to him ; "I promise you that you shall there- 
by save your Hfe and property." 

" Well, they are all heretics, from the first to the last." 

The Inquisitor desired nothing more. A second witness was 
examined, and the same confession obtained, with respect to all 
the neiglibouring villages. Thereupon, on the 25th of November, 
St. Catherine's Day, the monk sent out myrmidons with orders 
to arrest the principal heretics of Pravillelm and Oucino in church 
and during Mass. They were able to seize two only, Francois 
Maria and Balangier Lanfre. 

" Are you Waldenses ? " 

" We are.'^' " 

On hearing this the Marchioness sent out 200 soldiers, with 
orders to assist the monk Pticciardino. The latter directed them 
toward the villages of Pravillelm, Bietonet, and Oncino. Go, 
said he to them, and bring all those heretics to me. Warned be- 
times, most of the intended victims tied to Barge, with their 
cattle ; but some were arrested and thrown into prison, and the 
deserted homes were pillaged. The inquiry began, not without 
the aid of torture, and on the 24th of March, 1510, Jacques, 
Mainero, Antoine Lanfre, Francois Luchino, and Guillaume Maria 
were sentenced to be burned at the stake the very next day. That 
day had been chosen for the execution on account of its solemnity, 
it being the feast of the Annunciation and Palm Sunday, and 
the execution was to take place at Croes, in the territoiy of 
Paesane, in a meadow opposite the house of the said Mainero. 
The pile was ready awaiting its five victims ; but snow and rain 

144 The Waldenses of Italy. 

fell in such quantities, that the execution had to be postponed 
till the morrow. At night, the prisoners broke the bars of their 
window, and escaped with great difficulty, dragging their chains 
as far as Bosco Piano. There a friend came to their assistance, 
their chains were taken off, and they were free to go where they 
pleased ; they reached Barge safe and sound. After this the rage 
of the Inquisitor may be imagined. He insisted that the 
spectacle should take place just the same. To be sure there were 
no condemned culprits available, but that could be managed. In 
the prisons of Saint Front were three Waldenses, who had been 
promised their pardon, because they had, without any need for 
the appHcation of the torture, confessed everything. We have 
already named one of them, Belangier Lanfre ; the others were 
Julian and Maria.''^'^ To break promise to heretics could be no 
sin ; moreover, in some way or other, justice must be satis- 
fied,^^^ so these men were burned alive on the banks of the Po, 
on May 12th of the same year. Many others of their co-religion- 
ists were arrested, and after being cudgelled, were sent out of the 
country.^'-" Among the number was a man of the Bianchi family 
and his mother, Antoine, George Mainero of Serre Oncino, 
and Luchino Verminella of Pravillelm. Nicolas Eosso of Mom- 
bracco and his brother went to the stake a few days later at 
Saint Front. Finally, on the I8th of July, the house where the 
Waldenses were holding their meetings was demolished. Exter- 
nally it had, we read, a pretty appearance ; within it looked like 
a labyrinth. *^^ Even the name of the village of Pravillelm was 
by order changed to that of St. Laurent; tradition, however, 
lauo-hed at the ceremony, and the former name continued to 
be used. All the property of the heretics was confiscated ; one 
third went to the Lords of Paesane and Oncino, and the rest to 
the Marchioness. ''^^ 

Nevertheless, the fugitives had reached the valley of Luserna, and 
had scattered through the localities of Rora, Angrogna, and Bobi. 
They were not satisfied with the cordial reception given them by 
their co-religionists. In vain more than once did they send up 
petitions to Margaret to be permitted to return to their firesides. 
Finally they resolved upon an heroic course. "A valiant 
and courageous man among them — having been promised 
by other exiles that they would follow him and imitate his 
example— went, well attended and unexpectedly, to visit the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 145 

houses and properties they had abandoned, then occupied by the 
neighbouring papists. With his two-handed sword he cut in 
pieces all whom he met with on the properties, both men and 
beasts ; then, having done this in one district, and having carried 
away the goods found in their houses, in order to defray the 
expenses of the journey, the party withdrew to another district. 
Continuing in like manner, they so frightened the papists of the 
surrounding country, that not only did they no longer dare to be 
found in Pravillelm, Bioletz, or Bietone, but even trembled in their 
own houses, so that they themselves prevailed upon the Marchioness 
to permit the Waldenses to return and occupy their dwellings in 
peace, with the enjoyment of their liberties. "^^'^ 

Such, in brief, is the account of the return into their homes of 
the Waldenses of the Valley of the Po.*''-'* This took place hi 
1512. The local chronicle, which, as we note in passmg, does 
not agi'ee with Gilles' History, says not a word of the individual 
who directed the return ; on the other hand, it furnishes new 
details concerning the compromises stipulated for between the 
Lords of the place and Margaret, and we are surprised to have to 
note the intervention of the Pope. " In the year 1513," says the 
chronicle, " about the 8th of July, Madame having seen the par- 
don and absolution granted by Pope Leo to the men of Pravillelm, 
Biolet, Bietonet, and Serre of Momian, her ladyship, in her turn, 
pardoned the aforesaid, that is to say, as far as her jurisdiction 
extended. Madame furthermore remitted to them two-thirds of 
their goods, which had not yet been sold, and authorized them to 
re-establish themselves in their homes on payment of 4,400 
ducats, which they agreed to pay within a certain time. "^^^ All this 
property put together did not amount, however, to even one-third 
of the requu-ed sum, so that when the period had elapsed, as the 
Marchioness did not receive her money, she issued a decree, dated 
April 24th, 1514. ordering the Waldenses to leave the country 
within three days, under penalty of death. This decree appeared 
so cruel that the public conscience was shocked. A remonstrance 
was addressed to the Marchioness, who finally agi*eed that the 
Waldenses should pay down 600 ducats, and the rest of the 
sum at the rate of 40 ducats per year. The Lords of Paesane, to 
whom had fallen a third part of the confiscated property, gave it 
up in their turn, under the following conditions : — 

146 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Waldenses were to pay the sum of ten golden ducats 
yearly on St. Martin's Day ; they should see to it that the mill was 
kept in good order, and they should he expected to bring in to 
the Castellan of Paesane partridges, hares, and nests of hawks at 
the price of three drachms.'*^" After that, we learn that the Wal- 
denses of the Valley of the Po began to lead, if not a peaceful 
life, one that was much more free from torment. Margaret of 
Foix, more papist than the Pope, never became reconciled to 
them ; and yet they had one thing in common with her, namely, 
the Gospel text : " SiDeus pro nobis quis contra nos ? "•*^'' — with 
this difference, however, that the Marchioness carried the motto 
engraved upon her shield, whilst the Waldenses bore it in their 
hearts. Wereitnotfor their faith, one could hardly account for their 
return being so obscure (and yet so glorious) or even for its taking 
jilace at all. It was indeed a glorious return, for it proved some- 
thing better than their attachment to legitimate but material 
property, which was, moreover, assured to them neither by 
right of conquest nor by that of re-purchase, nor yet by right of 
birth. What the return of the Waldenses does prove, is fondness 
for their homes, and also love, a holy love, for their country. 
From this point of view, so limited an undertaking, hidden in the 
darkness that surrounds the name, the figure, and the memory of 
its hero, is far from being insignificant. Some have attempted to 
throw ridicule upon it,'*^'^ but the ridicule has recoiled upon the 
traducers. Who knows, after all, whether this first glorious 
return did not suggest the idea of the second, the splendour of 
which had the eftect on the other hand of relegating the patriots 
of the Valley of the Po more than ever to oblivion ? 

Let us pause a moment to throw a final glance upon the 
mother-colony of the Alps. We may, without circumlocution, 
confess that it is impossible to ascertain with any certainty what 
went on there. Persecution compelled the Church of the valleys 
to sink into a silence which too often conceals her from our sight ; 
her history, like the lofty mountain -tops, is enveloped in the 
mists of obscurity. We have noticed in the people certain move- 
ments in diverse directions. These movements cannot be altogether 
accounted for by the numerical increase of the inhabitants ; it was 
largely due to the inquisitorial repression, which enclosed the 
settlers within ever-narrowing limits, and contended with them 
for their property and the soil consecrated by their labour ; hence 

The Waldenses of Italy. 147 

emi<j;ration became necessary to the people, aiul it served, too, for 
the development of spiritual life. The emigration, too, especially 
where the least danger threatened, as between the two slopes of 
the Alps, was continuous. But even there a danger was to be 
apprehended: viz., the ruin of the community through dispersion, 
unless indeed the Waldenses were careful to anticipate the danger 
by pastoral action among their missionaries. 

Who has not heard of the Barbes ? They are the most legiti- 
mate representatives of the eai-ly Waldenses, so much so that the 
latter derive from them the nick-name of Barhets. The name of 
Barbes was not invented, but borrowed from popular use. It 
meant " Uncle.""*^^ We know that in ancient times — even now it 
may still be observed — the uncle was a conspicuous character in 
the family, especially when, renouncing matrimony, he gave himself 
wholly to family life. He was the jealous guardian of the 
family traditions, the tutor or pedagogue. •^'^'' The children had as 
much veneration for him as for their father, nay, even more when 
the latter was neglectful of his office. By degrees, the name of 
Uncle became a title of respect, which was applied to every man 
who was venerable either by age or character. The Waldensian 
Barbe may therefore be compared to the Elders in Israel and in 
the primitive Church.^"^ He was not a Priest, nor did he aspire to 
become one ; he did better — he threw the priest into the shade.''"* 
His essentially moral authority was fed by the decadence of 
official priesthood, and became the more real as the ecclesiastic 
consecration became more illusive. The Barbe did not desire 
schism in God's family, he wished to see discipline ; he did not 
assume, as a rule, the privilege of administering the sacraments. 
He aimed, first of all, at preaching the good lessons of the Scrip- 
tures when on his visits, and in hearing the confessions of the 
faithful ; hence the title of teacher, applied to the Barbes by 
their disciples as well as by their adversaries, ■'"•'' and hence, too. 
the usage which gives the name of schools to the places of wor- 
ship and the meetings at which they presided. 

Attempts have been made to di-aw up a list of the Barbes, 
that is to say, of the leaders of dissidence in the valleys of the 
Alps before the Reformation ;'^"* but these attempts must be 
renounced. The following are the names of some of the principal 
Barbes : — 


The Waldenses of Italy. 

Barbe Paul Gignoso of Bobi. 
Pierre of Piedmont. 
Autoine of Yal de Suse. 
Jean Martin of Val St. Martin. 
Mauliien of Bobi. 
Philippe of Luserna. 
George of Piedmont. 
Etienne Laurens of Val St. Martin. 
Martin of Meane. 

These, according to Leger, dwelt in the valleys. '^"^ 

Barbe Barthelemi Tertian ot Meane may have been of the 
same family as Jordan Tertian, the martyr. Leger says he was 
called " the large-handed Barbe." 

Barbe Jean Girard of Meane. 

,, Tomasin Bastia of Angrogna. 
,, Barthelemi ,, ,, ,, 

The first withdrew to Geneva, and became a printer ; the 
second died in Puglia, and the third in Calabria. 

Barbe Jacques Bellonato of Angrogna. 
Jacques Germane of Yal Perosa. 
Jean Benedetto. 
Jean Eomaguolo of Sienna. 
Francesquin of Val Freyssinieres. 
Michel Porta of Vallouise, or of Pragelas. 
Pierre Fiot of Pragelas, 
Jacques of Legero.^'^^ 

There is no attempt here at specifying the time at which they 
lived, or even at uniting them in the same epoch. The well-known 
names of four contemporaries of the Reformation may be set down 
here : they are 

Barbe Pierre Masson of Burgogne. 

,, George Morel of Freyssinieres, or of 

,, Jean of Molines. 
,, Daniel of Valence. 

The Barbes have also been called pastors : they were so indeed, 
but their parishes consisted of the dispersed tribe of the Israel of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 149 

Alps. Auyouc of tlieiii might luive said, us Wesley did later, " My 
parish is the world." They were hoth the messengers of God 
and of their brethren, having their heart set on replacing the 
light of the Gospel upon the hill-top, strengthening the bonds 
which united the communities, and reviving languishing faith 
everywhere. Their task was so vast that they were insufficient 
for it, and oftentimes their grave and sober pastoral epistles had 
to supply their places, as well as might be, durhig enforced absences. 
The letter of Tertian, aux grands mains, is a characteristic one.'"' 

The Barbes carried on with very special solicitude the inter- 
course between the mother colony of the Alpine Valleys and the 
daughter colony of Calabria. So great was their zeal for the 
latter, that it might almost seem at times as if the ecclesiastic 
centre had been established there at the end of the XIY. century. 
Accordmg to a popular idea, based on the inquisitorial proceedings, 
the leader of the Waldenses resided in Puglia.'''^'^ A monk states, 
after an inquiry had been held, that it was thence that preaching 
in the valleys was provided for.''*"' The reason for this probably was 
that the Barbes journeyed ceaselessly to and fro, between those 
two poles of the Waldensian mission in Italy. On the way they 
visited individual brethren or scattered communities who awaited 
theii- arrival, in order that the members might together receive 
absolution from their sins. It has been claimed that in almost every 
principal city there was some house used as a conventicle. It is 
time that, with the exception of the room at Milan, which has been 
mentioned before, there is no certain information on this point : 
but traditions, vague though they be, are unanimous on the 
subject. On this matter Gilles says : — 

" The Barbes had in Florence a house belonging to them, with 
moneys for their various needs, in going and coming through 
Italy. They had another in Genoa, and several disciples there, 
as also in Venice, where the minister informed Gilles, on the 
occasion of a visit made by him to this place, that the faithful 
numbered six thousand. There were also a great number 
of disciples at Home, and almost everywhere else.""'" It is 
possible that the statements are exaggerated, nay, it is quite 
probable.®^^ We certainly know that the presence of a mission 
house was rather the exception, and its absence a rule. Whether 
by preference, or of necessity, the Waldensian missionaries 
followed the example of the Apostles, and accepted from their 

150 The Waldenses of Italy. 

co-religionists hospitality for themselves, and accommodation for 
their meetings. ^^- We may notice too, the general assembhes in 
which unity of faith and action was declared ; they were convened 
with such circumspection that for the most part, they were 
unknown to the Church police. They are only mentioned once or 
■twice in the chronicles of that age. Here is an allusion to an 
assembly of that character. Pope John XXII. in his brief of the 
year 1B32, says: — "We have heard that in the valleys of 
Luserna and in the territory of Perosa, the heretics, and the sect 
of the Waldenses especially, have multiplied to such an extent, 
that they permit themselves to assemble frequently in the form of 
a chapter, and their meetings number at times as many as five 
hundred persons." 

This was in the time of Aimon le Pacifique, and of Prince 
Philip of Achaia. If the number seem a large one, it can after 
all be accounted for without any need of asking whether Wal- 
denses only were there spoken of. It only requires to be admitte J, 
what is very obvious, namely, that the assembly was composed 
not only of Barbes, but also of those faithful to the example of 
the primitive Church, which class might include the Cathari. These 
general assemblies were essentially missionary in character, as 
proved by the assembly's management of the Waldensian mission 
interests, and by their connection with the propaganda of their 
brethren in Italy and elsewhere, and above all, in Germany. More 
than once a collection of contributions of money for transmission to 
the leaders of the Hussite dissidence was decreed, ^^^ There were 
periodical regular assemblies for the transaction of current and 
extraordinary business, as the needs of the day demanded. They 
always aimed at the " preservation of unity and the maintenance 
of uniformity in the churches." At times, " delegates from all 
quarters of Europe in which there were Waldensian churches " in 
a condition to send them, hastened to be present at such meetings. 
" Such was," says Gilles, " the character of the Synod held at 
Laus of Valcluson in la ter times, when there were present 140 
Waldensian pastors, who had come from different countries. At 
other times they kept up communication by letter, as far as they 
were able."^^^ 

The character of the Barbes is of primary importance ; they 
were the Levites and the Judges of the Israel of the Alps. The 
question whence they came may, however, still be asked. A man 

The Waldenses of Italy. 151 

did not become a Bavbe in the same way as he became an nncle ; 
there was, it is said, a school of Barbes. What do we know 
abont this school ? 

First, let us get rid of any ambiguity of expression, for words 
are sometimes deceptive. There are schools and schools. It 
was remarked before that this name was given to more or less 
public meetings presided over by the " teachers," that is to say, 
by the ministers of the community. This usage, as has just been 
said, ^'* betrays the spirit of dissidence. Let it be added that,, 
when coming from the pen of the Inquisitors, the expression is 
capable of still further explanation, as Roman Catholic custom is 
against the employment of ecclesiastic terminology, when speak- 
ing of the usages of a sect. We must keep these distinctions in 
mind, though it is to be confessed that, in certain cases, to do so 
is not an easy task. Thus, when the monk, Vincent Ferreri, in- 
forms his superiors that the Waldensian schools found by him in 
the valley of Angrogua were destroyed, '^^'^ what does he mean ? 
Does he refer to forbidden meetings, or to the pulling down of 
some house used for purposes of meeting, or to the school of the 
Barbes ? All these hypotheses are possible, the more so that if 
the school of the Barbes had a house of its own, it was according to 
the tradition, at Pre du Tour. Yet Pre du Tour hardly suffered 
any devastation but that effected by time, as before the lieforma- 
tion at least, persecution did not penetrate there. Another Pro- 
testant author, Flacius, surnamed Illyricus, whose testimony is 
often quoted upon the point in question, relates that, according to 
the official records of the Inquisition, there existed in Lombardy, 
i.i the middle of the XIY. century, schools — that is to say, a 
species of academies — where " sound Christian theology " was 
taught ; thither contributions from Bohemia and Poland were sent, 
and more than one student left Bohemia to go and attend the lessons 
of his " Waldensian teachers."''' This time we have to do with 
a school, above all a Waldensian school.^^^^ But where was it ? 
At Pre du Tour, Waldensian historians have until quite lately 
unanimously answered.^^^ It would seem that they are mis- 
taken ; not because Pre du Tour may not be comprised 
within the limits then assigned to the territoiT of Lombardy ; but 
because Milan is specified by the writer quoted as the place of 
residence of the teachers of the theology spoken of, and conse- 
quently the seat of the Waldensian school. Indeed, he adds 

152 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that, as early as 1212, there were at Milan adherents to the Wal- 
densian doctrine, and that some Alsatians had sent collections to 
those Milanese " as to their teachers, "^^"^ This agrees perfectly 
with the testimony already gathered concerning that epoch. In 
fact, the school of Milan was mentioned by Stephanus de Borbone. 
This Inquisitor tells us that a Waldensian, arrested at Jonvelle, 
on the Saone, near Jussey, confessed to him that he had quitted 
his country more than 18 years before to go to Milan and study 
the doctrine he was now propagating. Moreover, Flacius^-^ does 
not ignore the existence of Waldenses in the valleys of the Alps ; 
on the contrary, he shows that they there survived persecution ; 
but he finds no mention of their school in the reports of the In- 
quisition. That leads us to think that the school of Pre du Tour 
was not so famous as has been thought, and that it has been 
confounded with the school at Milan. The impression becomes 
stronger when we find that " the college of Barbes furnished so 
many pastors and so many evangelists to all regions of Italy, and 
even to Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, &c."^^^ Still, the school of 
the Barbes did exist, and although a very modest one, it had its 
mission and its merit, which need not be ignored. If thunder- 
bolts of eloquence were not forged there, the students were 
taught to become something better than " riders of hobbies."®-'^ 
There, far from the noise of large cities, under the shadow of the Alps, 
there might be inhaled the peaceful calm necessary for meditating 
upon the Scriptures. Faith might grow in that austere solitude, 
and character might be formed strong as the native granite. 

The college of Barbes is known to date back to the time of Waldo 
himself. '^24 After his time it simply multiphed. The Waldenses of 
the Alps were not long in organizing it for their own uses ; their 
tendencies, being both biblical and didactic, made such a school a 
necessity. If, in addition to this, we consider the circumstances 
of their new condition, and the wants necessarily created by 
emigration, we shall at once recognise the fact, that if a college 
had not previously existed, they certainly would have had to in- 
vent one. It appears to have had, for a certain time at least, a 
fixed domicile, which everything tends to locate at Pre du Tour, 
where, moreover, a vague recollection of it is preserved. Its name 
exists as that of a small hamlet situated on the left bank of the 
river, and overhanging the little valley.^^^ A house, which may 
be seen at the upper end of the hamlet, contained until lately a 

The \\'aldense;? or Italy. 15g 

singular relic. It was u large stone table, mure than two 
metres square, by ten centimetres in tluckuess, and weighing up- 
wards of 80 tons. " It is generally believed," remarks the pastor 
of that locality in connection with this subject, " that around this 
table were gathered the pupils who attended the ancient school of 
the Barbes. More than a dozen can be accommodated very com- 
fortably." '' Formerly," he adds, " inscriptions might have been 
read upon it ; but now there is to be seen nothing but a cross, which 
might well be an argument in favour of the antiquity of the 
relic." The work necessary to reduce that enormous block of 
stone to the shape of a table, and the almost Cyclopean efforts 
necessary to transport it, and introduce it into the narrow room, 
whereinhe found it, "show," says he, "very plainly that such labours 
were rather the work of an association of men, than of a single 
family."'-'-" Be that as it may, the name of college, fixed by local 
tradition, has survived, and it will be difficult to explain it with- 
out admitting the existence at Pre du Tour of the school of the 
Barbes. It would be interesting to know exactly what was taught 
at the Waldeusian school. On this subject the Barbe i\Iorel 
speaks as follows"" : — 

" All those who are to be received among us seek admission 
on their knees,^-^ with the sole object of performmg an act of 
humility, doing this while as yet they live with their parents. 
They ask, I say, those of us whom they meet, that we should be 
pleased to admit them to the ministry, and they ask us to pray to 
(jod for them that they may be rendered worthy of so high an 
office. When we assemble, we communicate their request to the 
brethren present, and if the applicants be well thought of, they 
are admitted by general consent to receive instruction. As almost 
all our new members come to us from the class of shepherds or 
husbandmen, they are mostly from 25 to 30 years of age, and 
(juite illiterate. We keep them on trial for three or four years at 
most, and only during two or three months in winter, in orde}- 
that we may be satisfied that their conduct is irreproachable."-'^ 
This time is spent in teaching them to spell and read, and m 
making them learn by heart the Gospels of Matthew and John, 
the so-called canonical epistles, and a good portion of those 
■written by St. Paul ; after which our new members are taken to 
a certain place, where several of our women, called sisters, live a 
single life. They live here for one, and sometimes two, years. 

154 The Waldenses of Italy. 

ordinarily attending to mundane duties, if I must so describe any. 
Finally, the aforesaid pupils are admitted to the pastoral office, 
and to preaching, through the ceremonies of laying on of hands and 
the sacrament of the Eucharist ; then duly instructed, they are 
sent out in pairs to the work of evangelizing.^^'' 

According to this report, the school curriculum was very 
elementary. It is difficult to find in it such elements of a com- 
plete preparation as have often heen enumerated, viz., Latin 
and the living languages, arithmetic, moral philosophy, and 
the history of philosophy, medicine, surgery, and a technical and 
professional education, besides fourfold theology.^^^ Again, if 
Morel's words be authentic, it does not follow that they must bo 
literally applied to all the phases passed through by the School of 
the Barbes, then in decadence and apparently dispersed, nor in a 
special manner to the College of Pre du Tour, which he does not 
mention. During its flourishing period, that school might well 
have been a focus of light without enforcing such a curriculum ab 
that to which we have just alluded. Now it is this period that 
seems to be reflected in the current tradition, and especially in a 
page of Gilles, which may be worth while quoting : — 

" This Waldensian people has had very learned pastors, as 
appears from their writings, well versed in science, and languages, 
and in understanding of the Holy Scriptures, and of the writings 
of the doctors of the ancient church. Above all, these Barbes 
have been very laborious and watchful, both in instructing their 
disciples properly in the love and fear of God, and in the 
exercise of deeds of charity, and especially in transcribing for 
the use of their disciples, before they had the conveniences of 
printing, as much as possible the books of the Holy Scrip- 
ture ; for, as they were themselves marvellously well versed 
and assiduous in the reading of it, so did they carefully 
recommend the perusal of it to their hearers. They were very 
careful in nistructing the young, and especially the hopeful 
students sent to them to be trained in true piety and the sciences. 
From amongst these they selected such as in due time they 
recognised to be fitted to enter the holy ministry, always retaining 
them near themselves, and exercising them in all needful things, 
until they could be usefully employed ; the others they sent back 
to their parents, or taught them some honest trade. Every one 
of these Barbes, besides the knowledge and exercise of the 

The Waldenses oe Italy. 155- 

miiiistrv, was ac'iiiaintcd with some trade, especially with nietliciue 
aiul surgery, in which they were very exi)ert, aiul thei]- skill was 
held in great esteem. They practised their art hotli with a view to 
render succour to their disciples, if need be, and to serve as a 
jiretext for, and aid in defraying the expenses of their distant and 
dangerous travels." ^^- 

On reading those words, one understands how, under their 
modest name, the Barbes were, after Waldo, the fathers of the 
Waldensian Church. Every institution has its vicissitudes, and 
after progress comes decline. On the eve of the Reformation every- 
thing was on the decline — faith : light : life. But for the lantern 
of Morel, the school itself which represented these virtues, would 
have escaped our notice. It might be thought that the Walden- 
sian 2)eopIe had disaj)peared. However, matters were not so 
bad as that, though after the Crusade, there was retrogression ; 
they hid ; they dissembled ; they kept silence. The Brethren of 
j^oliemia were so startled by these signs of decay, that they 
demanded to know whether they were the only ones left to raise a 
protest. They determined upon an enquiry, and a deputation 
started for the East. After having visited Constantinople, 
Thrace, Palestine, and Egypt, it returned and related to the 
assembled brethren the result of its mission. It was pitiful and 
without fruit, they said ; their journey had been a useless under- 
taking. False doctrine, evil customs, superstition, and relaxed 
discipline, had become the general plague ; the world was sunken 
in iniquity. Some time after this enquiry — viz., in 1497 — a new 
deputation composed of two men, the Bishop Lucas of Prague, 
who had led the first mission, and Thomas, the German, started 
for Italy and France.''-^ This time the result was more encounig- 
iag, for in several localities throughout Italy, the deputies found 
liidden a remnant that still feared God. There was such in 
Bome, for instance, that avoided superstition and worldliness, 
thanks to its clandestine meetings, though it escaped death only 
through dissimulation. -^^^ One day the Brethren went to visit a 
Waldeusian, and to him they spoke of Rome, of the Beast of 
the Apocalypse, and of the pomp and general corruption which 
then existed under the reign of the Borgias. The Waldensian 
deplored what he saw as much as they did, and waxed indignant. 

" But why," he was asked, ** do you not make a public 
protest '? " 

156 The Waldenses of Italy. 

That, he said, would be of much use, forsooth ; he had known 
a man who had protested, and his fate was not such as to encourage 
others to follow him. This man dared to say quite loudly that 
Peter did not act as now did his successor. They took him, sewed 
him in a sack, and now he was drinking the water of the Tiber.^^^ 
That was an instance of how it was free for some to sin to their 
heart's content, to perjure themselves, to lie, to wallow in all the 
vices ; but as for telling the truth, that must be very circum- 
spectly gone about, for the truth-teller's life was at stake. As for 
the speaker, he believed that it was better to eat the beast than to 
be devoured by it. He held to that.^^^ He might be asked as to 
his duty to bear witness to the truth, but certainly he did not see 
Avhy, in such times as these, it could be wrong to act as did 
Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and so many others.^^'' 

The good brethren were much displeased at all this.''^- On 
their homeward way it is conjectured that they may have 
been witnesses of the death of Savanarola in Florence. The 
purpose of their mission brought them — whether before or 
after their visit to Rome we cannot say — to the valleys of the 
Alps.^^^ Here they were given a cordial reception and per- 
fect unauimity.^^*^ They were impressed by the number of the 
Waldenses, and greatly rejoiced to see the spirit which animated 
them.^*^ After having conferred Avith them to their hearts' con- 
tent, and not without profit to both parties, ^■*- they departed, 
carrying away with them two letters in Latin, of which one was 
addressed by the Waldenses to King Ladislas the Clement, for 
the defence of their brethren who had taken refuge in Bohemia ; 
the other from the pen of a certain Thomas " de fonte Citiculae," 
and destined for the missionary priests. The letter to Ladislas 
testifies not only to the survival of the Waldensian dissidence in 
the valleys of Piedmont, but also to the ardour of their polemics. ^^^ 
Oppression had only succeeded in arousing it still more. Being 
obliged to dissemble, it became concentrated, and was the more to 
be feared. It is not surprising that such as be oppressed lose 
patience. Let it be remembered, moreover, that this time they 
were subjected to a trial that threatened something more precious 
than life, for their morals were calumniated, and their wrath 
broke out at this. They protest that so far from its being true, 
as has been said, that in meetings they gave themselves up to acts 
of the most revolting immorality,*'*'' it is a notorious fact that for 

The Waldenses of Italy, 157 

more than forty years not one among them had with impunity 
violated the rule of good morals. '^"^ Evcrytliing was allowahlo to 
the accusers, because the calumniated passed for heretics; but 
their adversaries, and not they, were the heretics. By slander of 
that kind, their enemies had tried to persuade the King to drive 
them out of his kingdom as though they were plague-stricken.''"' 
Their reply to all calumnies and accusations was to ask that their 
lives might be equitably examined,^'^ and their great hope was to 
be found worthy to suffer in the cause of justice. AVhatever might 
be done, they would never be shaken. Who, they asked 
with the Apostle, should separate them from the love of Christ ? 
Never should that plant, by God planted and watered with their own 
blood, be rooted up. They asked the king to be sure of this : that 
rather than abandon the truth and follow the path of falsehood, 
they would, with Divine help, endure chains, prison, and exile, for 
a long time, and in all patience.'^- The reason that the Priests hated 
them was that their own deeds were evil, and the lives of those they 
hated condemned them. They were hypocrites, given to all kinds 
of vice ; they desecrated the temple of God, and drew down his 
just wrath upon themselves. They were suffocated with their 
own fat, and inculcated the duty of fasting ; they wallowed in 
debauchery and extolled chastity ; they forbade people to enter 
inns, and when evening came they became drunk ; it was when 
they were full of lust and iniquity that they dared to present them- 
selves before God on behalf of sinners, though then their prayers 
might ascend no higher than the roof of the church. ''^^ The clergy 
thought only of wielding power and heaping up treasures, and by 
theii' means the church was being peopled with such as were as 
horses and mules, in despite of the Holy Spirit, who said by the 
mouth of the prophet : " Be ye not as the horse or as the mule, 
which have no understanding." 

The analogy between mules and monks was drawn, and it was 
sought to be shown that as the mule is neither a horse nor an ass, 
so is the monk neither man nor devil.^^" To go to church where 
such men officiated was a crime.*^^ The monks and priests were 
become as filth, like the smoke of the lamp that goes out, lea\ang 
only darkness and a mortal stench,^^^ 

The boldness of this language betrays the influence of the 
Bohemian Brethren, who had sufficiently reproached the 
Waldenses for their indecision. This influence is furthennore 

158 The Waldenses of Italy. 

acknowledged in another writing, onl}* a few years later, in which 
the Waldenses explained the reason for their separation from the 
Komish Church. ■^'■^ We shall have to return to this. It is impos- 
sible after these events to follow the circumstances of that revival of 
Waldensian independence which preceded the Reformation, with 
its vicissitudes, the power it exerted, and the reactions it under- 
went. After a virulent protest, came compromises. To speak of 
hating the Church and having no part with the Priests, was 
very easy ; hut it provoked annoyances of all kinds ; it was a step 
on the road to martyrdom, especially when every move was spied 
upon f^^ for among those imitators of the Apostles, Judases were 
found. There is nothing surprising in this, but it is none the 
less distressing to be compelled to admit that it is true. " Among 
the people of the lower class " — we are quoting the words of 
Barbe Morel of Freyssinieres — " we have false brethren, who go 
secretly to the monks, bishops,- magistrates, or other agents of 
Antichrist, and say to them, ' What will you give us if 
we deliver the doctors of the Waldenses into your hands ? 
We know where they are hiding.' " " As a matter of fact, we do 
not dare to show ourselves everywhere publicly. When we do, 
they consult together, after which these agents come in the 
night time, often without our knowledge armed to arrest 
us. Thus does persecution begin anew ; it ordinarily 
happens that one among us is led to the stake, sometimes 
followed to his execution by several of our people ; sometimes 
instead he is forced to pay a large sum of money."^^^ 
Under such circumstances one understands how, in order to avoid 
danger, more than one Waldensian would still attend mass,^^*^ 
and, instead ol the Ave Maria, say, perhaps, in an undertone : 
" Den of bandits, may God confound thee ! "^^^ words which clash 
somewhat with the Liturgy. All this was possible, even before the 
revival; it is the shade in the picture. According to the allusions 
of Claude of Sayssel, Archbishop of Turin, in the first days of 
Luther's protest-^^'^ the revival continued, and the small people he 
despised was still to be feared in its profound retreat. He ascer- 
tained, indeed, the existence of a state not far removed from schism, 
for the Waldenses professed that the sacraments were not to be 
received save from the hands of a priest ;^^^ he deplores the fact that 
certain people should believe the words of their heretical Barbes ;^^ ' 
lie believed it opportune to write a book to refute their tenets, and, 

The Wai,denses of Italy. 159 

before laying down the pen, he entreats his Hock not to give heed 
to " those false prophets who come to them in sheep's ch)thing, 
but inwardly are ravening wolves."'"^' The Prelate had not finished 
writing his polemic, when the world resounded with the cry of 
alarm sent out from Wittemberg, and beyond any doubt, more 
than one echo reverberated through the Alpine Valleys. The 
following year Luther appeared before the Diet of Worms, only to 
disappear immediately from the public stage into his retreat at 
^^'artb^rg. AMien he was thought to be dead he descended from the 
mountain, like Moses, with the book of God; and the Reformation 
spread from city to city. At the same time it had sprung up in 
Zurich and Basle, whilst it permeated the surrounding country, 
thanks to the preaching of Zwingle and (Ecolampadus. A son oi' 
Dauphiny then came to Geneva and found the lamp of faith, at 
the point of extinction. Upon it could still be read the inscrip- 
tion : " Post tcnehras spero lucem.'" Farel relighted it, and 
its first beams came to meet the little taper that had shone alone 
from the candlestick of the Alps. Three generations before, 
it is said that Bishop Reiser, on the point of death, had declared 
that the Waldensian reaction was about to disappear in Germany. 
It did disappear indeed, like the morning star, which is lost in the 
full light of day. When the sun of the Reformation arose, the 
Waldensian light was shining still, if not as brightly, at least as 
purely as in the past ; but in the presence of the new sun, it might 
well appearto have grown paler. Morel testifies to this with childlike 
simplicity, and an ingenuous joyful expectation, which recalls that 
of the prophets of old : " Welcome ! blessed be thou, my Lord," 
he writes to the Basle reformer ; " we come to thee from a far off 
country, with hearts full of joy, in the hope and assurance that, 
through thee, the Spirit of the Almighty will enlighten us."'^"- 

That is the last word of the histoiy of the Waldenses before 
the Reformation. The cry of the navigator, who, at the early dawn, 
saw the New World appear, was neither more sincere, nor more 
joyous, nor yet of better omen. It was as if, from the valleys 
there re-echoed the voice of Simeon, welcoming again the 
Saviour of the Israel of the Alps. 

160 The Waldenses of Italy, 



Preliminary remarks. — 'The Waldensian dialect and a general 
view of materials. — Versions of the Scriptures — Early 
versions ivhich liave disappeared — Those of Waldo and the 
Waldenses of Metz — Ancient versions that have survived, 
hut luhich are contested — Manuscript versions of Lyons and 
Paris — More recent but recognised versions — MSS. of Cam- 
bridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimens 
— Connection between these versions and tvhat is inferred 
therefrom icith respect to their origin — A version in a foreign 
tongue— MS. of Tepl. — Prose Writings — Those which have 
perished — Gleanings of original writings — Compilations from 
a Catholic source— The Doctor and the Orchard — Brainless 
treatise — The commentary on the Lord's Prayer — The 
Virtues, the Canticles — Compilations from a Hussite source — 
The epistle to King Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of 
breaking with the Romish Church — Ilie collection of the 
Treasure and the Light of Faith, containing The Ten Com- 
mandments, the Seven Sacraments, Purgatory, the Livocation 
of Saints — Tlie Power granted to the Vicars of Christ, 
Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations — Poetical Writings 
— Contempt for the world — The Bark — The Lord's Prayer or 
confession of sins — Tlie neiv comfort — The new sermon — 
The Parable of the Sower — The Father Eternal — Finally, 
the Noble Lesson, ivith critical notes — The conclusions from 
this chapter summarized. 

WALDO commenced his work with the assistance of two 
scribes. Without being a man of letters, he gave birth to 
a literature which was not only fortunate enough to live, but to 
survive much that disappeared ; that of the Cathari, for instance.^''^ 
Viewed from a distance, it strikes the eye, much as might an 

The Waldenses of Italy. 161 

oasis in the desert. Gleaners have been attracted to its field 
even before the harvest not yet ended. Let us also enter 
there to bind, if it may be, our sheaf, or glean at least a few ears of 
corn. In order to enter, it is necessary to have the key. Now 
everyone knows that the key to any literature is the dialect in 
which it is written. 

For the sake of greater clearness, let us with a good guide 
begin on this subject at a somewhat early period. 

"After the Komans had conquered a country, they wished to 
force their language upon it. They were, in many cases, almost 
completely successful ; but by the continual commerce between 
the conquerors and the conquered, Latin soon became corrupted. 
This corruption was, in different parts of the vast empire of the 
Ctesars, according to the influences which were at work, brought 
about in different ways. We may say that the popular language was 
soon subdivided into as many varieties as there had been, before 
the Conquest, populations speaking different languages. Of 
the dialects thus produced, some, owing to a combination of fortu- 
nate circumstances, obtained a poHtical and literary development, 
which has raised them to the rank of langucujes ; such are French, 
Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Provencal, and Wallachian. Others, 
on the contrary, remained uncultured and confined within narrow 
limits ; these fell to the level of patois. The different patois or 
dialects of France are not, as has long been supposed, degenerate 
offspring of the French language; they are its real brethren, 
humble and rustic, it is true, but legitimate offshoots fi'om 
the same stock, though their development ceased at different 
periods of their growth. The patois of France may be sub- 
divided into two great classes ; some approximate to the French 
language or langue cVdil, others to the Provencal or langue 
d'oc. Ths langue d'oil prevails in Dauphiny, as far as the right 
bank of the Isere, between the Rhone and the mouth of the 
Bourne, there it crosses the river to take in a portion of Royannais, 
Vercors, the valley of Gresse, that of Drac, as far as the Trieves, 
and finally, the lower portion of the valley of Piomauche. From 
the Grave, the boundary line seems to follow high crests of 
mountains, almost deserted, in the direction of Mount Thabor, 
and onwards to Mont Cenis. Following from north to south, 
between Mount Thabor and Mount Viso, the principal cham of 
the Alps, which forms the dividing line of the waters, there is 


162 The Waldenses of Italy. 

found on the eastern slope the valleys of Bardonneche, Oulx, and 
Pragelas, which now belong to Italy. Descendmg toward the 
south there are found the valleys of St. Martin, Angrogna, and 
Luserna, generally known by the name of the Waldensian valleys. 
Still further south, upon the side of Mount Viso, the valley of 
the Po begins, and debouches in the plains of Saluces. At the 
southern extremity of the Marquisate of Saluces lies the valley of 
the Vraite. On the western slope are the valleys of Monetier, 
Nevache, Bryangon, Queyras, Vallouise, and Argentiere. These 
last two extend as far as the slopes of Mount Pelvoux. The 
region we have just indicated, forms, in the very centre of the 
Alps, a distinct country, with customs and languages peculiar to 
itself. This latter, which is a dialect of the langue d'oc, has 
almost become a language, thanks to the writings of the 
Waldenses, but being constantly encroached upon by its two 
powerful neighbours — Italian and French — it has shown a ten- 
dency to disappear. Keduced to the condition of a mere colloquial 
patois, it is losing its traditions, its rules, its unity, and is 
becoming subdivided into a certain number of local varieties, in 
which the ancient terms are gradually making way for the words 
of the languages taught in the schools, these being more or less 
disfigured by the effects of local pronunciation."^*^'* 

Thus far philologists being thoroughly agreed, we may enter 
upon the special subject under consideration. 

If the dialect of Queyras appears to have withstood foreign 
influences better than the others, that of the Waldenses has not 
been totally absorbed. Having been more than its neighbours 
employed in writings, we can understand how that circumstance 
would for centuries contribute to the preservation of the Vaudois 
dialect, and we might be amazed that to this day its character 
has not been more perfectly described, if we did not know that it 
had not been sufficiently used in writing to become thoroughly 
established as a language. This is no doubt the reason why its 
origin and formation are still discussed, without any definite or 
unanimous conclusion being arrived at. Let us first repeat the 
contradictory opinions brought out by the discussion. Perrin 
hardly touches the point. He simply says that the writings of 
the Waldenses have been recorded in a language " partly 
Provencal and partly Piedmontese." Gilles, Leger, and their 
successors, do not question his opinion, which is probably based 

The Waldenses of Italy. 1G3 

upou ti-iulition. If this be so, from the very first, criticism has 
attempted to correct it. It is well laiowu that the researches of 
the critics were inaugurated by their leader, Raynouard, and that 
he expressed himself most unmistakably on this subject. " The 
Waldensian dialect is identical with the Eomance language," he 
says ; and goes on to state that " the slight modifications, noticeable 
when it is compared with the language of the Troubadours, are 
explainable in such away as to render additional proofs of this 
identity. """^ 

Those are the two principal opinions, which to this day have 
striven for the masteiy. We may profitably examine authorities 
before arriving at any conclusion as to which view should have the 

Diez writes : " The original birth-place of the "Waldensian 
dialect must be the Lyonnais, where Peter Waldo lived. The 
dialect became properly Waldensian, only by the emigration into 
Piedmont of Waldo's followers, the dialect of that country having 
an influence upon the language, which was originally Provencal." ^''''^ 
As to the relation between the Provencal and the Lyonnais, W. 
Foerster, a worthy successor of Diez, in a letter addressed to the 
writer, has sho\\Ti that in certain particulars, the Lyonnais escapes 
from the influence of the Provencal, and that it deviates from 
the Waldensian dialect and approaches the French. ^•^'' Therefore, 
there is no reason for deriving the Waldensian dialect from that 
of Lyons.^*^** There may be nothing to prevent the idea that the 
primitive Waldenses carried the Lyonnais dialect with them into 
the Valleys ; but before admitting that it was implanted, there 
some traces of it should be pointed out. Thus far, no one has 
succeeded in doing this. Furthermore, the influence of the Pied- 
montese dialect must not be exaggerated. Diez lays too much 
stress upon it. If the old Waldensian seems to him already 
different from the Provencal in some of its phonic characters, the 
modern Waldensian is still further removed, " approaching the 
ItaHan " to such a degree that "its derivation from the ancient 
language is subject to great doubts. "^''^ Griizmacher was inclined 
to favour this opinion,'^'" as well as Herzog and Dieckhoft'.^'^ 
Montet adopts it resolutely, almost word for word ;"^ he even 
goes further. According to him, "the Piedmontese dialect even- 
tually took the place of the Waldensian " as early as the times of 
the Reformation. As a proof, he states that "the acts of the 

G 2 

164 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Synod of Angrogna of 1532 are written in a language greatly 
resembling the Italian "■'^^^ But the language in which these acts 
are recorded not only resembles Italian, it is Italian, as it was 
then spoken. It would be a rash conclusion to determine the 
character of the local dialect from the more or less frequent use 
of that language in official documents, and we should be obliged 
to draw an altogether different one from the use of the French 
language, when it in turn was introduced. Montet is on this 
point quite moderate when compared with Muston, who dates the 
first influence of Italian a few centuries back, in order that the 
birth of the Waldensian dialect may be attributed to it. He gives 
himself up so entirely to this opinion, that, in the face of the 
most reliable results obtained by the study of the Neo-Latin 
languages, he has quite the appearance of wishing to uproot Wal- 
densian dialect from its natural soil for the purpose of relegating 
it, we know not whither ; for he does not succeed in classifying 
it as he claims, " with the family of dialects of Italian forma- 
tion."^"^ Perhaps he hopes, by this new device, to restore faith in 
Waldensian apostolic antiquity."^ If so, his argument is founded on 
a wrong basis. ^^^ On the one hand, he tries to prove that which needs 
no proof, namely, that the Waldensian language cannot be num- 
bered amongst "the French family ;"^'''^ while on the other, he 
invokes the support of the masters of comparative philology to 
refute the results obtained from the history of the Neo-Latin 
idioms.^''^ Indeed, if there be a point now thoroughly established, 
it is that the origin and character of the Waldensian dialect are 
Provencal. The facts are indeed so striking — at least for those 
who make the matter a subject of special and thorough study — 
that it is useless to contest them. Professor W. Foerster writes : 
" The Waldensian dialect prior to the Reformation was purely 
Provencal in its idiom. With regard to the modern Waldensian 
dialect it also is pure Provencal : but we must be on our guard 
against comparing it with the old Provencal. We shall be con- 
vinced of this if we compare it with the modern patois of Pro- 
vence on the Italian side of the Rhone. I must, however, after 
my recent researches, confess that the traces to be found in it of 
the influence of the Piedmontese, are more insignificant than I 
had expected to find, though La Tour is, of course, not the place 
in which it would be easiest to find these influences. Wherever 
the Piedmontese of the plain had not penetrated, the Provencal 

The Waldenses of Italy. 165 

dialect lias as to its construction remainod intact. It is true that 
there exist a certain number of words common to the Waldenses 
and Piedmontese and unknown on the other slope of the Cottian 
Alps ; but that number is exceedingly small." As for the words 
which we owe to the slow but irresistible influence of the French 
language, it is very well known that they do not suffice to alter 
the fundamental constitution of Waldensian dialect. 

Thus the progress of linguistic science brings us back 
to the principle established by Raynouard, according to whom 
the Waldensian dialect is Provencal, botli in origin and 
character, though contrary opinions are still by some main- 
tained, less, however, with reference to the more or less ancient 
written speech than to the colloquial dialect, which has a tendency 
to deviate from it.'''""' While the French continues its deleterious 
reducing action, the influence of the Piedmontese patois and of the 
Italian language have grown stronger, especially since the political 
events, which unified Italy and gave the Waldenses public 
life. Waldensian dialect, Proven5al as to its origin, is being 
transformed and resolved into its constituents, not only in the 
Valley of Luserna, but also in that of Perouse, more and more 
may we, therefore, expect it to assimilate the patois of Piedmont. 
Some think that a process of degradation may go on, which mil ulti- 
mately cause it to be classed with secondary or tertiary groups 
of dialects still unspecified. A " secondary group of dialects, 
having a Latin basis, and holding an intermediate place between 
the tongues of oc and of si on the one side, and the tongue of oil 
on the other," is vaguely spoken of, upon the authority of Pro- 
fessor P. Meyer, who seems at one time to maintain that the lan- 
guage of the Waldensian Valleys resembles the Provencal most ; 
at another, that it has most affinity with the Italian, while at yet 
another time he impartially declares that it is a " romance language, 
like Italian and Provencal, but equaUj' distant from both."^^^ Facts 
show that if the influence of Piedmontese and French be undeni- 
able, the Provencal basis is still there, evident and visible. 

When we go back to the early transformations of the dialect, 
or seek to separate it from the mother branch, there is difliculty 
in understanding how the genesis and formation of Waldensian 
literature may be explained. Muston, the poet, in his mind's eye, 
saw literature springing up upon the Italian side of the Alps, even 
before Waldo's time f^^ but such an idea need only be mentioned 

166 The Waldenses of Italy. 

to be dismissed. Herzog himself was not far fi-om going astray, 
when he thought that the Waldensian writings, ah*eady partly 
compiled upon a Latin basis, had donned a Provencal form 
in their second edition, and had afterwards undergone a new 
revision in order to become Vaudois.^*^* A Hterature so edited 
woiUd thus be the one presented by the existing manuscripts. 
There is no need for such an hypothesis as that of Herzog. The 
ancient writings did not need to be re-translated into Provencal ; 
they were Provencal, and their Waldensian character is revealed by 
very shght modifications, of which Montet, as quoted by Griiz- 
macher, has given us an interesting specimen.^^^ 

The origin and place of the Waldensian dialect having been 
indicated, the writings now come up for examination. 

These writings, as MSS. of the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, are to be found in some ten 
libraries, namely, those of Cambridge, Dublin, Paris, Grenoble, 
Carpentras, Geneva, Zurich, Munich, Lyons, and the village of Tepl 
in Bohemia.^''*^ Unfortunately, the history of these MSS. for the 
most part escapes research, and we must be content to glean a 
few items of information about the collections of Cambridge and 
Dublin. Archbishop Usher was the first to conceive the idea of 
making these collections. As early as 1611, he was in search of 
documents relating to Waldensian history, and in 1634, 
he obtained from a French lawyer a series of very rare 
Waldensian writings, for which he paid about 550 francs. The 
series passed in its entirety to the library of Trinity College, 
Dublin. When in 1655, by order of Cromwell, Samuel Morland 
betook himself to the Duke of Savoy to plead the cause of the 
persecuted Waldenses, he was exhorted by the old Archbishop, 
then almost on his death-bed, to profit by this opportunity for 
procuring memoirs, and other authentic writings which might serve 
to throw some new new light on Waldensian tenets. The British 
envoy took the matter up heartily, and, on his return, placed a 
valuable collection of ancient manuscripts in the library of Cam- 
bridge University. During the eighteenth century, an Italian 
assistant at the library catalogued the collection among the Spanish 
writings, so that until 1862, their existence was unknown. We 
can only surmise whence tbe manuscripts which are kept in the 
library of Geneva came. In 1662, Leger deposited there a volume 
which cannot be identified from the description he gives of it. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 107 

Upou the cover of one of the manuscripts there is found au 
endorsement, which states that it belonj^s to the churches of the 
Valleys of Piedmont, " who pray the Genevese to keep it for 

As will be readily seen, these details are far from furnishing us 
with the necessary elements for an historical description of the sources 
of Waldensian literature. It might be thought that a chronological 
catalogue of these writings would be of semce, but as yet no 
arrangement of them has been made, and what is to be desired is 
the work of eHmination and expurgation, rather than any addition 
to the compilations already in existence.^*^^ Meanwhile, such a 
general classification as will serve the purpose of the narrative, 
must for the present be made to suffice. 

The two scribes who worked with Waldo — one in the capacity 
of a translator and compiler, the other as a copyist — seem to have 
been the prototypes of a long succession of translators or com- 
pilers and copyists. If Waldensian literature does not shine by 
its originality, it must be remembered that the ancient Waldenses 
were not ambitious for literary fame. Those who reflect, will 
agree that they had not leisure for writing, their whole lives being 
spent in action. 

Below is given a list of the versions of the Bible due to that 
zeal in them for the Word of God ; which absorbed, as it were, 
nearly all the literaiy faculty they may have possessed. After- 
wards some mention will be made of then- profane writings in 
prose and poetry. 

I. — The Early Versions. 

It is admitted, without contention, that attempts at the trans- 
lation of the Scriptures into the vulgar tongue had been made 
before the appearance of Waldo, and that they served to sustain, 
in some measure, the faith of believers, and to feed dissent. 
Whether the Cathari were the authors, or even the users, of some 
of the translations is not certain.^**^ 

" The French Bible of the Middle Ages dates its origin back 
to the first years of the XII. century at least."*^^ Lambert le 
Begue, a contemporary of Waldo, busied himself with the trans- 
lation of the Scriptures. Nevertheless, it may be said with truth 
that the study of the Bible, which marks the commencement of 

168 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Waldensiau history, also imbues its primitive literature iu an 
eminent degree. ^^'^ This is an incontestible fact, but it has been 
exaggerated — so much so, that every time a new feature comes to 
light in connection with the Scriptural movement of the Middle 
Ages, more than one writer hastens to recognize its Waldensian 
origin. ^^^ Is a discovery of translations prior to Waldo made, 
straightway without pausing they dash at a conclusion. They 
argue that, as they find in the writing under investigation, 
literal quotations from the Scriptures which are also found in 
this or the other ancient poem of the Waldenses, the poem 
must necessarily date from Waldo's time, or perhaps to a 
time anterior, and thus a conclusion is rapidly and illogically 
arrived at. If such reasoners were satisfied with agreeing that 
Waldo had predecessors, their logic would not be so much at 
fault ; but with this they do not rest content — they claim that the 
versions anterior to Waldo are necessarily Waldensian, without 
considering that what they advance as proofs are only very bad 
speculations, and they cite quotations which are nowhere to be found. 
"I formally deny," says Reuss, "that in any of those poems 
there is a single literal quotation from the Bible ; if there were 
any they might be taken directly from the Latin. "^''^ Moreover, 
there is no Waldensian poem which dates back so far as the time 
of Waldo. 

(a) Waldo's Translation. 

The circumstances of the coming into existence of Waldo's 
translation will be remembered.^^^ Waldo desired to understand 
the Gospels, and being a man of little education, he procured the 
assistance of two priests, residents of Lyons, like himself. One 
was a grammarian called Stephen, from the city of Anse, above 
Lyons, on the Saone, where at a later period he held an office iu 
the cathedral. The other, Bernard Ydros, was a scribe by pro- 
fession. The merchant divided the work between them in the 
following manner : — One was to dictate the translation in the 
vulgar tongue, the other was to write it. "In this manner they 
wrote several books of the Bible, together with numerous excerpta 
from the Saints, grouped under titles ; these they called sen- 
tences. "^^^ According to this testimony, which is entitled to more 
credit than any other ^''^ Waldo's share in this work was large 

The Waldenses of Italy. Ifiy 

though modest. He is really entitled to the wliole merit, thougli 
to give him this it is not necessary to surround him with a litcraiy 
aureola or make him out a critic. Gilly, with misplaced zeal, 
goes so far as to see in Lyons, a committee of revision analogous 
to those that have sprung from the modern school.^"'^ However 
powerful om- imagination may be, we cannot picture to ourselves 
Waldo shut up in his study, like a cathedral Canon, carefully 
and painfully collating the manuscripts of Vercelli, Brescia, and 
A'erona, to disentangle from them the reading to be adopted in the 
subsequent versions, in France as well as in Italy, and even in 
Spain.^^^ Amusing though it be, under this fiction lies concealed, 
nevertheless, a serious idea, of which we shaU speak further on. 
In the domain of fact we shall find something which concerns the 
early Waldensian version. 

From 1173 or 1177, the date of Waldo's conversion, to 1179, 
the date of the third Lateran Council, to which from Lyons went 
the Waldensian deputation, the interval is too short to expect that 
in it there originated any new translation, other than that 
of which we have been speaking. The Waldensian translation, 
seen at Rome, and presented to Alexander HI., was therefore 
Waldo's, augmented perhaps, and already revised. Now, what 
follows is the testimony of an onlooker ; it has already been cited, 
and need now merely be recalled. " We saw at the Council," he 
writes, " some Waldenses, who presented oin- Lord the Pope with 
a book, written in the Gallic tongue, and containing the text and 
the gloss of the Psalter, and a great number of the books of the 
two Testaments. "^^^ That is what Map, according to Stephen 
of Bourbon, tells us. Both of them might well have been more 
explicit — we should like to know more of the natm'e of that 
translation, its extent and its language. Two elements in it must 
be kept separate — the translation and the annotations ; Pieuss 
attempted to define them, but did not succeed. If it were 
proven that Map examined the books to which he alludes, 
and that he was sufficiently well acquainted with the dialect 
in which they were written, Reuss thinks that " we should 
necessarily be obliged to admit that the work of the Lyonnese 
was an annotated Bible, and as that kind of edition or copy 
was very common, that would create no difficulty. "■'^^ On 
the other hand, is it not probable that if Map had been com- 
missioned to caiTy on a discussion with the Waldensian deputies, 

170 The Waldenses of Italy. 

he must have been able to go into their afiairs with some know- 
ledge of the matter ? If we admit that, we are therefore 
brought to believe that the first Waldensian version com- 
prised a certain number of more or less isolated books, 
accompanied by notes, if not commentaries, all collected 
into one volume. ^"^' It was at most a collection, as Tron 
says, " somewhat complete." As for the language employed, 
that is sufficiently indicated by the local circumstances at- 
tending its publication. It was the language then spoken at 
Lyons. But Avhat was that ? This question, so natural thirty- 
five years ago, is now about to find a definite solution. The 
ancient Lyonnese dialect would seem to be " one of the best 
known " among those which abounded in France. It is classified 
with the Franco-Provencal group.^^^ If this be so, Reuss may 
legitimately repeat, that it is " impossible to admit that the dialect 
used by the three citizens of Lyons in their work was the same as 
we find in the Waldensian documents. ""^^^ There is no longer any 
danger of confounding it with that of Provence, which served for 
other translations. What are we to conclude, if not that the 
original Waldensian translation has disappeared ? Only, that this 
disappearance may, after all, be more apparent than real. It is 
thought to be lost, and rightly so ; but it might be buried where 
it is not sought for, namely, in one or several of the subsequent 
versions, commencing with that of Metz, to which we are now 
about to turn our attention. 

(b) The Translation of the Waldenses of Metz. 

Here, again, let us briefly recall some circumstances which 
have already been adverted to.*^*^^ This time we have a Pope for 
witness ; but his testimony is not immediate. The reader will 
remember, that in his answer to Bishop Bertram, Innocent III. 
wrote: " You intimated to me by letter, that in the diocese of 
Metz, as Avell as in the city itself, a multitude of laymen and 
women, carried away by I trow not what desire to know the Holy 
Scriptures, had the Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul, the Psalter, 
the Moralities on Job, and several other books translated for them 
into French." ^^^ On this subject lie asks for certain explanations 
which have been lost to us.*^*^^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 171 

The testimony of Innocent III. docs not take us very far ; 
still he learned what he here states, from a man at Metz, best 
qualified to supply information ; he adopts the report unquestion- 
ingly, as in fact his investigation is foimded thereon. Indeed, he 
requires nothing further than to discover the author of the trans- 
lation, and to verify in what spirit it was written.'^^'^ We can form 
a shrewd guess from a hint that follows. Possibly the author 
was one Crespin, a priest, if not a friend of the Bishop, 
for the latter particularly complains of the clergy.'^'^^'^ Be that 
as it may, the translation was made at the express invitation of 
the Waldenses, ^'^^ who in this imitated the example of their leader. 
It could only have been written from the Latin text, in the dialect 
of the country.''*'^ When the clergy came on the scene to destroy 
it, some copies that fell into their hands were consigned to the 

This seems to us to be clearly shown by the testimony we 
have just adduced, wherefore we must, to our regret, decline to 
follow Berger in his somewhat speculative deductions. " Did 
it occur to anyone," he writes in connection with this, " to con- 
sider that the question may here refer to something altogether 
different from a translation of the four Gospels and the fourteen 
epistles of St. Paul, which are supposed to have disappeared without 
leaving any trace ? Suppose we were to light upon a manuscript of 
The Gospels and Epistles for Sundays and Feast Days, with an ex- 
tensive commentary ; suppose this manuscript were by its language 
referable to Lorraine, by its origin to Metz, and that its date carried 
us back almost precisely to the time of Innocent III., could one 
refuse to recognize in it a stray relic of Waldensian literature, and 
even a witness of the persecutions of 1139 ? What if the very size 
and the whole condition of the manuscript seem to indicate one of 
those little unpretending, inexpensive books made to be kept con- 
cealed, such as the books favoured by the middle classes at Metz 
and the Poor of Lyons must have been '? It is a small volume, 
written in long lines, the text in red, the gloss in black. The 
character of the handwriting belongs .to a period, not later than 
the beginning of the XIII. century. The last sheet contains In- 
dulgences gi'anted to the Minorite Brethren, written a hundred 
years later. As Abbe Lebeuf remarked, the volume contains the 
Gospels appointed for the last fortnight in Lent, with some 
Epistles for the same season, and the gloss attributed to Haimon." 

172 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Berger then goes on to quote the first lines of this gloss, adding 
these reflections : " There never was seen a more pious work, more 
sober in sentiment, less tainted with the jargon and subtleties of 
the Schools — in a word, more suited to the edification of those 
simple and pious folk called the Waldenses. Nor would its title 
in those days imply the slightest reflection upon their religion, 
while in point of orthodoxy, the commentary is irreproachable, 
and this, too, is quite the character which marks not a Yaudois 
book, for the Waldenses were not at that time bringing out books, 
but a pious work, such as they would have got translated and 
must have cherished. Among the hundreds of manuscripts of 
the French Bible which have been preserved, almost all more or 
less annotated and with commentaries ; this assuredly is the only 
one in which both commentary and text might find acceptance 
with Christians even at the present day, whatever their form 
of worship. "''^^ 

Curious and interesting as are such reflections, they do not 
suffice to convince us. We shall offer no objection on linguistic 
grounds, although the question of language, discussed by the 
Secretary to the Protestant Theological Faculty of Paris, is from 
what we can learn still far from being solved. We will assume 
that " this New Testament in the Lorraine dialect, presents ail 
the features of the orthography used at Metz in the most ancient 
records;" nor shall we stop to "inquire whether this manuscript, 
in the same hand throughout, does not present inequalities of 
idiom, warranting the conclusion that there is a difference between 
the dialect in which it was written, and that in which it was 
copied." Even if that be granted, would that solve the question as a 
whole ? With difficulty, for in the first place, whereas it was a ques- 
tion of a translation, it is now only that of Lessons, with comment 
and gloss f^'^ secondly — and this point seems important — the 
Vaudois' version contained the Psalms, but the book referred to 
by Berger does not. He is surprised that the Metz translation 
should have disappeared "without leaving any trace ;" but is he 
not content to believe that perhaps the same thing happened to 
that of Lyons — a hundred times more important from the great- 
ness of its prestige and the precious recollections which surround 
it ? If the Metz translation did disappear, it was probably 
because it was Waldensian ; while Haimon's paraphrased version 
survives, doubtless because nothing about it rendered it suspicious ; 

The Waldenses of Italy. 173 

neither its orthodoxy, which is irreproachable, nor the name of 
its author, Avho was no less a personage than the Bisliop of 
Halherstadt.^^^ Could Bertram have been ignorant of the fact that 
this was the translation of a pious Cathohc manual, written by 
a brother Churchman '? If he knew, why keep silent about 
it in his first letter to the Pontiff, and above all, why be 
scandalized ? If he did not know, must we assume that the 
inquiry directed by Innocent III., and carried out by the clergy 
was insufficient to open his eyes ? But then, why should the 
clergy burn the translation "? We do not refuse to recognise the 
relation, if any there be, between the above-mentioned Book of 
the Gospels and the Biblical movement of Metz ; but why should 
this exclude a less fragmentary translation ? When Berger teUs 
us that " the Psalters, with and without annotations, were numerous 
at the end of the XII. century," and reminds us " that the 
period about 1170, was marked by one of the most remarkable 
Biblical movements in all the region which extends from Lyons 
to the country of the Walloons," we have no option but to conclude, 
without him it is true, that there must have been sufficient in 
the world at that time, both for the Waldensian version and the 
translation of the manual of the Halberstadt Bishop.'"''^ 

This is what we had to say on the subject of our early Biblical 

Thus far the result of our researches has only been to notice 
translations that have disappeared. But others survived the per- 
secution. First, there are one or two ancient ones, more or less 
contested ; then comes a comparatively modern version. Let 
us speak of them with their manuscripts, according to their 
chronological order. 

II. — The Ancient Versions. 
Each is represented by one manuscript. 

(a) The Manuscript of Iaioiis.^^-' 

There are several features which call the attention of the critic 
to the manuscript of Lyons. It is somewhat unique, as compared 
with those that will follow it in this summary. It differs from 
them indeed, and in more than one respect — first, outwardly ; then, 

174 The Waldenses of Italy. 

by the order in which the books are placed. First come the Gos- 
pels, the Acts, then the Apocalypse and the General Epistles ; 
finally, the Epistles of Paul ; but with this two-fold peculiarity, 
namely, that the Epistles to the Thessalonians precede that to the 
Colossians, and tliat the latter is followed by the Epistle to the 
Laodiceans, known during the middle ages, but since forgotten. 
Then, if we note that it is not divided into chapters as at present, 
we have proof that the manuscript of Lyons dates back to a 
remote period, inasmuch as this division was introduced in the 
year 1260, and was not received until much later.^^^ The text 
presents but two omissions. ^^^ To this in itself very significant 
feature, are added others, which show it to be necessarily a manu- 
script of the XIII. century. It betrays, moreover, a hand that is 
ill-acquainted with Latin. Is it the hand of a Waldensian ? 
Fleck, of Giessen, who was the first to examine the manuscript 
of Lyons, attributed the translation of it to the Waldenses ; he 
hesitated a little, however, doubting whether it might not come 
equally well from the sect of the Albigenses. He conferred 
with Fauriel, who went no further than to establish that its lan- 
guage difi"ers from the Roman spoken in the valley of the Rhone. 
Gilly as well as Muston number it among the Walden- 
sian manuscripts, without taking into account the considerable 
difference there is between it and the dialect of the Alps. Accord- 
ing to Reuss, the contrast is striking. Comparing, from a linguis- 
tic point of view, the Lyons translation with the version of the 
manuscripts of Zurich and Dublin, he writes: "Not only does 
the linguistic material differ, each making use of a great number 
of words unknown to the other, but the grammar also is subject 
to other rules, other forms, other terminations. Of course, in 
comparing the two dialects with Northern French, and that of 
to-day, these shades of difference seem to disappear. On both sides 
is found a form of language which may be called Provencal, if this 
term be taken in a very wide sense ; but only the most superficial 
carelessness, and a total absence of philological instinct, can avoid 
noticing the differences. The dialect of the manuscripts of 
Zurich and Dublin, which we are told is really of the Valleys of 
Piedmont, is akin to the Italian ; it is most certainly an Alpine 
dialect, and we readily admit that it belongs to the eastern slope 
of the range. The dialect of the Lyons manuscript has nothing 
in common with the forms peculiar to the Italian ; it is akin to 

The Waldenses of Italy. 175 

Spanish. It belongs to the family of those dialects that were 
comprised in the Limosine language, one which was formerly 
proper to the countries that extend from Auvergne to ]\Iurcia, and 
whose principal seat was Catalogne and Languedoc."*^'"^ There- 
upon Reuss states, " with perfect assurance," that the translation 
we are speaking of is the Cathari in origin and character. His 
opinion is the generally received one, and more especially so since 
the discovery made by one of his colleagues. This, in a few 
words, is the question. 

The text of the Lyons translation is followed by a few leaves, 
containing, as some have thought, a small ritual belonging to the 
sect of the Cathari, or Albigeuses. Cunitz is the author of that 
discovery, and he hastened to publish the said ritual with some 
very useful notes.*^^^ From that moment the question was settled, 
for Reuss first of aU, and then for Herzog, Berger, and other 
writers, with the exception of Pcerster, wdio has not yet hauled 
down his colours, and who deserves attention. In 1872, this 
learned philologist devoted his holidays to the transcription of the 
entire Gospel of St. John, wiiich he printed six years later.^^*^ 
He did not lose sight of this work, which he must have desired to 
complete. His opinion is therefore also based upon experience, 
as Avell as that which, as we saw was so positively expressed. 
Here it is: " The dialect of the Lyonnese New Testament is pure 
Provencal, as spoken on the right bank of the Rhone, probably in 
the departments of the Aude or the Tarn. I believe that version 
to be Waldensian ; only the dialect in which it is written is not 
the same as it was known in the valleys. It is only quite in its 
infancy, and the homogeneous relations between the two, does 
not imply an identity, which is lacking. I repeat, in my opinion, 
the Lyonnese manuscript belongs to the Waldenses. It is well 
known that they were numerous, especially in the department of 
Tarn." This is what the Professor at Bonn writes: "Here 
again we w^ould not desire anything better than to be able to 
adopt his view, but there is one Httle difficulty we cannot get 
over. Admitting, what does not seem to be absolutely iucon- 
testible, that the Lyonnese manuscript was written in the 
district indicated by Foerster, what positive reason have we for 
believing that it was the work of the Waldenses ? They were 
numerous there, he observes, but were not the Albigenses there 
before them ? It seems sufficient to us to recall the fact that, 

176 The Waldenses of Italy. 

among the localities comprised in this department, is that 
of Albi, whence the Cathari derived the name which they 
bear in the South of France. However, we desired to place 
on record here the statement of the learned philologist, and 
we shall follow it up with an avowal made by Reuss himself. 
" I can afiirm in the most formal and positive manner,'" 
writes the latter, " that the version of the Cathari, such as 
I know it through the manuscript of Lyons, shows not the 
slightest trace of the dogmas peculiar to that sect."'*-^ After 
this, what can we say, but that the ritual alone may 
decide the question, to some extent at least '? Foerster, 
who has lately examined it again, thinks that it is not as certainly 
belonging to the Cathari, as is pretended, and he inclines to the 
belief that it is Waldensian.^-^ This is not our opinion. We 
believe the ritual presents unequivocal traces of Catharism. The 
mention of the doxology in the Lord's Prayer, which is foreign to 
the Vulgate and Eomish worship ; the quotation of the Prologue 
to the Gospel of John, which was ordinarily used in the 
Albigenses' worship ; the act of confession and the expression 
referring to the sins of the flesh, especially the ceremony 
of the consolamentum or spiritual baptism, are enough to give us 
grounds for an opinion as to the origin of the ritual,"-'^ even though 
we do recognize that it does not reveal that dualism which 
distinguishes, even in its moderate creeds, the sect of the 
Cathari ; but for this, there is a very simple reason after 
all, namely, that to proclaim this dualism in acts of worship 
was contrary to usage. ''^"^ With these reservations, it seems 
to us that too absolute an importance has been given here to 
the fact of the ritual being appended. It has been held, 
indeed, that the biblical passages quoted, agree in a striking 
manner with the corresponding text of the translation opposite ; 
but care has been taken to add also, that there is more than 
one variation, hence some exceptions. This ritual does not 
prove that the version it accompanies is of Catharin origin, but 
only that the Albigenses adopted it. If the fact of a ritual being 
appended were sufficient to settle, once for all, a question of this 
kind, this argument in itself would settle the question relating 
to the version of Tepl, which is at present so much the subject of 

The "Wai.denses of Italy. 177 

(b) Tlte Paris Manuscript. 

This niamiscript presents to us the books of the New Testa- 
ment, with several omissions."-'' The order of these books is not 
that of the Vulgate, nor that of our ordinary Bibles. The Acts 
follow the Gospels it is true, but the General Epistle precede 
those of Paul, as in the Greek manuscripts, as well as in diverse 
documents of the Middle Ages. The text is not here di-s-ided 
into chapters, as it is now ; it reminds one of the lectionaries 
of the ancient Church. The portions taken for the Gospels and 
Epistles for Simdays and Feast-days are marked, either by means 
of special titles, or by an intervening space and a difference in the 
writing. Thus far the age of the manuscript has not been 
ascertained ; but several indications — notably those having a 
bearing upon the language — serve to show that it is very ancient. 
The preface fixes the date of it within the first half of the XIV. 
century, and Berger confirms this point. The dialect in which it 
is written was the Provencal ; hence it is not demonstrated that 
the editing was the work of the Waldenses ; nay, more, there is 
nothing to prove that it was done by their desire. StiU, this or 
that feature seems to betray a significant usage ; thus, for 
instance, the index, which marginally notes those passages which 
were the ordinary subject of Waldensian preaching. According to 
Berger, that indication betrays the hand of a Waldensian 
collater.®-'* More than one passage should be read, however, before 
arriving at conviction. Here are a couple of examples : — 

Non vulhas temer, petita companha, quar plac a vostre payre 
dar a vos lo regne. Car ieu habitaray en els e seray lur dieus at 
il seran mon pobol. Car laveniment del senhor sappropria. Car 
ancar un petit tant o cant eel que es avenir venra e non tarzara.^^^* 

The following passage betrays both grotesque and menacing 
features : — 

vas ricz fatz ara ploras u dolas. Las vostras riquezas son 
fachas poyridas e las vostras vestimentas son maniadas davnas.*^-*^ 

We again affirm that it would be arbitrary, from such examples, 
arrive at a final conclusion with respect to the origin of the 
version in question. We admit, on the other hand, that it is 
much less controverted than that of Lyons ; indeed, one can 

178 The Waldenses of Italy. 

hardly say that auy doubt is thrown upon it. Keuss, who does 
not easily take things for granted, recognized the authenticity of 
it, although he had not the opportunity of examining the manu- 
script of Paris as thoroughly as he did that of Lyons. The only 
reservation he made was the expression of a doubt whether the 
translation of which we are speaking, although Waldensian, ought 
to be grouped with those we are about to mention.*'^'^ 

We shall now deal with a translation of which there are 
several copies, all, with the exception of some slightly different 
readings, agreeing. 

III. — The Modern Translation. 

This is represented by four manuscripts. We will say a word 
about each of them. 

(a) The Cambridge ManiiscrijJt.'^^^ 

This was thought to be lost. It was not even mislaid, but 
simply ignored ; which fact afforded the Librarian of Cambridge 
University the satisfaction of bringing it to light, about a quarter 
of a century ago. Its place of origin interests us directly, for Sir 
Samuel Morland, who deposited it where it now is, received it 
from the hand of Leger.*^^- It comprises, as a whole, the New 
Testament, with the addition of a few fragments of the Old Testa- 
ment and of the Apocrypha. Its omissions make it more defective 
than its predecessors. "^^^ The order is as follows : The four 
Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, Chapter vi. of Proverbs, and 
Chapters v. and vi. of the Book of Wisdom, Acts, the General 
Epistles, the last few of which, as well as the Apocalypse, are 
wanting. The present division into chapters appears here for the 
first time ; it is marked in red, with Roman figures, and with 
ornamental initials. According to Bradshaw, the writing belongs 
to the end of the XIV. century, and Montet confirmed his opinion. 
Were other indications wanting, the dialect leaves no doubt as to 
the origin of this translation. 

(b) The Grenoble Manuscript.^^^ 

Muston writes : "I have reason to believe that this Bible is 
the one which the Waldensian Synod purchased of an inhabitant 

The Waldenses of Italy. 179 

of Pragela, for the purpose of sending it to Perrin, to whom it was 
conveyed by the sou of Yignaux. Perrin exchanged it for 
historical documents, furnished by a counsellor of the Grenoble 
Parliament, named Yulgon. This man bequeathed his library to 
the parliament, or the bishopric, and after their suppression, most 
of the books passed to the city library." *^^'^ The manuscript of 
Grenoble, however, does not contain the entire Bible, but only the 
New Testament — complete this time ; together with Ecclesiastes, 
twelve chapters of Proverbs, ten chapters of the Book of Wisdom, 
and fifteen chapters of the Book of Jesus, son of Sirach.''^'' This is 
the order of the books : the four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul 
and General Epistles, Acts, and Apocalj^jse. Then come the 
excerpta of the Old Testament we have just mentioned, as well as 
the Apocrypha, and a few exegetic or homiletic selections, on the 
Beatitudes and the Lord's Praj-er, with a table of Lessons for 
Sundays and Feast-days.''^'' The division into chapters is that of 
the Vulgate. ^^'^ The books have each a prolegomena, borrowed 
from St. Jerome. The writing is of the XVI. century, according 
to Herzog ; '^'^^ at any rate sufficiently close to the date of the 
manuscripts that still remain for us to mention. 

(c) The Dublin Manuscript. ^^^ 

This is so legible, that one is tempted to beheve it to be the 
one referred to by Perrin, when he writes : " We hold in our 
hands a New Testament, on parchment, in the Waldensian dialect, 
very w-ell wi'itten, although in very ancient characters. "^^^ This 
is the more probable, as among the Waldensian manuscripts pre- 
served in Dublin there is a certain document annotated by his 
hand. Herzog, having transcribed it, deposited the copy in the 
Royal Library of Berlin,"^- in the hope that the Prussian Govern- 
ment, which had favoured him in his work, might direct it to be 
printed. This, however, did not take place. There we have the 
New Testament entire ; also, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, 
the Book of Wisdom, and the first twenty-three chapters of the 
Book of Jesus, son of Sirach. Nothing is omitted in this version. 
In examining this manuscript, we are led to believe that it is the 
copy of one more ancient,''^^ which Gilly and Muston erroneously 
thought to be that of Grenoble.*'*'* The former has abandoned that 
opinion, and claims only a *' certain affinity."*''*^ The books come 

180 The Waldenses of Italy. 

ill the following order : — The four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, 
Acts, the General Epistles, and the Apocalypse ; then, as a sort 
of appendix, come the five Books of Wisdom, of the Old Testa- 
ment, following the Vulgate, as we have mentioned them. Almost 
every book is preceded by a prologue from St. Jerome. The 
division of the text corresponds with that of the present chapters, 
with very slight exceptions, and there is no sub-division. In the 
handwriting of the copyist, at the end of Apocalypse, the words, 
" Deo (iiritias, 1522," are added. This date manifestly indicates 
that of the manuscript, and the point is not disputed. Another 
hand has noted on the margin a considerable number of parallel 

(d) The Zurich Manuscript.^'^^ 

According to a note found at the head of this manuscript, we 
learn that it was presented to the Academy of the town in 1692, 
by a Waldensian pastor named Guillaume Malanot.^^'' A second, 
more recent note, also states in Latin that the New Testament 
therein contained was translated and written " in the ancient 
Waldensian-Piedmontese dialect, by a certain Barbet, or niinister 
of that church."^^® Once more, therefore, we are dealing with a 
cojDy of the New Testament that came from Waldensian valleys ; 
indeed, we find here all the New Testament, with a very few 
omissions. '^■*^ The books follow in the order adopted at present, 
namely : the four Gospels, Acts, Epistles of Paul, the General 
Epistles, and Apocalypse. Excepting slight variations of read- 
ing, which have been marked, ^•^'^ the text again presents the 
ordinary division into chapters, as well as the sub-division of 
chapters into four or seven sections, or portions, indicated by 
the first letters of the alphabet. Finally, we read on the mar- 
gin, references to a large number of parallel passages, of which 
several are from the Old Testament and Apocryphal books.^^^ 
These references are written by the copyist. The age of the 
manuscript is fixed. The subdivision alone proves that it cannot 
date further back than the year 1490, nor further forward than 
1550.'*''^ But we find a still more significant feature. It has been 
proved for some time past, that this version, espscially subsequently 
to the Epistle to the Romans, took into account the Greek text pub- 
hshed by Erasmus in 1516.^'^ This fact does not constitute a 

The Waldenses of Italy. 181 

separate version. The manuscript of Zurich is a copy of an okU'r 
version, somewhat corrected, and that is all. 

After these rudimentary remarks upon the manuscripts that 
have preserved for the AValdenses the existing versions, it may 
not be out of place to extract a few parallel passages from them, 
in order to present a small comparative specimen. It is for this 
pui-pose that we reproduce here the prologue to the Gospel of 
John, and excerpta from the Sermon on the Mount, among others 
the Lord's prayer, and finally, the parable of the Prodigal 



MS. de LYON. 

In principio erat verbum, 
et verbum erat apud Deum 
e Deus era la paraula. 
Aisso era el comenzament 
ab Deu. Totas causas so 
faitas per lui, e senes lui es 
fait nient. Zo qu'es fait en 
lui era vida e la vida era 
lutz dels homes. E la lutz 
lutz en tenebras, e las tene- 
bras no la presero. 

MS. de PARIS. 

Lo filh era al comensa- 
ment, el filh era am Dieu el, 
filh era Dieus. Aquest era 
al comensament am Dieu. 
Totas cauzas foron fachas 
per el, e nenguna causa non 
ton fach senz el. So que 
fon fach era en lui vida, e la 
vida era lus dels homes. E 
lalus lus en tenebras, e tene- 
bras non compreenseron lui. 


Lo filh era al commenJ 
ment, e lo filh era ena- 
Dio e Dio era lo filh. A' 
era al comenczament enap 
Dio. Totas cosas son J! 
tas per luy, e alcuna ^ 
non es faicia sencza luy.' 
que fo faict en lui era ' 
e la vita era lucz de li c 
E la lucz luczit en las tt 
bras, e las tenebras 
compreseron ley. 

MS. de LYON. 

Bonaurat so li paubre per esperit, quar de 
lor es lo regnes del eel. 

Totz horn qui au la mia paraula aquesta 
et la fa, es semblantz a Thome savi qui 
endefiquet sa maiso sobre peira. E deis- 
sendet la pluia, e vengro li fium, e bufero li 
vent, et espeissero la maiso, e no cazet, quar 
fermada era sobre ferma peira. E totz horn 
qui au la mia paraula e no la fa, es sem- 
blantz a Thome fol qui endefiquet la sua 
maisso sobre arena. E deissendet la pluia, 
€t vengro li fium, et espeissero, e la meissos 
cazet, e fo grans lo cazementz. 



Tot aquel loqual au aquestas mias ■ 
rollas e fay lor sere semblant al barou 
loqual hedifique la soa maison sobre 
peira. E la ploya deiscende e li fium i 
gron e li vent bufferon e embriveroni 
aquella meison e non cagic. Car era fu( 
sobre la ferma peira. E tot aquel qud 
aquestas mias parollas e non fai lor 
semblant al baron fol loqual hedifique la 
maison sobre larena e la ploya deisende' 
fium vengi'on e li vent bufferon e embrive' 
en aquella maison e cagic. E lo trabu 
ment de ley fo grant. 

MS. de LYON. 

Le nostre paire qui es els eels sanctifi- 
catz sia lo tens noms, avengalo teus regnes 
« sia faita la lua volontaz sico el eel et e la 
terra. E Bona a nosoi lo nostre pa qui es 
sobre tota causa. E perdona a nos les nos- 
tres deuntes aissico nos perdonam als nos- 
tres deutors e no nos amenes en temtation. 
Mais deliura nos de mal. 


O tu lo nostre payre lo cal sies en li 
lo tio nom sia santifica. Lo tioregne veg 
La toa volonta sia fayta enayma ilh es fa 
al eel sia fa3'ta en la terra. Donas nos 
coy lo nostre pan cotidian e perdona a 
li nostre peca enayma nos perdonen a q1 
que an peca de nos. El nod nos menai 
temptacionmas deylioranos de mal. An 




o filh era al comenza- 
it e lo filh era enapres 

e Dio era lo filh. Aizo 
alcomenzameut enapres 
. Totas cosasson faitas 

liii, e alcuna cosa non 
lita senza lui. Zo che 
lit en lui era vita, e la 

era luz de 11 ome. E la 
lugic en las tenebras, e 
tenebras non compre- 
in lev. 


Lo filh era al comencza- 
inent, e lo filh era enapres 
Dio e Dio era lo filh. Aiczo 
era al comenczauient ena- 
pres Dio. Totas cosas son 
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa 
non es faita sencza lu}'. Co 
que fo fait en luy era vita, e 
la vita era lucz de li home. 
E la lucz lucit en las tene- 
bras, elas tenebras non cum- 
preseron ley. 


Lo filh era al comencza- 
ment, e lo fllh era enapres 
Dio, e Dio era lo filh. Aic- 
zo era al comenczament ena- 
pres Dio. Totas cosas son 
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa 
non es fayta sencza luy. 
Czo que fo fait en luy era 
vita, e la vita era lucz de li 
home. E la lucz luczit en 
las tenebras, e las tenebras, 
non compreseron ley. 




paure per sperit son beneyra, car lo 
(gne de li eel es de lor messeyme. 

ot aquel que au aquestas mias parollas 
y lor sere semblant al baron savi loqual 
^que la soa mcyson sobre la peyra. E 
loza deysende e li fium vengron eli vent 
eron e embriveron en aquella maison e 
cugic. Car era funda sobre la ferma 
ra. E tot aquel que au aqueslas parol- 
j non fay lor sere semblant al baron fol 
lal edifiique la soa maysen sobre larena. 
I ploya deysende e li fium vengren e li 
t bufieron e embriveron en aquella may- 
e cagic e lo trabucaraent de ley fo 


Li paure per sperit son beneura, car lo 
regne de li eel es de lor. 

Tot aquel lo qual au aquestas mias pa- 
rollas e fay lor sere semblant al baron savi 
loqual a edifica la soa meyson sobre la peyra. 
E la ploya desende e li fium vengron e li 
vent bufferon e embriveron en aquella may- 
son e non cagic. Car ilh era fonda sobre 
la ferma peyra. E tot aquel que au aques- 
tas mias parollas e non fay lor sere sem- 
blant al baron fol loqual eydifique la soa 
mayson sobre larena. La ploya deysende 
e li fium vengron e li vent bufferon e em- 
briveron en aquella mayson e cagic e lo tra- 
bucament de ley fo grant. 


tu lo nostre payre, lo qual sies en li eel, 
60 nom sia sanctifica. Lo teo regne 
la. La toa volunta enayma ilh es fayta 
b1 sia fayta en la terra. Dona a nos 
aoy lo nostre pan quottidian, e perdona 
»s li nostre debit enayma nos pardonen 

nostre debitor. E non nos menar en 
ation. mas lesliora nos de mal. Amen. 


O tu lo nostre payre loqual sies en li eel 
lo teo nom sia santifica, lo teo regne vegna, 
la toa volunta sia fayta enayma ilh es fayta 
al eel sia fayta en terra. Donna nos encoy 
lo nostre pan cottidian. E nos perdonna li 
nostre pecca enayma nos perdonen a aquilh 
que an pecca de nos. E non nos menar 
en temptacion. Mos deyliora nos de mal. 



MS. de LYON. 

Us hom ac dos fils e dix lo plus ioves 
daquels al paire, paire dona a mi ma part 
de laver que mi pertanh. E departic ad els 
laver, e no seguentre moutz dias aiustec to- 
tas sascausas lo fils pus ioves. E anec sen 
en antra terra en rcgio londana, e aqui 
espendec tot so aver ab las meretretz (1) 
vivent luxciosament. E seguentre que fo 
aio tot cosumat, f'aita es grans fams en 
aquela regio. Et el comenzec fraitura az 
aver. E anec et aiustec se ab u ciutada 
daquela regio, e trames lo sa vjla que gardes 
los porx. E cobezeiava omplir so ventre 
dels esparx de que maniavan li pore, e negu 
hom no li dava. Mais essi tornatz dix cant 
servent e la maiso de mo paire avondo de 
pas, mais eu aici perisc de fam. Levarei e 
anarei al men paire, e direili : Paire pequei 
el eel e denant tu e ia no so dignes esser 
appellatz tos fils fai me sico i de tos sirventz. 
E levant venc a so paire. E cum encara 
fo lunh vi lo lo paire de lui, e pres lui 
misericordia, e corentz gite se sobi'el col de 
lui e baisec ]o, e dix a lui lo fils : Paire 
pequei el eel e denant tu ; ia no so dignes 
esser apelatz tos fils. E dix lo paire a sos 
sirventz : Viasament aportatz u vestiment 
prim e vestetz lol, et datz li anel e sa ma, e 
causamenta els pes, et aduzets 1 vedcl gras 
et aucisetz lo, e maniarem largaraent. Qui 
aquest mens fils era mortz e resuscitec, peric 
es atrobatz. E comenzero a largueiar. Et 
era lo fils de lui maier el camp. E cum 
venc et apropiec de la maiso auzic las simp- 
honias els corns (2) e apelec us dels sirventz 
e demandec a lui que era also, et el dix a 
lui ; Tos fraires venc et aucis lo tens paire 
i vedel gras que salv lo reeep. Et saub li 
mal, e no la vols intrar. Peraico lo pairo 
de lui issitz comenzec lo apregar. Mais el 
respondentz dix al paire. Vec te que tot 
an eu servisc a tu et anc lo teu mandament 
no traspasei, etanc nom donest i cabrit que 
ab los meus amix manies. Mais al seguen- 
ti-e lo teu fil aquest que despendec tot so 
aver ab las meretritz venc et aucizest a lui u 
vedel gras. Et el dix a lui ; Fils tota ora 
est ab mi e totas las mias causas so tuas. 
Mais largueiar et alegrar nos covenia, que 
tos fi-aire aquest mortz era e resuscitec, pe- 
ric es atrobatz. 

MS. de PARIS. 

Uns ome at dos filhs, e dis al paire 
plus iove des filhs : payre dona a mi la p 
della sustancia que me aperte. E depar 
lur la sustancia. Et apres non gaire ioi 
lo filh plus iove aiostadas totas sas cau 
annet en pellegrinage en lunhana terra, 
aqui vivent luxurie sament destrui sa si] 
tancia. E pueisque ac degastadas totas 
cauzas fon fac grans fams en aquella ter 
Et el meteis comenses a besonhar et aii 
tet se amb u daycella terra e trames lo 
sa vila que pogues payser los pores, 
desirava implir son ventre de las castanl. 
que maniavan li pore e nenguns non 
donava. E retornat en si dis: qua| 
logadiers an habundancia de pan en la ma^ 
zon de mon paire et ieu perisc aysi de fa 
Levaray me et annaray e mon paire e dir 
1 : Payre peccat ay contra lo eel e davfr 
tu, e non sui dignes que sia appellatz t 
filh. Si tis plas fay me aysi con u de i 
loguadiers. E levet se e venc a son pai 
E can fon davant son paire el paire lo v 
fo mogut de misericordia. E corret ves 
et abrasset lo. E dis li lo filh : Paire i 
ay peccat contra lo eel e davant tu ; y 
non sui dignes esser appellatz ton filh. 
1 paire dis a so sers : Aportatz tost la pr 
estola e vistes lui e das li lanel en la ma; 
causamenta es pes de lui, et aduzes lo ve( 
gras et aucizes lo e maniem e sadoll 
nos, quar aquestz mos filhs era mortz e 
vioudes, era perit et es trobatz. E comi 
ceron a maniar. E 1 plus ancians filhs 
lui eran el camp. E vengron de fora 
can foron prop de lostal auziron estruuK 
e van demandar a un lur sers que es aysc 
1 sers va dir: Tos fraires es vengutz e 
payres fes aucir lo vedel gres e fa g 
testa. Et aquel fon endignat e non v 
intrar. Adonc lo paire issi e comense 
a pregar, et el dis a son paire : Yen ay 
vit a vos per tant de temps et anc non ||| 
passiez ton comandament, ni anc noui 
doniesti mosel que manies am mes aiaij 
Et aquest ton filh que es vengut a devoi 
sa sustancia en mala vida e per el as au 
lo vedel gras. E 1 paire va li dir : Fils 
iest am mi tota ora e totas mas cauzas a 
tieu as e covenia far festa, quar aquest 1 
fraires era mort e revioudet, era perit et 

i. Ai /as mtretretz is foreign to the text, and is taken from v. 30. 

i. Tlie Latin text lias choruin. The translator has doubtless read cornua. 




jTn home ac duj filh, o lo plus jove dis al 
ye : O paire, duna a mi la partis de la sub- 
kcia que se coven a mi. E departiaa los 
lubstancia. E enapres non moti dia, lo 
' plus jove, ajostas totas cosas, ane en 
efi^rinage en lognana i-egion, e degaste 
'i la sua substancia. vivent lu.xuriosament. 
>ois ijuel ac consuma totas cosas, grant 
. lb fait en aquella region. E el corn- 
ice iiave besogna. e ane e se ajosto a un 
;adin da quella region. E tranies le en 
oa Vila qu'el paisses li pore. E cubitava 
plir lo seo ventre de las silicas que man- 
in li pore, e alcun ne donava a le. Me 
jrna en si dis : Quanti mercenar habun- 
a de pan en la meison del meo paire, 
> (?) yo perisso aici de fam. Yo me 
irey e anarey al mio paire e direy a le : 
>aire. yo pechey al eel e devant tu e-ia 
I soy (iegne esse appela lo teofilh, fay mi 
yma un de li teo mercanar. E levant 
c al seo paire. Mos come el fos encara 
long, lo seo paire vec lui e fo mogu de 
ericordia, e corrent, cagie sobre lo col 
le e bayse le. E lo filh dis a le : paire, 
pechey al eel e devant tu yo ne soy 
;ne esse apella lo teo filh. Mes lo paire 
al si-o serf: fo (?) raporta viac,ament la 
miera vestimentae vestic le, e done anel 
la man de le e caugamentas en li pe, e 
?ni vfdel gras e I'occien, e manjen a ale- 
n ; car aquest meo filh era mort e es 
iscola, e era perdu e es atroba. E com- 
iceron alegrar. Mes lo filh de le 
s velh era el camp e cum el vengues e 
propies a la meison, auvie la calamella e 
jompania. e appele un de li serf e de- 
ide qual fossan aquestas cosas. E el dis 
I : Lo teo fraire venc e lo teo paire oceis 
el gras, car el receop lui salf. Mes el 
jndegna e non volia intrar. Me lo paire 
ie issi. commence pregar li ; mes el re- 
ident dis al seo paire: Vete yo servo a 
per tanti an e unque non tranpassey lo 
commandament, e unque non dones a 
cabri que yo manjes cum li meo amic. 
3 poisque aquest teo filh lo qual devore 
Da substancia cum los meretrices esvengu 
jceies a le vedel gras. Mes el dis a lui : 
llh, tu sies tota vi cum mi, e totas las 
s cosas son toas, mes la conventava man- 
e alegrar, car aquest teo fraire era mort 
! reviscola, e era perdu e es atroba. 


Un home havia duy lilh. e lo plus jove dis 
al seo payre : O p.iyre donna a mi la partia de 
la substancia que se coven a mi. E el departic 
a lor lasubstancia. E enapres non mcti nia lo 
plus jove filh aiosta totas cosas, anne.en pele- 
grinaie en lognani region e degaste aqui la 
soa substancia vivent luxuriosament. E piiis 
quel hac consuma totas cosas grant fam fo fait 
en aquella region. E el comence a haver be- 
song e anne e aioste se a un cittadin da- 
quella region. E el trames luy en la soa 
vila quel paisses li i)orc. E desirava de 
umplir lo seo ventre de las silicas que 
maniavan li pore, e alcun non en donava 
a luy. Mas el retorna a si dis. O 
quanti mercenar habundia de pan en la 
maison del meo payre, mas yo periso aici 
de fam. Yo mo levarey e anarcey al mi-o 
payre e direy a luy : O payre yo pequei al 
ciel e devant tu e ia non son degne esser 
apella lo teo filh. fay a mi enayma a un de 
li teo mercanar. E levant venc al seo 
payre. E cum el fossa encara de long lo 
&eo payre vec luy e fo mogu de uiisericordia 
e corrent cagic sobre lo col de luy e bayse 
luy. E lo filh dis a luy : O payre 'yo 
pequey al eel e devant tu jo non soy degne 
esser apella lo teo filh. Mas lo payre dis a 
li seo serf: Aporta viaczament la prumiera 
vestimenta e veste luy e donna anel en la 
man de luy e cauczamenta en li pe de luy. 
E amena vedl gras e aucie luy e manien 
e nos alegren ; car aquest meo filh era agu 
mort e revisque e era peri e es atroba. E 
comenceron a maniar. Mas lo filh jjlus 
velh era al camp e cum el vengues e se 
apropies a la mayson, auvic la sinfonia e la 
cumpagnia, e el apelle un de li servitor e 
demande qual cosa fos aiczo. E aquest dis 
a luy. Lo teo fayre venc e lo teo paj're 
aucis vedl gras e receop lu}' salf Mais lo 
fraj're fo endegna et non volia intrar, 
Donca lo payre issic e eomence a pregar 
luy. Mas el respondent dis al seo payre : 
Vete yo servo a tu per tanti an e unca non 
trapassey lo teo eomandament, e unca non 
donies a mi un cabri que manjes cum li meo 
amic. Mas pois que aquest teo filh venc 
loqual degaste tota la sua substancia cum 
las meretricz, tu aucies a luy vedel gras. 
Mas el dis a luy : O filli tusies tota via cum 
mi et totas la mias cosas son toas. M s la 
coventava anos maniar c alegrar. Car 
aquest teo frayre era agu mort e rev que, 
era jierdu e es atroba. 

186 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Of course the reader will unclerstandthat these specimens are not 
intended to serve for a comparative study, from an exegetic point 
of view; but only to show the difference of the dialects. An 
exegetic study would require a more extended table, containing, at 
least, numerous fragments from the Book of the Acts of the 
Apostles, in which, more than elsewhere, are evident the variety 
of sources, or readings, followed by the translator. Still, it is 
quite clear from these specimens that the six manuscripts we have 
referred to represent but three principal versions, rendered into as 
many distinct sub-dialects. The third version has given rise to a 
series of revisions differing only in slight peculiarities. It is true 
that the Zurich manuscript possesses peculiarities which make 
of it almost a revised edition ; but it is only in the second part of 
the New Testament that we find these peculiarities. The above 
are by no means all the manuscripts that have been identified 
with the history of the Waldensian Bible .; but such as are men- 
tioned, besides these, could not be inserted in the above table. A 
manuscript belonging to Aix has been mentioned, but it is not 
known,^^^ and as for the others, they are not Waldensian.*^^^ Who 
can tell us, however, whether such a revised edition may not have 
met the fate of the primitive versions ? Who can enumerate all 
the manuscripts that have been lost ? If we think of the manner 
in which the translation of the Scriptures was so frequently treated, 
as mentioned in the records of the Inquisition, the decrees of the 
Councils and the chronicles that reflect the Waldenses' religious 
life ; if we consider that the same persecution which has annihi- 
lated the Albigenses' literature, endeavoured to deal with the 
Waldensian in the same way and was bent on destroying it in 
a hke manner, so that it would probably have disappeared in its 
turn, but for the refuge it found in the valleys, or in the hands of 
benefactors, it will be easy to see that one or more revised 
editions of the translation of the Scriptures may easily have 
perished, together with the manuscript copy. Even such refuge as it 
had was none too well sheltered from surprisals of the " enemy " and 
certain "false brethren," notwithstanding that the Barbes were 
diligent " in transcribing the books of the Holy Scripture, as 
much as they could, for the use of their disciples."^" It is 
well-known that almost all the manuscripts which survived the 
destruction that threatened them, came from the Waldensian 
Valleys. ''^^ Several almost went astray, even though kept under lock 

The ^YALDENSES OF Italy. 187 

and key in libraries ; altliougli sncli iustitutious are certainly more 
desirous of " preserving " them, as the register of the Geneva 
library has it, than of permitting then- " glorious re-entrance." In a 
word, the Waldenses' manuscripts shared to the full the "mira- 
culous "preservation accorded to their faith. It is therefore 
natural to believe that at least a hundred copies of the versions 
have disappeared into oblivion, where our researches and regrets 
may easily follow them, though they will not bring them back. 
The best thing for us to do is to devote our attention to these 
precious relics of the Waldensian Bible, in order to ascertain 
their inter-relation, to know if we can establish that original unity, 
which Gilly hoped to discover, when he endeavoured to reconnect 
these versions with Waldo's — the fountain head.*^^^ 

The six manuscripts we have recorded above difier, in the first 
place, with regard to age. If that of Lyons belongs to the 
XIII. century, and that of Paris to the XIV., the other four bring 
us down to the eve of the Reformation. They are to be distin- 
guished, as we have seen, by their language, but they are not 
radically diflerent. It is the same language, nay, even the same 
dialect ; but, while the former stiU reflects the period of the 
Troubadours, the latter indicates decadence and need for a helping 
hand. There is nothing, however, in that which would militate 
against the idea of their springing from a common origin. As to 
the theological point of view, there is no trace of that dualism 
which was in a high degi'ee characteristic of the theology 
of the Albigenses, nor indeed of any heresy whatsoever .^'^'^ If 
this feature be somewhat embarrassing for those who persist 
in tracing the hand of the Cathari in the oldest translation, it 
weighs in favour of the hypothetis that would attribute it to the 
AValdenses. The latter are at least free from the influence of any 
particular dogma. Their ideal is, the Bible made known to the 
people with the most scrupulous faithfulness ; that is their 
ambition — that is what they care for. This was noticed by an 
Inquisitor. He states that seeing that the Gospel was not 
in the letter known, they presumed to translate it into prac- 
tice,*'^^ from which we may be permitted to infer that they did 
not aim at translating it difierently upon parchment. Now the 
translation presented by Waldensian versions is so literal, that 
the best judges are struck by it. " The translator has translated 
his text word for word," says S. Berger, in connection with this 

188 The Waldenses of Italy. 

relatiou.*^'^^ If, in addition to this, we consider that five out of six 
of the existing translations passed through the hands of the 
Waldenses, and that several noticeable expressions are familiar to 
them and are found in their treatises,^*^^ must we content ourselves 
with coming to the conclusion that usage does not prove an origin, 
and that similarity of expression only indicates the influence of 
the assiduous reading of the Sacred Books ? That would seem to 
be straining a point. If the Waldenses did not write the 
version which passed through their hands, can it be the pro- 
duction of a Catholic pen ? We must admit that certain analogies 
would render that supposition admissible ; only, in such case, 
how can we explain the fact that the version so dear to the 
Waldenses and so odious to the Church — which could not find 
decrees sufficient to condemn it— should be of orthodox origin "? 
The first prohibition issued to laymen, forbidding them to keep in 
their homes the books of the Old and New Testament, was 
obtained specially through the efforts of the Councils of Toulouse, 
Tarascon, and Beziers. The decree is conceived in terms, which 
betray both great irritation, and a settled purpose to resist some 
radical tendency, which was the distinguishing trait of heretics in 
general and the Waldenses in particular.*^*^'^ Where then shall we 
look for the authors of the forbidden version, if not in the ranks of 
the Waldenses ? If that version be not too old, it may well be 
directly connected with Waldo's. If it be more ancient, then we 
should not be very well able to see, either the opening for Waldo's 
work or the importance he attached to it — an importance which his 
persecutors also have recognised after their own fashion. Still, 
in order to arrive at a solution, we lack several positive data, 
especially with respect to the text that served as a basis for the 
work. Haupt was inclined for a moment to believe that it might 
have been the Latin version, anterior to St. Jerome, but he does 
not insist upon this supposition, and Berger absolutely rejects it. 
"For the present," writes the latter, "we may state with all 
appearance of probability, that the Latin text from which the 
Provencal Bible was translated, was scarcely used in the South of 
France, after the middle of St. Louis' reign ; and that this text 
differed very little from the ordinary version, except in the Book 
of the Acts of the Apostles." 

With regard to this book, it is impossible to believe, as Haupt 
seems to, that the Waldenses knowingly preferred the lessons of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 189 

the Itala, iii which we are tohl they loved to find quotations from 
the Fathers. Ou the contrary, it is certain that whoever may have 
rendered the Bible into Provencal, simply translated a certain 
text, mixed witli fragments of the ancient Latin version, which 
we find in a more or less complete form in several manuscripts, 
the first of which is the famous Codex Toletanus. This text was 
probably very widely spread upon both slopes of the Pyrenees, 
ever since the time of the Visigoths.""''" If this be so, the text 
we are looking for would bring us back into Languedoc, toward 
the beginning ot the XII. century ; from which we should gather 
that the translator lived about that time, and nearer to the 
PjTenees than to Lyons. In this way, the origin of the version of 
the Lyons manuscript would be in a fair way of being explained ; 
but the link, which connects it ^Wth that of Waldo, becomes more 
than ever indistinct, and it may be wondered whether any such 
connection ever existed. Was the text spoken of well understood ? 
" Fairly," says Berger. Therefore, the foundation we are seeking 
is not even absolutely identified. If this foundation, be it what it 
may, were to date yet a little further back, and if we should dis- 
cover that it had been within Waldo's reach, we should not be far 
from admitting that Waldeusiau manuscripts, beginning with that 
of Lyoijs,^"^ refer to more or less distinct revised editions of the 
early version, or to certain phases of that slow evolution, which 
constitutes the history of the Waldensian Bible. Meanwhile, 
with the knowledge we have, the paternity of these versions can- 
not, as Gilly thought, be attributed to Waldo. The last word, 
spoken by contemporaneous criticism upon this question, confirms 
the answer that was made to Gilly more than thirty years ago, 
namely, that as nothing indicates a tangible connection between 
the most ancient Provencal version and Waldo's, the origin of the 
Waldensian Bible, notwithstanding all conjecture, is still shrouded 
in utter darkuess.^^*" 

Before closing this notice concerning the translations of Scrip- 
ture there must here be mentioned a version, written in a foreign 
tongue, in the native atmosphere of the Waldensian reaction. 

IV. — A Version in a Foreign Tongue. 

This is the one at present being discussed with reference to 
the recent discovery of a manuscript of Tepl.'''^'^ The discovery 

190 The Waldenses of Italy. 

has re-ldudled the latent fires of an ohl controversy. While 
popular tradition hailed Luther as the first translator of the Bihle 
into German, the reader knows that the Cathohc party did not 
acquiesce in the assumption, and that it had good reasons for con- 
testing his right to this honour ; for that matter, the reformer 
himself laid no claim to it. He coald not even have thought of 
so doing, knowing that the German Bible had been printed in at 
least 17 editions before his time.*^"^ It has been proved, indeed, 
that he actually made use of the German version. '^^^ This, how- 
ever does not alter the fact that his translation, which was both 
classical and popular, did really inaugurate a new literary epoch. 
Now we are very much interested in knowing to whom belongs 
the credit of the first translation. Catholics and Protestants vie 
with each other in putting forth their claims. The latter are 
very much inclined to see in this translation some of the fruits of 
the opposition which preceded the Reformation. When the 
manuscript of Tepl appeared, the attention of the learned was 
aroused by the fact that the text it presents corresponds word 
for word with that of the first three editions of the ancient Ger- 
man Bible.^^^ Then Louis Keller, an original writer, with the decided 
opinions of a layman and versed in the history of the sects of 
the middle-ages, declared the Tepl manuscript to be Walden- 
sian.^''- Another writer, Hermann Haupt, who belongs to the old 
Catholic party, supported his opinion vigorously.'^^^ His work 
soon became the subject of a virulent rejoinder from the Catholic 
pen of Franz Jostes.*'^* The discussion was resumed once more 
on both sides f^^ more than one theologian taking part in it, 
the strident echoes of the strife reaching even to France, England, 
and far America.^''*' 

That is enough to excite in some degree everybody's interest 
in this Tepl manuscript, which seems to conceal a mystery, if not 
to prepare a surprise for us. It contains the New Testament 
entire, with the addition of the Epistle to the Laodiceans. If 
this latter reminds us of the manuscript of Lyons, the order of the 
books carries us back to that of Grenoble. Indeed, we find first 
the Gospels, then Paul's Epistles, and the General Epistles ; 
finally, the Acts and the Apocalypse. The Epistle to the 
Laodiceans is interpolated between the Second Epistle to the 
Thessalonians and the first to Timothy. This manuscript com- 
mences and ends with fragments, recalling the ritual of Lyons, but 

The Waldenses of Italy. 191 

this time it is not reminiscent of the Cathari. There is first a 
word from St. Victor upon the confession of the sick, followed by 
a record of the lessons for Sundays and Feast-days, and three 
passages from St. Chrysostom's Homilies, intermixed with words 
from St. Augustine, upon the usefulness of reading sacred books 
and the priesthood of laymen. Those passages are in Latin. So 
much for the beginning. At the end there is a succinct exposition 
of the seven Articles of Faith and the seven Sacraments. If we 
add that the volume is of a verj' small pocket-size, annotated on 
the margin and worn, it will be easy to imagine that we have here 
a religious manual, both convenient and practical. As to its age, 
from several indications it belongs to the XIV. century. 

Now let us come to a point which is particularly interesting. 
This manual, beyond a doubt, points to a dissident origin. This 
is the opinion of those who, like Biltz, for instance, examined it 
without ecclesiastic prejudice. " I have more than one reason for 
believing it to be a certain fact," says this learned philologist, 
" that the first German translation originated outside the orthodox 
centre, and in the midst of dissidence."'^^'' Keller noted emphati- 
cally certain distinctly characteristic differences between the text 
of this first translation, which was followed by Luther, and that 
of the version adopted by the Romish Church ; the result is a 
striking contrast in the dogmatic colouring.*'''^ But the dissident 
origin once admitted, we are not necessarily entitled to conjecture 
that the version is Waldensian.^''^ We are brought to this point 
only by special indications, which must at least be touched upon. 

The version of Tepl, Haupt observes, strikingly reminds us of 
that of Dublin ; it presents a certain number of expressions 
peculiar to the Waldenses, such as " Son of the Virgin " and 
"torment," instead of "Son of Man," and " Gehenna."*'^'' The 
same divergences from the Vulgate are found in the latter, and the 
list of Lessons, corresponds with that which accompanies the New 
Testament of Grenoble ; and the Seven Articles of Faith mentioned 
at the end, are precisely those which the Waldensian mission- 
aries professed at the commencement of their ministry.^*^^ Jostes, 
on the other hand, generalizes the use of these expressions — 
Lessons and Articles of Faith — for the pui-pose of showing that 
there was nothing characteristic or definitely marked about them. 
Berger intervened to point out an unexpected solution. In his 
opinion, the early German translation, with which the New 


192 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Testament of Tepl corresponds, shows unequivocal traces of inter- 
polations taken from the ancient version, anterior to Jerome, the 
author of the Vulgate, as well as expressions borrowed from some 
Provencal translation. Might it not have been ''translated 
partly under the auspices of the Waldenses, from an original, 
written in one of the Provencal dialects ? " That is his hypothesis. 
Jostes thinks it somewhat far-fetched, but Berger, comparing the 
texts, came upon fresh indications, and was confirmed in his 
opinions, so that it begins to be tentatively accepted, although it 
is not yet quite decidedly adopted. If it can be proved that the 
German version is based upon the Provencal, it is but one step 
further to conclude that it was the work of the Waldenses ; for 
let us not forget that the catechetical fragments, which are found 
along with it in the Tepl manuscript, indicate of themselves that 
it might have been used in their worship. If this be the case, 
the Komish Church had more reason than is at first apparent for 
reproaching Luther with having followed in the footprints of the 
Waldenses f'^'^ but caution should be used in anticipating a 
solution, which may probably elude the grasp of investigators, and 
which, after all, may well surprise us. 

After the translations of the Scripture, we must consider the 
other writings, both in prose and verse, which are attributed to 
the Waldenses. It is surprising, at the first glance, that they 
should be so numerous, when hardly any trace of them is discover- 
able in the records of the Inquisition ; and we cannot help thinking 
that this field, which — thanks to the conscientious researches of 
more than one writer, and especially as contained in the beautiful 
book of Montet, to which we shall often have to refer— is no 
longer unexplored, may still contain more than one surprise in 
reserve for us. Often, while reading certain pages, a doubt suddenly 
arises in the mind, and forces the question : Is this really the 
Waldensian style ? Further reading dispels the doubt, whilst as 
we go on it arises again. But we do not intend to lose our way 
in the labyrinthine regions of hypothesis. We propose here to 
deal with facts, more or less authenticated. Between the blind 
prejudice of those who accept as W^aldensian all that comes pour- 
ing out of the cornucopia of tradition, without even seeking to 
tabulate them methodically, and the denials of a boldly sceptical 
criticism, there is a vast field, which is all that we desire for our 
task, consisting as it does in taking account of the condition in 

The Waldenses of Italy. 193 

which we find the question, without pretending to solve it com- 
pletely. Furthermore, we reserve general remarks for the end of 
the chapter. 

" We have been called upon to pass through innumerable persecu- 
tions, which have often threatened to destroy all our writings ; 
so that it was with difficulty that we were able to save the Holy 
Scripture. "*^''^ These touching words of the brethren of Lombardy 
are susceptible of a general application. They tell us plainly 
enough that the list of the writings which have disappeared would 
not be insignificant if it were possible to make one. "VYe must, 
however, be content with some brief remarks. 

The gloss which accompanied Waldo's version disappeared 
with it we believe, being replaced doubtless, by one of tliosf 
more or less discursive expositions which we afterwards find 
coming to light. An Inquisitor, subsequent to the year 1250, men- 
tions that the Poor of Lyons knew how to take advantage of 
isolated texts which they borrowed from the Fathers, from Saints 
Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysostom, and Isidorus ; they 
translated them he says, and impressed them upon their hearers. ''''•' 
To do that, it would have been necessary to have a collection at 
hand. Was this the original collection more or less revised and 
augmented, or was it a new treatise, after the style of those 
which have come down to us "? We are unable to say. At 
Friburg, a woman was questioned concerning a book containing 
the explanation, if not the simple translation, of the Gospel and 
the Epistles of Paul.'''*'' Naturally it is impossible to say whether 
any connection whatever existed between this book, the work of 
Waldo, and that of the disciples at Metz ; or whether there is 
nothing to connect these first essays witJi any one of the then exist- 
ing compilations which we are about to mention. A writing in 
verse, mentioned under the title of the Thirty Degrees of St. 
Augustine, and containing a description of the gamut of Christian 
virtues,^*""' has given much trouble to the critics. Herzog believed 
that he had found the translation of it in the treatise on the 
Virtues, which we shall speak of hereafter ;*'"' but Montet, after 
careful examination, declares that he is not inclined to admit this 
hypothesis. There is another writing that has disappeared, and 
it seems that it is not the last, ^luch discussion in connection 
with analogous excerpta to be Ibund in the manuscript of Tepl 
has taken place lately, concerning a little Waldensian Cutecliism, 


194 The Waldenses of Italy. 

containing the Seven Articles of Faith in the Divinity, and the 
Seven Articles in the Humanity (of our Lord), as also the Ten 
Commandments and the Seven Works of Mercy ;^^^ but as a 
matter of fact no claim that the entire work has been found^^^ has 
yet been set up. Finally, what shall we say of the treatises like 
the Book of the Just, barely mentioned in an epistolary fragment 
of the XIV. century, ''^'^ and of other books, to which the Inquisi- 
tors allude, without even naming them, as was the case at Friburg 
and • Strasburg, and undoubtedly in other localities ? "^^^ Let us 
leave all that and devote our attention to existing literature. Our 
review will begin with the prose writings. 

Perrin, Leger, Monastier and others incorrectly assign an 
ancient date to diverse writings not here classified. The reader 
knows we are dealing with a confession of faith, a catechism, and 
a few polemic treatises relating to Purgatory and Antichrist, and, 
the worship of Saints. These writings, according to Gilly's own 
words, " were of a much later period. "'^^- Discussion of the 
legend even for the purpose oi refuting it is unprofitable, and 
therefore to be avoided. 

We may inquire whether none of the early Waldenses has 
settled the question of the historical tradition concerning Waldo 
and his first disciples. Gilles, it is true, observes that " our 
fathers were always more careful to do what was right in all 
things, than to note down and preserve the memory of their 
actions. "'^'■'^ Still, this does not prevent our behoving that their 
minds at times must have been, were it only for polemical pur- 
poses, exercised with the problems of their origin. Thus, the 
Book of the Just which has disappeared, touched, at least in one 
passage, upon the origin of the Waldenses. In our opinion, this 
reference is contained in the historical fragment quoted in the 
chapter in this book that discusses the origin of the Waldenses. 

Where the original text is we cannot say. Our early historical 
literature is therefore reduced to so small a compass, that we can 
understand how Gilles had no knowledge of it. It would be of 
great importance that we should possess at least, the most 
important letters ; but we believe that the very persons for whom 
they were intended must, for a very obvious reason, have decided 
upon destroying them. Whatever the reason, there remain 
to us only some three or four of their circular epistles. The most 
ancient has already been mentioned ; it is that of the heads of 

The Waldenses of Italy. 195 

the communitv of the Poor of LoiabarJv, written after the 
conference of Bergamo to their brethren of Germany. It was nut 
the only one of its kind, and we are glad to be able to insert here 
iu full, a letter of the year 1368, recently transcribed from the 
manuscript of St. Floriaii, in Austria, It ^\•as written by tlu' 
Lombard Brethren, named John, Gerard, Simon, and Peter, and 
was addressed to their co-religionists who were grieved by the 
falUng away of some regenades."''' The document runs as 
follows : — 

"We received your letter with the respect that is due \ > it. 
It informs us of several matters which greatly afflict us. But we 
belong to a good school, and we must profit by the example of our 
forefathers, remembering that the crown of glory is the reward of 
a patience which surmounts all trials. Does not the word of 
God say that it is 'in patience we should possess our souls ? ''''^■' 
For otherwise, after having been uplifted in the time of prosperity, 
we should soon be cast down. Let us remember what the 
Psalmist says, ' Thou, God, hast proved us : thou hast tried us 
as silver is tried. Thou broughtest us into the net ; thou laidst 
aftiiction upon our loins.'''-"' We sympathize with you, brethren, 
in your adversity, as we did in better days, according to the words 
of the Apostle, ' If one member suffer, all the members suffer 
v.'ith it.^^' Therefore we exhort you to render thanks in the evil 
days, to Him who is powerful to turn your sorrow into joy.' 

" You have informed us to what perfidy you are exposed, from 
those who are our common enemies, as regards the faith, but it 
will be no hindrance to us if we listen to the voice of the 
Psalmist, * Happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little 
ones against the stones. ''^'^^ ^Ye must break our little passions 
upon Christ our Piock, looking to the example He has given us, 
and to His precepts. ''^^^ It must needs be," he says, 'that 
offences come.''^'^'^' We read in the book of Job that when the sons 
ot God appeared before the Almighty, Satan also came among 
them. These people do the same. They would by their wavering 
hinder your steadfastness, and introduce by wicked means their 
errors into your midst. ' Lo, the wicked travaileth with iniquity, 
and hath conceived mischief and brought forth falsehood. He 
made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he 
made. His mischief siiall return upon his own head, and his 
violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate. I will praise 

H 2 

196 The VValdenses of Italy. 

the Lord according to his righteousness, and sing praise to the 
name of the Lord moot hio-h.'''^^ Now, as you have sought our 
aid in this matter, according to the saying of Solomon, who says 



that ' the brother succoured by his brother is a strong city,' 
feel that it is a question here of protecting our own members, and 
of our striving to bear with you the burden which, after all, weighs 
upon our own shoulders, as the Apostle teaches us.''*^^ In the hrst 
place, we pray to God that He may hear your groaning, and 
answer you in the day of distress, as it is written in His word,""^ 
where He still says to us, ' Call upon me in the day of trouble ; 
I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me. Give us help from 
trouble, for vain is the help of man. Through God we shall do 
valiantly ; for it is He that shall tread down our enemies.''''-'^ 
Then, as we cannot and will not answer all the objections of the 
wicked, we pray with all our heart that the Author of all thingri 
may be praised out of your mouth, as by the mouth of children. 
Say unto Him, ' Lord, open thou my hps, and my mouth shall 
show forth Thy praise.'^"" Let it suffice for us to answer some o! 
the accusations that are brought against us. 

" It appears, that they are endeavouring to prove, by many 
arguments, that our life is of no merit, as respects salvation, and 
that for three principal reasons : (1) Because we lack knowledge ; 
(2) Because we lack authority, which is false, as we shall soon 
show ; (3) Because, according to our adversaries, our life is 
neither good nor honest ; hence, neither holy nor meritorious. 
Let us examine these charges, point by point. 

" They reproach our brethren then, for being ignorant and 
without culture. We admit it, at least to a certain extent. We 
acknowledge with the Apostle that we do not excel in learned 
discourses and subtle reasoning ; but after all there remains to us 
some spiritual knowledge. '^"^ A peasant taught by the grace of 
God, needs in nothing to envy a prince, who has learned all that 
worldly science can teach. Bernard said that, in this respect, the 
simple will l)e happier on the last day than lawyers. But read 
rather what St. Paul writes to the Corinthians : ' I will destroy 
the wisdom of the wise, and will bring to nothing the under- 
standing of the prudent. Where is the wise '? Where is the 
scribe ? Where is the disputer of this world ? Hath not God 
made foolish the wisdom of this world ? Because the foolishness 
of God is wiser than men, nnd the weakness of God is stronger 

The Waldenses of Italy. 197 

thau men. For ye see your callinjj:, bi-etlireii, how that not many 
wise men after the tiesh, not many mighty, not many noble, are 
eallerl. But God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to 
confound the wise ; and God hath cliosen the weak things of tlie 
world to confound the things which are mighty ; and base tilings 
of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen, 
yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are ; 
that no Hesh should glory in his presence. But of him are ye in 
Christ Jesus, who of God is made unto us wisdom, and righteous- 
ness, and sanctitication, and redemption ; that, according as it is 
written. He that glorieth, let him glory in the Lord.'^ "^ You see 
therefore, dearest brethren that according to the teaching of the 
Apostle, Christian faith is not to be confounded with the wisdom 
of this or the other preacher. It has seemed fitting that this faith 
l)e preached by people, who could not be vain of their power, of 
their wisdom, or of their birth. This was the case with the 
Apostles, who were the first preachers ; for, as Gregory says, God 
hath chosen for the message of preaching, not rhetoricians and 
philosophers, but simple fishermen, absolutely devoid of all 
scientific culture.'"^ You can therefore understand how Jesus 
exclaimed : ' I thank Thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, 
l)ecause Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, 
and hast revealed them unto babes. '^^" Why so '? Because, as 
St. Paul adds, ' Knowledge puffeth up, but charity edifieth ; and 
if any man think that he kuoweth anything, he knoweth nothing 
yet as he ought to know. But if any man love God, the same is 
known of him.'''' From this we leani tliat perfect knowledge 
must fulfil the seven following conditions : — 

" 1. — It must be humble, and not putfed up : hnmilis sine 
injiacione. Ivnowledge that is huml)le says, with the Psalmist, 
' Lord, my heart is not haughty, nor mine eyes lofty, neither do I 
exercise myself in great matters, or in things too high for me.^'^ 
On the contrary, knowledge! that is puiTed up reminds us of one of 
the plagues of Egypt ; the dust that produced a boil, breaking 
forth with blains upon man and beast. ''^^ Such is worldly know- 
ledge. But that of Jesus Christ is different. It says, ' Learn 
of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart. '^" 

"2. — It must be sober, unpresumptuous : sobria sine pre- 
siimptione. Indeed, ' let no one presume to be wiser than 
necessary,' says the Apostle.^'' 

198 The Waldenses of Italy. 

" 8. — It must be veritable and without guile : rere sine 
deceptiuiic. Then it Avill not come to pass that men learn, without 
being able to come to a knowledge of truth.'^'' 

" 4. — It must be useful for the edification of others : iitilifi cum 
proxivionuii edificadonc. Such is the object of these words : 
'Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth, l)ut 
that which is good to the use of edifying, that it may miiiister 
grace unto the hearers.'"''' 

" 5. — It should be salutary, being accompanied by the love of 
God and of our neighbour : salutifera cum dei et proxivii 
dilccciane. For which reason it is written: " Though I under- 
stand all mysteries and all Icnowledge, and have not charity, I am 

" G. — It should be liberal, and be communicated gratuitously : 
lihodlis ciivt firatnita covnnnnicacione. \Ye must be able to 
say : ' Freely I have received, freely I give ; nor do I hide 
wisdom's riches.''^" 

" 7. — It must be active, prompt, and efficacious: efficdx cum 
piompta operacionc. Because, says the Scripture, ' To him that 
knoweth to do good, and doetli it not, to him it is sin.'''-" 

" Finally, let us recall a few maxims of Bernard on this sub- 
ject. Our knowledge must fulfil a threefold condition : as regards 
the order, the mode, and the object. First, as regards the order; 
for to know what we do, and not the order in which it ought to 
be done, is not to know perfectly. Secondly, as regards the 
mode ; because it must be accompanied by charity, which consti- 
tutes the mode and form of knowledge and of all virtue; so that 
without it knowledge would be vain. Finally, it is important that 
our knowledge have an object : for it is not for vain glory, but for 
the glory of God that we ought to have knowledge. There are 
those who have knowledge to make themselves known. Such 
knowledge is but shameful vanity. Others have knowledge, but 
only for the sake of knowing. Their knowledge is but shameful 
curiosity. Others aim at selling their knowledge. This is 
nothing but shameful cupidity. But there are also those who 
apply their knowledge to the edification of themselves and others. 
That is the knowledge of prudence and charity. 

" Thus, dearest brethren, be not in doubt as to knowledge. It 
is not a question of being without it, or of abounding in it, after 
the manner of the men of this world ; but to possess in abundance 

The Waldenses of Italy. l!jl) 

the truth wliicli edities. Let ue hope that the Lord by His grace 
will exalt us out of our abasement, lor it is written : ' Whosoever 
humbleth himself shall be exalted.'"-' 

"Let us come to the second head of accusation. Our adver- 
saries say that we lack authority. To hear them, one would think 
that our order is not established on the true foundation ; that we 
do not hold it from the Apostles, since we do not adminster all the 
sacraments. They allege the well-known passage : ' I will give 
unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ;'^^^ and then, the 
directions of the Apostle Paul to Titus, for the establishment of 
presbyters in the island of Crete ;'-^ then again, the Levitical 
sacerdotal tradition ; concluding finally, that no one can give what 
he has not received. We concede all that. Does it follow that 
our authority is thereby diminished '? On the contrary, it will only 
be the greater. Let us graat them the origin and descent of which 
they speak, and ask them : Were those Bishops which were 
ordained by the other Apostles, who received plenary authority 
from Peter, ordained as though by him ? If they answer no, we 
reply with these w^ords : ' Having called His twelve disciples. He 
gave them power ;' and further : ' Whatsoever ye shall bind on 
earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall loose on 
earth shall be loosed in heaven.'"-* If they answer yes, then it is 
clear that all their successors had the same power, according to 
the words of the Psalm : ' Their line is gone out through all the 
earth, and their words to the end of the world.'"-' This is the 
explanation of those words of our Lord : ' Neither pray I for thee 
alone, but for all them Avhich shall believe on me through their 
word. And the glory which Thou gavest ^le I have given 
them.'"-'' Now, our order is derived thence, namely, from the 
Apostles. On this ]>oint it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the 
lime of Constantino, Pope Sylvester having received the treasure, 
his associates protested, saying : ' We have received of the Lord 
the precept that we shall possess no earthly goods. He said : " Pro- 
vide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, nor scrip for 
your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves; for 
the workman is worthy of his hire." And again : "If thou wouldst 
be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and 
thou shalt have treasure in heaven : and come and follow Me.'' 
And so it was done : "Peter sail unto Him: Behold, we have 
forsaken all and followed Thee." '"-' But Sylvester replied : ' If 

200 The Waldenses of Italy. 

you do not remain with me, I will send you into exile.''-"' On 
hearing these words they rejoiced, saying : ' We give thanks to 
God, because if the earth is denied us for having observed His 
precepts, He offers us Heaven. Did He not say: "Everyone 
that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or 
mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall 
receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life ?" "''-■' 
The following night, whilst they were still disputing with Sylvester, 
a voice from heaven was heard, saying : ' To-day poison hath been 
poured into the Church of God.' Having heard this voice, the Poor 
of Christ went forth with more courage, and they were driven out of 
the synagogue. Thus were fulfilled the words which are written : 
' They shall put you out of the synagogue ; yea, the time cometh, 
that whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service. ''^■'"' 
They were thereupon dispersed over all the earth. As they went 
away, they said to Sylvester and his successors : * We leave 
the earth to you, but we shall seek after heaven.'''^^ It was 
Sylvester who had bidden them depart. They endeavoured to 
lead a life of poverty, and their number multiplied for a long time. 
At last, owing to the envy of false Christians which raged 
against them, they were driven to the ends of the earth. Their 
enemies said : ' Let us break their bonds. ''■^- This does not, how- 
ever, prevent our adversaries from pretending that Christians have 
only been persecuted by Pagans. They read the Scriptures badly ; 
for in them we find that the prophets were not put to death by 
Pagans, but by Jews. John the Baptist was beheaded by Herod. 
Jesus Christ came unto His own, and His own received Him not, 
but delivered Him unto death. James, the brother of our Lord, 
■was also killed by them, and many other disciples suffered perse- 
cution of them. All of which is written for our instruction,"^ and 
to serve us for an ensample.''^^ That which happened to Paul 
proves this sufficiently.'''^'' It is, therefore, evident that the elect 
are exposed to persecution on all sides, as nuich from Pagans and 
Jews as from false Christians and all the world, according to the 
words of our Lord, who said : ' Ye shall be hated of all nations 
for my name's sake.'"'' When He says ' all,' nothing is excluded. 
It is, therefore, certain that the saints will be persecuted by their 
brethren to the end of the world. Nevertheless, they cannot be 
entirely destroyed.'-^" The power of the wicked has limits ; it 
could not prevail against the faith. We shall say, in our turn : 

The Waldenses of Italy. 201 

' They imagined a mischievous device, which they are not able to 
perform.'"^'* The more the disciples of Christ are persecuted, the 
more their zeal is kindletl and their number multiplied. It is 
with them as with the tree of which J(jb speaks : ' For there is 
hope of a tree, if it be cut down, that it will si)rout again, and 
that the tender branch thereof will not cease. Though the 
root thereof wax old in the earth, and tlie stock thereof die 
in the ground ; yet through the scent of water it will bud, and 
bring forth buds like a plant. '^^^^ Now, as regards tlie branches, you 
must know this, tbat formerly, when the servants of C'hrist seemed 
to have disap[)eared because of persecution, a man was raised up. 
He was named Peter of Val, and had a companion, John Lyonnais, 
so called after the city of Lyons. ^^" Our adversaries see in him a 
fool, because he was driven out of the synagogue. He came up 
like a shoot from a tree watered by the grace of the Holy Spirit ; 
little by little he prospered. From what is said, he was not the 
founder, but the reformer of our order. ^^' If he were driven out of 
the synagogue, it was only through the judgment of men, not of 
God. That happened to others. '^^ So that he was able to say 
with the Apostle : ' With me it is a very small thing that I should 
be judged of you, or of man's judgment ; yea, I judge not mine 
owji self, for I know nothing by myself; yet am not I hereby 
justified — that is to say, I do not think myself just for all that — 
" but He that judgeth me is the Lord." '"^-^ Such are the Wal- 
denses, whom, doubtless, you have heard spoken of. They were 
called by that name, as also by that of the Poor of Lyons, because 
they had long dwelt in that city. It is said that what brought 
Peter to embrace poverty — which was professed before his day, and 
is still professed, as we believe, according to the Book of the 
Elect — was that word of the Gospel which he liad read or 
heard, beginning : ' If thou wouldst be perfect, go.'"'^ He roused 
liimself like a lion awakened from his sleep, "''^ did his work, 
journeyed to Rome, and incurred the censure of the wicked.'^'' 
Nevertheless he persevered, and his apostolic example brought 
many to embrace the rule of poverty, for he remembered that say- 
ing of our Lord : ' If two of you shall agree as touching anything 
that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father which 
is in heaven. For where two or three are gathered together in 
ray name, there am I in the midst of them.''^' Of his conduct 
some have said that it was influenced by pride. That is a very 

202 The Waldenses of Italy, 

rasli jiulgmeiit ; being a transgression of the precept given l)y our 
Lord: 'Judge not,' and of the exhortation of the Apostle: 
' Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both 
will bring to light the hidden things of darkness and will make 
manifest the councils of the hearts, and then shall every man have 
praise of God.''"'*^ Does not Augustine himself say : ' He who pro- 
nounces a rash judgment upon the secret thoughts of the heart, 
commits a sin ; especially when it is a question of a person known 
only by their good works ?' Knowing therefore, by experience, 
that the work of this man was good, we are astonished at the 
audacity of those who judge as they do. If that work were not of 
Grod, it would have perished already, so many persecutions did it 
have to endure."'*'* It laaj be said that the work of Mahomet also 
stands, and that it is the work of men, and not of God. That is 
true ; still, it does not prove the stability of his tenets. Let us 
say, rather, that God in His patience ' gave him over to a repro- 
bate mind,'^^*^ and that He has tolerated him also to prove His 
own, as it is written : ' There must be also heresies among 
you, that they which are approved may be made manifest among 
you.'''^^ Augustine, too, explains that this is necessary for the 
exercising of Avisdom : Peter and all the faithful were obliged to 
act thus, by virtue of the Lord's precept : ' Flee out of the midst 
of Babylon, deliver every man his soul, and be not cut off in her 
iniquity. '''^- 

"It is further objected that what Ave assert here is not proven, 
for they read in the Book of the Just this expression of the 
historian : ' from what I heard, '"''■^ and they found upon this a 
reason for scepticism. The Avriter does not, hoAvever, mean by 
this expression that he doubts AAdiat he narrates ; he avoids using 
rash language,'-^' that is all. The reason why we cannot prove 
our statement is two-fold. The first consists in the absence of 
Avitnesses ; no one has seen or heard the real beginning of the 
matter, because it took place very long ago. The second reason 
is still more important. It is this : we have had to pass through 
innumerable persecutions, by Avhich our Avritings have often been 
threatened Avith entire destruction, so that only Avith difficulty 
have we been able to save the Holy Scriptures. '^■^^^ We may, 
therefore, say with the Apostle, that ' we have received of the 
Lord Avhat we have taught.''^*' And even if the aforesaid Peter 
of Val had not receiA'ed ordination like others, Avhich, God forbid 

The Waldenses df 203 

— for we cluiin that he received the sacred ordination as Presby- 
ter, with John his companion and colleague of the same order, 
and we do not doubt that he was contirmed in it by the Cardinal, 
who was favourable to him — might he not, with his brethren, have 
received the laying on of hands from the priests who joined that 
order iu such large numbers ?"" Some among us still remember 
brother John of Burgundy, and two minor brethren, who aban- 
doned their order to join that of the Waldenses ; also Bishop 
Bestardi, who, because he had been favourable to us, was called 
to Eome and returned no more ; and that other priest who was 
led to the stake. 

" Let our authority, therefore, be no longer disputed. ^Ve 
received it both from the Lord and from our superiors. More- 
over, we know with the Apostle that ' all things work together 
for good to them that love God.'"^"^ It is possible that this is not 
the case with our adversaries, and what happens may work to 
their detriment ; for he who loves not, dwells in death, 

" Let us pass to the third head of accusation, which bears 
upon our conduct. They condemn it for more than one reason. 
First, we are mercenaries in their estimation. That is what one might 
with reason say of those who abandon the sheep to the wolves be- 
cause they ' do not care for the sheep. ''^'^ Then they say that we do 
not administer the ecclesiastic sacraments as others do. There- 
upon we answer with the Apostle, ' for Christ sent me not to bap- 
tize, but to preach the Gospel ; not with wisdom of words, lest 
the cross of Christ should be made of none effect.''"" Moreover, 
we would recall what he says further on, ' Do ye not know that 
they which minister about holy things live of the things of the 
temple "? and they which wait at the altar are partakers of the 
altar '? Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach 
the Gospel should live of the Gospel. '"'^^ It appears from the 
above that all cannot bear the same charge. Now, because we do 
not administer these sacraments in articulo mortis, they give out 
tliat some among us die without communion. That is false, for 
the Lord said, ' Whoso eateth my tiesh and drinketh my blood, 
hath eternal life ; ' and further, ' He that eateth me, even he shall 
live by me.''*^^ Thereupon Augustine said, ' Beheve, and thou 
hast eaten. '"''^ True believers are, therefore, not deprived of the 
benefit of this sacrament. Alas ! there are but too many who 
communicate, and die, nevertheless, without communion, as there 

204 The Waldenses of Italy. 

are those who die with the communion, although without com- 
municating ; union with Christ and Holy Church is communion 
already. '^'^'^ 

" Greet all your friends in common. The peace of our Lord 
Jesus Christ and the communion of the Holy Ghost be with you 
all. Amen." 

Thus ends the letter of the brethren of Lombardy. We have 
omitted merely such portions as have no particular interest. It 
was not left unanswered. We shall quote from a letter of the 
renegade Siegfried, these words only : " Indicate the places to us, 
name the persons who exercise the ministry of the sacraments. 
You cannot possibly do it. You hear confessions and that is all. 
For the rest you send people to the Church. The Church, on the 
contrary, administers the sacraments and many other benefits to 
the people, while you retain only the confession which is but a 
semi-sacrament. You boast, it is true, of your good works, of 
your vigils, fasts, prayers, supplications, and thanksgivings. "'^''■'' 
Another reply bears the signature of a renegade named John.'"" 
It repels the accusation against those who abandon Christ's sheep 
to ravening wolves, and contains a few observations on the origin 
of the Waldenses. " Your order, from what I have learned, says 
that as the light of faith has never been wanting from Abraham 
to Christ, so, too, it cannot have been wanting from Christ down 
to the present day. We read there also, that in the beginning 
your community had increased to such an extent, that your faith- 
ful people, in Synod assembled, numbered sometimes as many as 
seven hundred or one thousand. From the incarnation of our 
Lord to the period of the Emperor Constantine, are 314 years. 
It w'RS then that Sylvester was head and ruler of the Church From 
the time of Constantine and Sylvester to the founder of your sect 
there be 800 years ; now add 200 years which have elapsed since 
the foundation. It is said that during those 200 years your order 
has manifestly lived. Barely 50 more years bring us do\\n lo the 
present day, that is to say, the year of grace 1368 ; during that 
time you have ceased to preach publicly." ''^'^ 

Finally, let us mention one or two letters of the Waldenses of 
France, or of the valleys. That of Barbe Tertian to the faithful 
of Prajela is well known. There is a letter which deserves to be 
mentioned, namely, the Letter to the Friends. According to the 
Cambridge and Genevan manuscripts it dates back at least to the 

The ^VALDENSES OF Ital\. 205 

begiimiug of the XV. century. It is true tLuit Montet clabsiiies 
it rtiuoug tlie " spurious works;" but lie does not say why. The 
original does uot in any way shew that it is a work to be sus- 
pected : far from it.''''' We have here a pastoral Epistle intended 
fur the edification of "all the faithful Friends and Servants of 
Jesus Christ," who are invited to remember the mercies God 
grants unto His people, in order by means of them to promote 
their sauctification. As we read it, we seem to hear the first call 
to the Waldeiises to bring them back to the God of their fathers. 
We find in it at any rate, indications, of a relapsing which has to 
be resisted. The authoritative accent is evident. We read in it : 
God who has called us, blesses us all, and in divers manners ; but 
the devil Uiakes the greater efforts to undo and corrupt His work 
ill lis. Be watchful, therefore, that ye may not fall into the toils 
oi' pride and covetousness. Time is short and tieetiug ; there- 
foij, let everyone make use of transitory things, whilst keeping 
sight of eternal salvation. Husbands, live with your wives, in 
such a manner that they may not turn your heart away fi'om the 
fear of God. Fathers, love your children and shew your love by 
bringing them up under constant discipline, that they may become 
His childi-en. Let nothing be a stumbling block unto you, lest 
the care of earthly things cause you to lose sight of the kingdom 
vi heaven. Refrain from all evil, in thought, word, or deed. It 
is through evil deeds that fools perish. Everything that is evil 
turns us away fi-om charity, which places us under an obligation 
to our brethren. Moreover, do not forget to add to the love of 
God love toward your neighbour, whom you ought to love as yom-- 
self. Scripture teaches us that he who does not love his brother 
shall perish, but that love is the fulfilling of the law. Conse- 
tjuently, avoid all malice and quarrelling, seek after peace with all 
men, retm-niug good for evil, and blessing those who curse you, 
that you may inherit everlasting joy." 

There ends the letter.'*"'^ Besides these historical and 
epistolary fragments, there are some of a difi'erent character, botii 
dogmatic and Htm-gical. Charles Schmidt has reproduced some 
from a Latin manuscript in the library of Strasburg."" He 
recognizes in it the statutes of the Ancient Waldenses, apparently 
the very one above-mentioned, which the ministers learned by 
heart.'"' Here we find, besides the creed in seven articles, some 
rubrics relating to the administration of sacraments, especially to 

206 The Waldenses of Italy. 

those of Confession and Ordination. The critics now add the 
fragments preserved in the manuscript of Tepl. Moreover, we 
must not forget the discourse upon the Word of God, in the 
vokime containing the historical fragments concerning the origin 
of the Waldenses, which is in the library at Cambridge. This 
discourse treats of the very intricate subject of ordination, or 
transmission of the office of the ministry of the word."'- It 
divides it into four kinds ; that which comes from God alone ; that 
which comes from God and man ; that which comes only irora 
man ; and finally, that wliich is claimed by false preachers. The 
application may be inferred,the introductory words already hint at it. 
'• There are people who wish to bind the word of God, by following 
their own will ! "^''^ Here it is clearly expressed : " Priests and 
curates cause the people to perish for lack of hearing the word of 
God." Not only at present will they neither hear nor receive the 
word of God ; but that it may not be made known, they issue 
orders and frame laws according to their own will, preventing the 
free proclamation of it. It shall be more tolerable for the land of 
Sodom in the day of judgment than for such. The Gospel of 
Christ must be freely preached, for it is manifest that it comes 
from God. In ancient times all could preach ; for this, Eldad 
and Medad, upon whom the Spirit of the Lord rested, preached 
freely without the intervention of Moses being necessary. For 
the same reason, the humble of Christ, upon whom the Spirit of 
the Lord rested, were enabled to preach the word of God to the 
people freely, and without any intervention of Pope or Bishop 
being required. Would to God that the Prelates possessed the 
Spirit of Moses ; they would not hinder those who sing to Thee, 
Lord ! neither would they close their mouths." This is 
language which reminds us strongly of that used by the Waldenses 
at the dispute of Narbonne. It is characteristic and would, if 
some of the quotations, used in the text, did not indicate a later 
date, lead us back to the origin of the dissent. Indeed, in 
addition to the Fathers, St. Bernard, Pope Lmocent III., even 
Nicholas of Lyra, and John of Andrea, are all quoted. These 
last lived toward the middle of the XIV. century. From this, to 
the date preferred by Montet, the distance is too great ; we cannot 
cover it without hesitation. If the manuscript belongs to the 
middle of the XV. century, it does not prove that the date we are 
seeking should be fixed at the same period. We must admit 

The Waldenses of Italy. 207 

that, as a rule, the date of a maimscnpt is later than that of the 
origiual ; aud, unless we have absolute proof, we cannot assume 
any manuscript to be the original copy. The fact that our 
discourse is found side by side with the historical fragment in 
the same manuscript, and that it has one point in common with 
it, in its allusion to the legend of Coustautine," ' is of a nature to 
make us assign nearly the same date to both. Then, why not 
prefer the date which is assigned to the fragment ; namely, the 
end of the XV. century ? jMoreover, there is no doubting the 
fact that the date of which we speak cannot be later than 1440 ; 
for it was at that time that Laurent Valla refuted the legend of 
Constautine's donation ; and it is well-known that bis refutation 
caused no little stir. 

The above constitutes the chief of the origiual matter gleaned 
from our ancient prose. Let us now pass to the translations and 

"We were discussing, a few pages back, the fate of the gloss 
which accompanied the first AValdensiau version of the Scrip- 
tures, and there seemed to be reasons for thinking that it had dis- 
appeared. There is more than one way in which such a docu- 
ment may disappear. It is just possible that it may still be lying 
concealed in some unsearched collection. Whatever its fate the 
sentences of the Fathers, grouped around the "Waldensian Bible, 
seem to have accumulated and multiplied like limpets on a rock, 
as is shewn by the treatises, entitled the Doctor and the Orchard 
of Consolation. These two writings cause to dance before our 
eyes, as it were, hundreds of quotations, the origin of which pre- 
cisely corresponds to the description before noticed in the words 
of the Inquisitor, David of Augsburg. They are borrowed, as a 
matter of fact, from Saints Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Gregory 
the Great, and Isidore of Seville, as well as from more recent 
writers."'"' After these two treatises, we have an acephalous work, 
which deals in a monotonous style with 'S'irtues and vices, its title 
being a mere agglomeration of headings of the cxcerpta which it 
contains, thus : — The Ten Commandments, The Seven Deadly 
Sins, The Seven Gifts of the Holy Sjnrit, The Tavern, The 
Bcdlj. The Sins of the Tongue, The Godly Virtues, The Car- 
dinal Virtues, The Gifts oj Nature and of Grace, and The 
Six Most Honourable Things in the World. These different 
pieces, except the two upon the Tavern and the Ball, are also 

208 The Waldenses of Italy. 

present in a treatise, entitled La Somme le Roy, which a preach- 
ing monk, by name Laurent, composed in 1279 at the order of 
PhiHp in., King of France. There must be noticed next the 
treatise upon the Tmposition of Penitence, which was found to 
be a manual of confession, and the Treizaines, a table of Lessons 
for the ecclesiastic year. This table is divided into four sections, 
each comprising thirteen Sundays, and it is from this number that 
it gets its title. We will mention in passing that, if it corres- 
pond to the missals of the period, it possesses hardly any similarity 
to that which accompanies the Biblical versions of Grenoble and 
Tepl. Finally, we may put on one side, without any hesitation, 
all that mass of allegorical and fanciful interpretations which has 
been too long known in the Church — first under the name of 
Phi/siologiie, then under that of Animanczas — for it was demon- 
strated many years ago that it had a semi-pagan, that is to say, 
Gnostic organ. '''^ By reducing these writings to their just value, 
which is very small, the critics rendered a real service, and did 
themselves much credit. There still remains, however, plenty for 
them to do. They would confer a favour if they could find a clue 
to that ravelled skein called Glosa Pater. A first examination 
revealed in that paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer some surprising 
variations. Five copies have come down to us, not all belonging 
to the same epoch. From these different copies we can collate 
at least two very distinct readings and a whole series of diver- 
gences. According to the most ancient reading, which, through 
its two manuscripts is said to date back to the XV. century, tran- 
substantion — a term then crudely defined — is stated to be a true 
doctrine ; according to the more recent reading, which had been 
subject to the Influence of the Reformation, it is a false doctrine. 
Progress and remodelbng are equally apparent here ; but we must 
be permitted to question whether this early reading, which is 
Roman Catholic in its tendencies, be Waldensian at all. Montet 
has some doubts upon this point. After having classified this 
among the " spurious writings," he suspends his judgment, and 
Avonders whether, after all, it does not belong to the category of 
mere translations."' After all, what is this book of Virtues 
which the critics make so much of even to the extent of finding 
therein superstitutions, which they attribute to the Waldenses ? 
It is true that it contains many quotations from the sacred Scrip- 
tares, intermixed with sayings of the Fathers ; but is it not 

The Waldenses of Italy. 209 

Roiium Catholic throughout ? Where does it hetray a Wahlensian 
tendency ? Montet, who made this tlie subject of patient re- 
search, has been compelled to admit, nay, he has even proved, 
that there is to be found in it " not the slightest trace of antago- 
nism to the Romish Church or her dogmas."'"" "VVe give up any 
idea of analysing it, and we also pass by The Pains and the 
Joifs of Paradise, minately dealt with in Future Thinfis. We 
shall not enumerate the unmeaning homilies, crammed with 
monkish allegories, which are found here and there in the collec- 
tions of these ancient manuscripts. We recognise at once, on 
reading these different productions, that ci-iticism has by no means 
completed its work of elimination. Among the prose of the first 
period there is a book which the critics particularly appreciate, 
and are far from desiring to displace from the catalogue of Wal- 
densian literature. It is the Cantique, which was closely 
examined by Herzog."^ Montet informs us that he, too, went 
over the Avork, and he adopts Herzog's conclusions, that is to say, 
he classifies this book among the Waldensian writings, " imitated 
from Catholic works. "'''^' Is this correct ? It is difficult to think 
so, and for the following reason : — 

The Cantique is a commentary upon the " Song of Solomon." 
Let us draw a distinction between the translation and the com- 
mentaiy, properly so called. The translation closely follows the 
ordinary Vulgate, whose very alterations it imitates. Its divisions 
do not correspond with the chapters. Nothing, therefore, would 
prevent this book from dating quite far back in the XIII. century, 
were it not that some expressions are found, which are said to be 
borrowed from Thomas Aquinas. As to the commentary, it flows 
on in the full stream of Roman Catholic — nay, monkish — tradi- 
tion, with its quadruple method of interpretation ; very slightly 
historical, but on the other hand, tropological, anagogical, and 
all allegorical."^' Moreover, its origin may be easily guessed from 
the analogies already pointed out, which it presents to the wTitings 
of Apponius, Angelomus, Bruno of Asti, and the Abbot of Clair- 
vaux. If, moreover, we find evident traces of a Latin original,"^- 
we shall be inclined to imagine that we have before us one of 
those numerous paraphrases on the aforesaid Book of Scripture, 
for which we are indebted to the Middle Ages. Herzog grants 
this at first ; he even goes so far as to say that it could not have 
been written within the boundaries of the Cottian Alps, and that 

210 The Waldenses of Italy. 

it was onl}- amended there, for the purpose of facilitating the 
reading of it. But he draws a totaUy unexpected conclusion from 
these premises. He would have it, that the condition of the 
Waldenses was more clearly reflected in the Cantique than in any 
other writing.^^^ Montet shares his opinion ; he even affirms that 
this commentary evidently indicates " a long-continued develop- 
ment of the sect." We do not think that to be really the 

In the Cantique we meet more than once with references and 
quotations from the Scriptures ; but there is nothing unusual in 
that. So much is admitted by Herzog, therefore, there is no 
reason for us to stop to examine that point. We also find censures 
of unworthy Priests, bad Catholics, heretics, schismatics — in 
short, against " the Church of the wicked." The times are 
sad ; the faithful are persecuted, put to death, and given as 
a prey to the wolves and leopards. Are not these the plaints of 
the distressed Waldensian family ? Not necessarily so, per- 
haps ; they are only the stereotyped tones of the old clerical 
lamentation used by Apponius, Angelomus, and so many others 
before tliis period. Let us take up at random one of St. Beiiiard's 
sermons; there we shall read the exhortation "to hate the 
Church of the malicious," according to the words of the prophet : 
" Ju hai I'egiise des malicious, et ensemble les fellons ne serai 
mies."''^'^ Then let us take the Grallo-Italic sermons preached about 
that time in Piedmont, probably by a cleric to clerics, and therein 
we find analogous expressions. Mention is made of persecutions, 
of martyrdoms, of lions and leopards, only there it is a question 
of the persecution of Jews by the Emperors. The latter are 
the Hons. As for the leopards, they are the heretics, spotted witli 
perverse doctrines, which devour the Church ; like Arius, Sibellius 
and the Simonides, the race of whom is not yet extinct.''^^ The 
writings of the monks during the XIII. and XIV. centuries bristle 
with analogous expressions, even more strikingly similar ; for the 
divers protests made during the Middle Ages, are no more Wal- 
densian by reason of their virulence, than those of the Canons of 
the Renaissance are Calvinist or Lutheran. But there are other 
indications which seem to be more to the point. They are — first : 
certain passing but repeated allusions to the " Poor of Christ," to 
the " people," the " Church of the Poor," the ''perfect," and the 
" saints," as opposed to " the wicked." Who could they have 

The Waldekses of Italy. 211 

bteu, it not Wuldenses, asks the critic ? "We answer that these 
last appellations were in common use amongst Catholics,"''' 
and the word " perfect " is susceptible of a variety of applications, 
especially wben it is employed in a general sense, as is here tlie 
case. Finally, what can be more vague than the appellation 
" Poor," at a time when poverty was the ideal of so many people — 
the monks themselves included ? " Poor of Christ " existed even 
before Waldo, as a proof of which we have the nunnery into 
which he placed his daughters. The Beghins also bore that name. 
There exists an ancient " Bible of the Poor," M'hich has no con- 
nection with the Waldenses ; and the reader will not have forgotten 
the order of the " Catholic Poor," revived, as it were, by that of 
St. Francis, entirely composed of brave knights of the goddess 
Poverty, for whom many endured the scorn of the world, and the 
anger and persecution of the Prelates. Moreover, if there be some 
feature here which corresponds with the style of the Waldenses, 
it will serve to make us understand the object of the translation, 
unless we are to recognize in it, after all, merely the traces of an 
amended copy.'^^ Let us not exaggerate the importance of this, 
the more so, as besides similarities, there are also discrepancies to 
be found. Thus, what has this manifold interpretation, whicli 
destroys the real sense of the text, in common with Waldo's 
school ? We shall clear up this point further on •,''^^ but, mean- 
while, let us quote some examples. The commentator of the 
Cantique tells us that all numbers up to 10 are perfect, as well as 
those from 100 to 1,000 ; that by queens, Ave must understand 
the souls of the saints ; by concubines, the heretics and false 
preachers. Elsewhere, he analyzes the walnut, dividing it into 
the " scorcza," or outer shell, the " grolha," or shell, and the 
" gaiilh," or kernel, in order to unfold to us that the first signifies 
tribulations ; the second, patience ; and the third, the soul de- 
voted to good works. The preachers are represented in a thousand 
different ways, as, for instance, by the pomegranate or the navel.' ^" 
Is that the style of Waldo's disciples ? We doubt it. Further- 
more, it is to be observed, that not only is the doctrine of the 
treatise Catholic, but it is that and nothing else. Quotations from 
the Scriptures recur fi-equently ; but so they do in more thaji one 
other Catholic treatise of the same kind ; but why, instead of 
adhering so closely to the Vulgate, did not the editor follow the 
translation in common use, and more especially as he was address- 

212 The Waldenses of Italy. 

iug his brethren '? He is positively addressing an entire com- 
munity, even women, recommending the exercise of discipHne and 
chastity, and finally, he commends himself to them lest the 
" preyres al poble de Dio " despise his teaching because of his 
youth: "per la niia joventu." Herzog here observes th;it u 
Catholic would not have dared to express himself so freely, and 
that it is not probable that he would have spoken Latin to women. 
But does this language become more natural in the mouths of the 
Waldenses? Let others judge of that ; to us it would seem that 
the first editor was an ascete affiliated to the Beghins, if not to a 
regular order. If this be so, then all is clear : the Latin, the 
allegory, the dogmas, the style. If, after that, the editor chooses 
to designate himself a "knight" carried away by the "gloriosa 
lautissima paureta,"""^ we shall not be tempted to seek for his 
comrades among the shepherds of the Waldensian Alps. 

For all these reasons we must claim permission to conclude 
that the treatise of the Gantique, probably carries us back, for its 
origin, to a source outside of the Waldensian dissidence. 

The other prose- writings, which lemain for us to mention, 
escaped Roman Catholic influences. On the other hand, they 
bear the mark of the Hussite reaction ; but let us hasten to add 
that the latter seems to us to have been exaggerated on certain 

The first which presents itself is a letter, the Epistle to King 
Ladislas, a boldly sarcastic apology, already quoted.""'^ 

The second is, the treatise upon the Cause of the hreacli icUh 
the RoinisJc Church. The Hussite influence here is conceded. '^'^ 
It contains an exposition of doctrine, morals, worship, and 
discipline, from an altogether dissident point of view, both 
Waldensian and Hussite ; finally, a general refutation of 
Catholicism. The reasons for the breach with the Romish 
Church, are therefore given in detail. The chief reasons assigned 
are of a purely moral character, and may be reduced to this one, 
viz., the vices of the clergy and their indifference to the salvation 
of souls. These vices are lashed without mercy. Dogma also 
counts for something amongst the causes of the rupture, but does 
not reaUy constitute " la causa," as was the case, in the days of 
the Reformation. The points of contact with Rome are still 
distinctly marked, and it is curious to notice, even when rupture 
is spoken of, the existence of a remnant of admiration for the 

The Waldekses of Italy. 218 

Cliuiclj iibont to be qaitted. As to the basis of this coiu- 
pilution it is well-kuowu ; it consists of a less wiclelj' spread 
Hussite writing of the year 1496, rektiug to the " causes of the 
rupture. "^^■^ From several indications, it would appear that it 
came to light in the interval which separates the erection of the 
pile upon which Savonarola was burned in Florence, and the bull 
of Leo X. at Wittemberg. 

Now we come to a series of Ireatises, the sources of which 
will appear more and more evident. As to these sources, we 
uuist remind our readers more especially of the Taborite Con- 
fession of Faith in 1-131. The treatises are known for the most 
part under the title of Treasure and Light of Faith. ''•'^ We shall 
proceed to enumerate them. 

First, we have the treatise of the Ten Cvinmandinents. We 
tind here a compilation possessing a two-fold origin. Catholic and 
Hussite. By the former it dates very far back ; the latter ct)ntri- 
buted to render its arguments clear and vigorous, especially 
with regard to the worship of the Virgin and Saints, which, by- 
the-way, the Waldenses no longer admitted. 

Secondly, we have the treatise of the Sevoi Sacraments. It 
is almost copied from the Taborite confession, though it presents 
certain divergences. If the number seven is still the rule, the 
exception has manifestly a tendency to come in. The second 
sacrament of the " Chrisma," is looked upon as devoid of 
scriptural basis ; others are modified as regards their interpre- 
tation, particularly those of Penitence, Ordination, and Extreme 

Thirdly, the treatise of the Dreamed Purgatory'''-'^' The title 
itself is sufficient. The dream of purgatory constitutes the fact 
of the Latin or Romish Church. Among the names quoted is 
that of master John Huss, " of blessed memory." This treatise, 
however, is hardly anything other than a translation of the 
two fi-agments of the Taborite confession.'''' 

Fourthly, the Invocation of Saints. This treatise consists of 
a formal refutation of the worship of saints, upon the basis of the 
said confession. According to the compiler, that worship is a 
veritable act of idolatry, by which man turns his back upon God 
to worship the creature. Quotations from the Scriptures and the 
Fathers abound; even Wvclitfe, " lo doctor evangelic," finds a 
place here.'^' 

214 The AYaldenses of Italy. 

Fifthly, we have the treatise on the Power given to the Vicfus 
of Christ, a transhition of a fragment of the Treatise on the 
Church, by Jolm Huss. Although literal, this translation seems 
to deviate shghtly from the train of thought of the author, at 
least upon the question of faith. While Huss speaks of receiving 
Christ through faith, the translator would receive Him through 
the Jides formafa, according to the formula of Thomas Aquinas. 
This point has been especially pointed out. 

Sixthly, we come to the treatise on Anticlirist. This exists 
only in quotations, fortunately, very extensively furnished by 
Perrin and Leger. Dieckhoff had suspected its Hussite origin, 
but to Goll belongs the credit of having demonstrated the fact."''^ 
Ineed, it dates back to Lucas of Prague. The Waldensian 
compiler did not adhere strictly to the original arrangement of the 
matter, but the divergences appear to be very insignificant. 
According to his definition, Antichrist is not a person, but merely 
a vague personification of the hypocritical rebellion against the 
Church of God and its legitimate ordinances. Its acts are 
described, as well as the consequences thereof, and the appear- 
ances by which they are concealed. Montet concludes that 
originally this treatise must have been cue with that which turns 
upon the causes of the breach with the Piomish Church, because 
the latter is partly found again in the fragments of the treatise on 
Antichrist, preserved by Perrin and Leger. 

Finally, let us record the treatise of the Minor Interrogations. 
It is a Catechism, the origin of which has greatly puzzled investi- 
gators, at the head of whom are Professors Zezschwitz and G-oll. 
At first this was considered to be simply a revision of the 
Catechism of the year 1524, belonging to the Brethren of 
Bohemia. Dieckhoff and Herzog were of opinion that the two 
Catechisms should be attributed to a common source, Bohemian, 
but lost. According to Zezschwitz, the Waldensian Catechism 
is older than that of the Brethren of Bohemia, which would not 
at all prevent their having a common source ; only it would have 
to be sought for farther back, in the literature of that country. 
Since then Groll has discovered a manuscript in the Tzech 
language, in which he thought he recognized the original text of 
the Bohemian Catechism. There the question rests. '■'^" 

This concludes our review of the prose writings of the first 
period. To be absolutely complete, we ought still to mention one 

The Waldenses of Italy. 215 

or other production, wliicli. under the mass of conipihitions, may 
have escaped us. We oui^dit to notice the rescript of more than 
one writing ah-ead}- mentioned — of Penitence or Glosa Pctfcy 
for instance ; or, again, some letters and memoirs which appeared 
on the eve of the introduction of a Eeformation in the valleys ot 
the Cottian Alps. A summary review has limits, however, be- 
yond which it is impossible to pass. Moreover, the direct con- 
nection of such letters and memoirs with the subsequent period 
will compel us to deal with them later on. Let us now, therefore, 
pass to the last division of our chapter, which we shall devote to 
the poetic writings. 

After having threaded our way through the somewhat davk 
tangle of the prose literature, encumbered with quotations, and 
bristling with unsolved and insoluble problems, we do not regret- 
fully look back upon its charms ; they are too few and mixed. 
We rejoice rather at the prospect of coming out into the bright 
light of day, or to gaze upon the stars that shine in the sky of 
poesy. Our metaphor, somewhat bold perhaps, will serve to 
introduce in a measure the subject which is now about to engross 
our attention. 

The sky of Waldensian poetry is far from being as thickly 
covered as is the forest of prose. No stars of the first magni- 
tude appear, though some luminaries are visible even to the 
naked eye ; of course, more than one has disappeared. Had 
they shone with a brighter lustre, would they not have been 
noticed ? We have already mentioned a piece of rhymed prose, 
called Rithmes de St. Augustin, a modest Httle comet, which has 
passed into oblivion,'*"^ and we can hardly hope that any new dis- 
cover}- will be made. The last, which we owe to Muston, was 
made in 1849, and relates to an already known writing; but one 
whose somewhat halting measure and rhythm, had not been made 
out. All that has come down to us forms a graceful little group. 
The Noble Lesson is the principal poem ; then come seven less 
brilliant pieces of verse: The Scorn of the World, The Bark, 
The New Comfort, The Neic Sermon, The Lord's Prai/er, 
The Parable of the Sower, and TJie Father Eternal. Have 
we here works that are united only in appearance, as the stars of 
some constellation ; or, do they really form a group — like that of 
a planet for instance, with its httle train of satellites ? Montet 
observes that they present " something like an appearance of 

216 The Waldenses of Italy. 

relationship," yet he does not venture to infer from this a com- 
mon origin. According to Muston they were seen to rise in the 
east and follow a westward course ; but others are of a contrary 
opinion, and hold that the Waldensian group, even though not a 
planetary one, naturally follows the reverse course ; that is to say 
that the majority of the poems have the same source as the Wal- 
densian versions of the Scriptures and most of the other prose 
writings, and came from France with the refugees who escaped the 
persecutions. We shall look into that question at the proper 
time and place. We have now to deal with these eight poems, 
one by one, reserving to the last a few critical notes upon The 
Noble Lesson.'"' 

I. — The Scorn of the World. ^"^ 

This poem treats of the vanities of life and its fictitious 
treasures down to the 95th verse, which says : 

L'onor del mont yo te volk racontar. 

Here we expect a new departure ; but twenty lines further on 
the poem is suddenly interrupted. It would seem, therefore, to 
be incomplete. More than one author has remarked, towards the 
end of it, certain allusions which seem to be inspired neither by 
the spectacle nor the experience of the hard life endured in the 
valleys of the Alps. Those towers, palaces, great banquets, 
beautiful vineyards, and spacious gardens, carry the mind back to 
the luxurious life of the plain and the opulent Lords of Pro- 
vence, rather than to the humble domains of the castle of Luserna 
and the shepherds of the valleys. Among those descriptions 
one is particularly admired ; it is that of death which we give 
here : — 

Tot czo qu'es crea de earn la mort destruy e auci ; 

Ilh apremis li grant e li petit asi ; 

Ilh ten de li noble la poysencza, 

E non ha d'alcun neuua marczeneiancza. 

A li due e a li princi ilh es mot cuminal ; 

A jove asi a velh ilh non vol pardonar. 

Par alcun enging non po scampar lo fort 

Qu'el non sia atrissa sot lo pe de la mort. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 217 

IL— The Bark.^'^* 

This poem be^ans by describing 

De la liumana condieiou la vilecza. 

^laii, formed of the basest of the four elements, lives iu a 
Aorld full of misery, iniquity, and vanity of all kinds. At last he 
kvill be the food of worms. It would have been better for him 
Had he never been born. Death menaces him. He knows not 
kvhen it will come. If he be not prepared, he will be taken 
unawares, and the result will be ruin and perdition ; therefore 
let us awake and lead a wise life. Life here below may be com- 
[jared to a bark making for a port — the Kingdom of God. "We 
are the passengei's. All depends on the manner in which the 
bark is laden ; for, once arrived, the cargo cannot be changed. 
Hapity is the careful man who shall be found to have laden it with 
2f()ld and precious stones, rather than with wood, hay, and stubble ; 
but the plight of the careless will be pitiable. 

Lo paure marinier que la barca gnidare 
A I'nitra d'aquest port trey gran cri gittare, 
Diczent : Ay, ay, ay ! del grant paur qu'el aure ; 

lud he will be cast into hell. What use will his amassed riches 
be to him then '? Therefore, sinner ! look and recognize thy 
misery. ^Yould'st thou have nothing to fear ? Then humble 
thyself before God. Cry to him that he may have mercy upon 
thee ; and, going to thy confessor, say unto him : — 
Yo peccador, a Dio e a vos soy veugu 
Qui vos me done bon conselh a vera penetencia. 

Make confession with an open heart, concealing nothing. 

E cant tu te seres confessa eutierameut 
De tuit 11 teo pecca, cum plor et pentiment. 

resolve to commit no more sins, and keep the resolution. 
E non te sia greo d'far bona e vera penedencza 

while it is time. 

Car en enfern nou ha ledempcion 
Ni alcuna perfectivol ni bona confession, 
Del cal nos garde D'o per la soa passion 
E nos alberoe tuit en ia soa sancta niaison. 

218 The AValdenses of Italy. 

Mustoii claims that the poem conchides with the siuucj 
acknowledging his faults, and accepting as his only pilot, Jesus 
Christ, and as his only treasure His merits. ^'^^ If this were so, 
we should have before us a Protestant poem, whereas, it is hardly 
Waldensian. Certain rather trivial expressions betray the jargoji 
of the monks f^^ whilst some words seem to indicate a relatively 
modern period. ^'^'' At any rate it is very doubtful whether this 
poetry was written in the valleys of Piedmont, unless we admit 
that there, as elsewhere, there was occasion for saying : — 

Li autre meton lor temps en servir ben lo cors, 
De beore e de manjar e pilhar grant deport ; 
En cantar e ballar meton poc de mesura, 
E la noyt e lo jorn segont lor grant luxura, 
Durmir e repausar sencz neuna mesura ; 
En ornar ben lo cors, aquil es lor grant cura. 

8. — The Loijd's Prayer. '^'^•^ 

This production somewhat disguised by the prose accompany- 
ing it, was first noticed by Muston.*^'^^ Perrin and Leger trans- 
lated it, without noticing that it was poetry, under the title of 
Coiifession of Sins of the Ancient Waldenses. It is indeed ii 
confession of sins. It begins thus : — 

Dio de li rey e Segnor de li segnor, yo me confesso a Tu, 
Car yo soy a quel peccador que t'hay mot otfendu. 

We soon discover here the idea derived from reading the 
Psalms, and an example of that confession to God recommended 
in the Bark. It is very ditferent to analyse this piece; it 
abounds so much in parallelisms and repetitions. Nevertheless, we 
will try. 

O Lord, I implore Thy forgiveness, for I have greatly sinned. 
I have no excuse to offer, for I have done evil, not through 
ignorance, but through wickedness and ingratitude, and have for- 
saken Thy commandments, to give myself up blindly to covetous- 
ness. Not only have I sinned against Thee directly, but I am 
also guilty toward my neighbour. Now, I confess that my 
repentance is valueless. What is it, as compared with my 
iniquity ? Nevertheless, Lord, Thou seest ; I cast myself at Thy 
feet, with tears and groans. 

Till-: Waldenses of IxALi'. 21i> 

Seguor Dio, tu sales tot czo que yo Lay confessa ; 
Eucara In a moti mal que yo iiou hay recoiita. 
Mas tu sabes li mal peusier e li mal parlaiueiit 
E las perveisas obras que yo fax a temp present. 
Seguor, perdona me, e clou a me alongament 
Que yo poisa far peuitencia en la vita present ; 
E dona me tal gracia al temp que es a venir 
Que ayre tant lo mal que yo uon lo facza plus. 
E ame tant las vertucz e las garde al meo cor ; 
Que yo ame tu sobra tot, e te teme taut fort 
Que yo haya fayt lo teo placzer al jorn de la mia murt. 
E dona me tal Hancza al jorn de jujament 
Que yo non tenia demoni, ni autre pavantament. 
Ma iste a la toa dreita sencza defalhiment 
Segnor, tot ayczo sia fayt per lo teo placziuient. 
Deo gracias ! Amen. 

Mustou does not admire these verses unreservedly ; but theii 
very defects seem to him to be a sign of " great antiquity.""- 
Now and then a verse would lead us to suppose the author had 
read the Noble Lesson. At any rate, this piece unmistakably 
bears the seal of the Waldensiau dissidence. 

IV. — The New Comfoet.'^^' 

Tlic subject is indicated at the very commencement : — 

Aquest novel confort de vertuos lavor 
Mando, vos scrivent en carita e en amor ; 
Prego vos carament per I'amor del Segnor, 
Al andona lo segle, serve a Dio cum temor. 

Fu'st comes a somewhat monotonous description of thf 
wretchedness of life ; after that, some striking passages ; foi 
instance these three quatrains upon faith and works : — 

San Jago mostra e aferma chirameut 
Que I'ome non se salva per la fe solament ; 
Se el non es cum las obras mescla fidelment : 
La ie sohi es vana e morta verament. 

-220 The Waldenses of Italy, 

E sant Paul conferma aquest tal parlar, 
Que I'auvidor cle la ley non se poire salvar ; 
Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabar, 
La corona cl'gloria non es degne de portar. 

Car enayma en I'ome son dui compliment, 
L'esperit e lo cors en la vita present ; 
Enayma la fe e las obras son un ligament 
Per local I'ome se salva, e non ja d'autrament. 

Further, the poet resumes the law of Jesus Christ, and 
exhorts the reader to yield his rebel heart to Him : — 

Emperczo al seo cor se conven batalhar 
E a li seo desirier fortment contrastar, 
Cum la sancta scriptura lo cor amonestar, 
D'esperita cadena fermament lo ligar. 

Let him therefore serve the Lord in a spirit of fear and 
fidelity, patiently enduring tiibulations, even persecutions and 
martyrdom ; let sulfering complete the purification of his soul and 
its preparation for heaven. Moreover, the eye of Christ, the 
Good Shepherd, is upon them who follow Him, to keep them. 
Has he not sealed them as His own? They are "His little 
flock," His sheep and His lambs. Therefore, He calls them by 
their names, leads them to His pastures and to the very fountain 
of life. It has been so from the beginning, and He is faithful to 
the end. Those who follow Him shall be partakers of His 
victory, coronation, and triumph. The poem concludes with the 
following lines : — 

O car amic ! leva vos del dormir, 
Car vos non sabe I'ora que Xrist deo venir : 
Velha tota via de cor en Dio servir, 
Per istar a la gloria, lacal non deo fenir. 
Ara vene al dia clar e non sia neghgent, 
Tabussa a la porta, facze vertuosament. 
E lo sant sperit vos hubrire dvoczament 
E amenare vos a la gloria del eel verayament. 
Vene,, e non atende a la noyt tenebrosa, 
Lacal es mot scura, orribla, espavantosa ; 
Aquel que ven de noyt, ja I'espos ni I'esposa 
Non hubrire a lui la porta preciosa. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 221 

Kaynouard, struck with the relative perfection of the rhythm, 
was tlie first to state that this piece conltl not be very ancient. 
Moreover, does not its language prove this sufficiently ? If we 
admit a date that brings us near the Keformation, we shall be 
more easily able to account for what is said in it concerning 
persecution, and the allusion to the "wicked Antichrists." 

v.— The New Sermon.'^^^ 

In this we have depicted the contrast between the being wiio 
wallows in his sin, and the sacred nobility of the penitent. First, 
we have a description of those who live for earth, then of those 
who live for heaven. The poet begins by saying that men have 
gone astray ; there are but few who care to do right, to be num- 
bered with the elect. They would like to enter Paradise without 
taking any trouble to gain it. Now, who does not know that the 
work of our salvation demands our whole energy ? Here again, to 
will is to be able, if we be guided by knowledge. Wisdom advises 
everyone to serve God ; but many a one, who has grasped this 
fact, goes to perdition just the same. Such is the fate of many 
who allowed themselves to be seduced by covetousness. In this 
respect princes, peasants, merchants, usurers, artisans, and 
clergy, all join the same path. The latter have the greater 
blame, for : 

Aquesti ban promes, per propria voluntia, 

De segre Yeshu Xrist per via de poverta, 

E ensegnar a li autre la via d'vita e d'salvacion ; 

Ma car fan plus lo contrari ilh son fait pejor d'tuit. 

Entende savimeut que yo non die d'li bon, 

Que son serf del segnor, ma die d'li fellon. 

Do any of them enjoy the money they heap up "? No, in- 
deed ; they live too much in dread of losing it ; meanwhile, death 
steps in, and then they are compelled to part with their treasure ; 
therefore let us avoid coveting the goods of this world. On the 
other hand, excessive poverty has its snares ; we must not be 
entangled in them. Let us earn our living honestly, giving away 
any surplus, and we shall lay up for ourselves treasure in heaven. 
Yet, wliile some heap up treasures, others follow tlie lusts of the 

222 The Waldenses of Italy. 

tiesli, aud give themselves up to idleness, gluttony, and luxury. 
They will find at last that they have sewed a false god. Death 
will precipitate them into hell, where every sin will receive its 
appropriate punishment. If, during life, you wore sumptuous 
apparel, you shall be naked and cold. If you slept too much 
your couch will be invaded by insects. If you enjoyed guod 
cheer, you will be consumed by hunger and thirst. The impure, 
freezing with cold, will be lashed by the storm. ''^^^ Eibald 
laughter will be followed by unceasing tears ; foolish songs vrilj 
be changed into curses, and he who shone by his comeliness, will 
be blnck as coal. Let us learn, therefore to give our body 
nothing but clothing and food, and to hold it in check. But here 
is yet another band of sinners ; pride is their banner. This one 
because he was placed in a position of authority, has no feeling 
but that of scorn; another can only breathe forth vengeance, 
another prides himself on his own sense, or else he swears and 
prejudices himself, and threatens and curses. Tbeir end is in the 
burning lake of fire and brimstone. 

Such is the triple cohort of those who serve the world, the 
flesh, and the devil. But .there are also those who serve the 
Lord. These may be classified into three categories. 

La primiera paria es de li contemplant 
Lical son dit perfeit en seguent paureta, 
Yivent concordialment en pacz e en carita ; 
Per paya auren lo regne que Dio lor ha dona. 
Ma r antra compagnia que ven al segont gra 
Es la nobla guarnaciou, clara per castita, 
Amant Dio e le proyme, lavorant justament, 
Eetenent per lo vivre, donant lo remanent. 
Aquesti auren terra nova per la dreita hereta, 
La call Xrist ha promise a li sio benaura. 
Ma la tercza paria es de li noceia 
Gardant lo matrimoni fideiment e en bonta, 
Departent se de mal, faczent vertuos lavor, 
E ensegnant a li lor filh la temor del Segnor. 

Taken altogether, these are the elect, the redeemed of Chritt. 
Humility is their banner. They are a '' small company," but thtir 
valour is not measured by their number. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 228 

Aquilli son poc per uuinbre, quo portau aquclla eiisegna ; 
Ma ilh son mot per valor, car en conipagnia degna, 
Czo es Jeshn Xrist, lilli de sancta Maria, 
Que li conforta mot e lor mostra la via 
Novella, e vivent, e de salvacion. 

From this language, it is evident that this poem is not ancient. 
It dates, perhaps, from the XVI. centm-y. The allusions found 
in it relating to the pleasm'es of an opulent, luxurious, and 
frivolous state of society, recall much more forcibly the civilization 
of large cities, than the rustic and arduous life of the Alps. 

VI. — The Parable of the Sower. '^^^ 

This is a paraphrase on the parable of Our Lord. An analysis 
would therefore be supertluous. The exposition proceeds without 
protection. It is sober, simple, and touching. It afforded a 
favourable opportunity for polemical allusions ; but the author 
avoids tliem, as will be seen from tlie following verses : — 

A(piisti fals oysel son li maligne sperit, 
L'escriptura o demonstra, e en I'evangeli es script : 
E volon devorar lo tropellet petit 
Del cal es bon pastor lo segnor Yesliu Xrist. 

Aquesta mala herba, semencza du tristicia, 
Czo son li lilli feilon, plen de tota malicia, 
De persegre li just ham mota cubiticia, 
Volent lor deviar la divina justicia. 

Tribulacions lor donau e li trabalhan fort, 

FaCiien a lor niotas angustias e torment entro a la mort ; 

Mas li just son ferm ; en Xrist han lor contort ; 

Al regne de paradis istaren cum deport. 

Emperczo temoii Dio, gardant se de mal far ; 
La ley del Segnor s'efforczan de gardar 
E totas adversitas en paciencia portar, 
Entro que sia vengu lo temp del meisonar. 

The applications, which have reference to the good seed, are 
particularly interesting to us. Let us note the principal ones. 

224 The Waldenses of Italy. 

D'aquesta tal semeucza sou li bou auvidor. 
Que scoutau voleutier la vocx de Salvador ; 
Ben lor par docza, boua, complia d'respleudor ; 
De bou cor la recebou, cum spiritual amor. 

La paroUa divina se plauta en lor cor, 

E ferma la soa reicz dedincz e de for, 

Que per neuna adversita non es nrraclia ni mor. 

Fin son, a tota prova, coma lo metalh de I'or. 

Ben venczon lo demoni e la soa temptacion, 
E la soa grant batalha, e la soa decepcion. 
La parolla de Xrist tenon cum devocion 
Cum tota bonas obras, complias de perfeccion. 

Non lor po noyre vent ni antra mala tempesta, 
Ni la perseguecion, ni antra cans molesta, 
Non volon laisar Xrist qu'es lor veraj^a testa, 
Mas amon lui e lo temon, e lo servon cum festa. 

Non temon lor torbilli de la cura mondana, 
De la mala cubicitia, ni de la gloria vana, 
Ni desirier carnal ni temptacion humana ; 
Car servison a Dio cum la fe cristiana. 

Lor mayson hedifican per durar longament, 
Cavant en aut fan ferm fundament 
En la cantonal peira de Xrist oumipotent. 
Non la po more fluz, ni u dilivi ni vent. 

Paures son per sperit de la cura temporal ; 
Non segnon avaricia, la reycz de tuit mal : 
Mas queron las riqueczas e lo don celestial, 
La corona de gloria, lo regne perpetual. 

Per czo meton lor cor en servir Yesbu Xrist 
Per aquistar riqueczas al regne sobre dit, 
Al cal non pon intrar li avar e li cubit ; 
L'escriptura o demostra, e en sant Paul es script. 

Si alcona vota ploran en la vita present, 
Suffrent las angustias e moti apremiment, 
nil seren benaura al dia del jujament ; 
Istaren a la dreyta de Xrist alegrament. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 225 

Mot son pacitic, human e ben sutfrent ; 
Non se volon deftendre, non son mal repoudent, 
Mas portou en paciencia greo cosas entre la gent ; 
Emperczo son apella filli de Dio tot poysant. 

Tribiilacions snffron, e perseguecion gi-ant ; 
Son tormenta e aucis e en grant career istant ; 
Per czo son plen de temor e de grant spavaut, 
Sovent d'un luoc en autre fuon trafugant. 

E cant perdon la roba de que devon campar, 
Conveu qu'illi sc fatigon en fort lavorar, 
Car non van mendigant, ni almona demandar : 
Del lavor de lor mans se volon ajudar. 

Per czo son benaura, enayma es script, 
E volon ben complir czo que lo Segnor ha dit, 
Que non faczan venjancza de grant ni de petit ; 
Non rendan mal per mal ni maldit per maldit. 

After what we have just read, we shall have no difficulty in 
admitting that the origin of this poem must be looked for not far 
from the refuge of the Cottian Alps, perhaps even before the time 
of the last gi'eat persecutions. 

VII. — The Father Eternal. ^'^^ 

We have here a poem sui generis in the Waldeusian group. 
First, it differs from the others in the train of thought ; thouo-h 
that is dogmatic, or even scholastic ; secondly, in the style ; the 
artifice which, at the expense of simplicity, dominates it, of itself 
proves that this piece has no relation to the origin of Waldensian 
dissidence, but constitutes an exceptional production, if not a 
foreign one, in which we vainly seek for that grace accompanied 
by picturesqueness of figure and that natural style which we admire 
in the other poems. A short quotation, however, will say more 
than many Avords. Here are the first three, and the last 
stanza : — 

Dio, payi-e eternal poisant conforta me ! 
Enayma lo tio filh Farme gouverna me : 
Enayma degainant, retornant a tn, recep me ! 

226 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Ameistra me, Dio filli sapiencia 
• D'entenclament e d'auta sciencia, 
En parolla e en veraya speriencia. 

Dio speiit, bonta, vita de tota gent, 
Dona me la toa gracia en la vita present ; 
E a la fin tn me garda de tot amar torment. 

Dio autic, novel, per ta bonta un en tres, 

Hosta de mi lo ment que destruy en mi czo qu'es, 

Lausor sia a tua, ben compliament de tot cant es. 

Ought we, with Herzog, to admit that this poem is full of 
allusions to Catharism, and think, as Montet does, that the author 
had left the sect of the Albigenses to embrace the principles of 
Waldo, and that in this poem " he poses as the adversary " of 
the doctrines of the Cathari "? We are not convinced of this ; 
the passages quoted to support this hypothesis seem to us 
insignificant, and to perceive all that in it appears to us to require 
a great deal of the wish that is father to the thought. We liave 
also been unable to perceive that the Albigenses were pointed at 
in the peaceful Parable of the Sower, and if there is " an intentional 
enunciation of the Anti-Catharin truths," we confess that it has 
escaped our attention ; in other words, we are not prepared to 
believe anything of the kind. It is pretended that this allusion 
to Catharism is found again in the principal Waldensian poem, 
which we shall now examine. 

VIII. — The Noble Lesson. '^^^ 

The poetry of the Waldenses naturally savours of their 
{school. The title of Sermon or Lesson corresponds very well 
with the character of its most remarkable pieces. Still, lessons 
differ in kind. This one excels in its contents, so that it is 
especially entitled to our attention. 

The object of the Noble Lesson is indicated in tne first lines : 

frayres, entende una nobla leyczon : 

Sovent deven velhar e istar en oracion, 

Car nos veyen aquest mont esser pres del chavon ; 

Mot curios deorian esser de bonas obras far, 

Car nos veyen aquest mont de la fin appropriar. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 227 

As to the matter of the poem itself, here is an epitome oi it : 

Breomeut es reconta en aquesta leyczoii 

De las treys que Dio done al mont. 

La prumiera ley demostra a qui ha sen e raczon, 

Co es a conoiser Dio e honorar lo seo Creator. 

Ma la seconda ley, que Dio done a Moysent. 
Nos ensegna a temer Dio e server luy fortment. 
Car el condampna e punis tot home que I'offent. 
Ma la tercza ley, lacal es ara al temp present, 
Nos ensegna amar Dio de bon cor e servir purament. 

Autra ley d'ayci enant non deven plus aver. 

Si non en segre Yeshu Xrist, e far lo seo bon placer. 

Such a resume as we can give here cannot be satisfactory.'*''' 
The verses we have just quoted indicate one of the salient features 
of the poem, or, we might sa} , the skeleton of it ; and it is evident 
that, looked at from this point of view, the Noble Lesson presents 
the three successive divisions marked by Muston : the first ending 
at the 138th verse ; the second at the 207th ; the third at the 
848th ; then follows the final application or conclusion. We shall 
not endeavour here to substitute any other division. Only, this 
skeleton being admitted, we must try to clothe it with what is 
necessary to constitute a body. What we have to say further 
will serve that purpose. 

The end of the world is near ; it is foretold by signs. The 
hour of judgment is about to sound for all. Then 

Li bon iren en gloria e li mal al torment. 

To be convinced of this, one has but to consult the Scriptures. 
There we shall also find that the good are in the minority. If we 
desii-e to belong to that number, let us learn to invoke the aid of 
the Holy Trmity, love our neighbour, and turn a hopeful eye upon 
the blessings to come. Our salvation depends upon that. But 
the wicked find no pleasure therein. Carried away by love of the 
world, they forsake the promises and God's laws ; they even com- 
pel others to follow them ; and evil has invaded everything. 
\\Tieuce does this arise ? In this way : Adam sinned first ; the 
seed of sin passed to his descendants, and with sin, death ; but 

r 2 

'228 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the good are redeemed by the sufferings of Christ. Evil has only 
increased with the generations of mankind. First, we have cor- 
rupted in ourselves that noble law of nature which taught us to 
love God, to serve Him, to keep inviolate the holy marriage bond, 
and to love our neighbour as ourselves. Then God's threat was 
fulfilled, contrary to what men now say, namely, that He did not 
create man in order that he should perish. The deluge came and 
destroyed the idlers. Noah and his house were spared, and God 
promised to send no more deluge upon the earth ; but Noah's 
descendants having greatly multiplied, gave themselves up to 
evil, and doubted of God's faithfulness. In order to guard them- 
selves against the deluge, they built a tower or city of refuge. 
God rendered their fooHsh undertaking of none effect ; He con- 
founded their language, so that they were obliged to disperse. As 
they continued to transgress natural laws, five cities were destroyed 
by fire from heaven. All their inhabitants perished except Lot, 
his wife, and his guests — though afterwards his wife, because of 
her disobedience, perished also. After that, God called upon 
Abraham to leave his own country. Through him He prepared a 
separate people, which first lived in Egypt. Afterwards, being 
uelivered by the hand of Moses from the yoke of oppression, it 
crossed the Red Sea and entered the desert, where it received the 
law, written upon tables of stone. At that time discipline reigned 
amongst the people of God. When they were finally established 
in the promised land, they prospered by reason of their faithful- 
ness ; and, finally, having become unfaithful, they were carried 
away captive into Babylon. When they repented they were 
restored to Jerusalem ; this repentance, however, was of short 
duration, and soon there i-emained to observe the law but a small 
number of the pious. 

Mas hi ac alcuna gent plen de si gran falsita ; 
Co foron li Pharisio e li autre scriptura ; 
Qu'ilh gardesan la ley mot era demostra. 
Que la gent o veguessan, per esser plus honra ; 
Mas poc val aquel honor que tost ven a chavon : 
Ilh persequian li sant e li just e li bon. 
Cum plor e cum gemament oravan lo Segnor, 
Que deisendes en terra per salvar aquest mont, 
Car tot I'uman lignage annava a perdicion. 

The Waldexses of Italy. 220 

Then God sent His angel to "a noble maiden of royal 
lineage," to announce to her that she would bring into the world 
Jesus, the Saviour. Jesus was born poor ; he escaped the perse- 
cution occasioned by the visit of tlie " trey baron," and selected 
twelve Apostles, 

E vole mudar la ley «iue devant avia dona ; 
El non la mude pas, (pi'ilh fos habandona, 
Mas la renovelle, qu'ilh fos niehl garda. 

The new law is superior to that of Moses ; the Sermon on the 
Mount is a testimony to that. Jesus having himself been bap- 
tized for the salvation of men, conferred upon His Apostles the 
power of baptizing and instructing every creature in the law of 
ihe Gospel. To this power He added that of performing 
miracles, and of foreteUing the future. He had instructed them 
-to follow the path of poverty, and had taught them by means of 
parables, which have been preserved to us in the New Testament ; 
hence it follows that if anyone love Christ, and desire to imitate 
Him, he must begin by reading the Scriptures. We find there 

Que solament per far ben Xrist fo persegu 

E cant el faczia mais de ben, plus era persegu. 

Finally, Jesus was betrayed and crucilied. 

Taut foron li torment amar e doloyros 

Que I'arma partic del cors per salvar li peccador. 

After His resurrection, He appeared to His disciples, and 
promised to be with them to the end. Then He ascended up into 
heaven, whence the Holy Spirit descended iipon the Apostles on 
the day of Pentecost. Since that time these latter have gone 
into the world preaching the Gospel, and there soon sprung up a 
people of believers. 

Cristians foron nonmia, car ilh creyan en Xrist. 

All were persecuted, not by the saints, for that has never been 
seen, but by people who acted mostly from ignorance. To-day, 
iis then, there are those who persecute, and they call themselves 
His disciples ! 

230 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Mas enapres li apostol foroii alcuns doctors 

Lical mostravan la via de Xrist lo nostre Salvador. 

Mas encar sen troba alcuu al temp present, 

Lical son manifest a mot poc de la gent, 

La via de Yeshu Xrist mot fort volrian mostrar, 

Mas tant son persegu que a peno o pon far ; 

Tant son li fals Xristian enceca per error ; 

E maiorment que li autre aquilh que devon esser pastor, 

Car illi perseguon e aucion aquilli que son mellior, 

E laysan en pacz 11 fals e li enganador. 

Mas en czo se po conoyser qu'ilh non sou bon pastor, 

Car non aman las feas si non per la toyson. 

After that, praise was reserved for the wicked. It was he who 
was exalted as " prudom e leal home." But let such as act in 
that manner beware ; they will be confounded at last. It will 
avail them nothing to call in the confessor in their last moments. 
However, we shall see by an example how they are accustomed to 
act : 

Cant lo mal lo costreng tant que a pena po parlar 

El demanda lo prever e se vol confessar ; 

Mas segont I'escriptura, el ha trop tarcza, lacal di : 

" San e vio te confessa e non atendre la fin ! " 

Lo prever li demanda si el ha neun pecca; 

Duy mot o trey respont e tost ha despacha. 

Ben li di lo prever qu'el non po esser asout, 

Si el non rent tot I'autruy e smenda H seo tort. 

Mas cant el au ayczo, el ha grant pensament, 

E pensa entre si que, si el rent entierament, 

Que remanre a li seo enfant, e que dire la gent ; 

E comanda a li seo enfant que smeudou li seo tort, 

E fay pat cum lo prever qu'el poysa esser asout : 

Si el n'a cent lioras de I'autruy o encara 2 cent, 

Lo prever lo quitta per cent sout o encara per mencz 

E li fay amonestancza e li promet perdon, 

Qu'el fa^a dire mesa per si e per H sio payron 

E lor empromet perdon sia a just, o sia a fellon. ^'^ 

Adonca li pausa la man sobre la testa ; 

Cant el li dona mais, li fay plus grant festa, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 281 

E li lay entendament <[ne el os mot ben asout : 

Mas mal son smenda aqiiilh de (]ui el ha li tort. 

Mas el sere enganua eu aital asolvament ; 

E aquel que Ho o fay encreyre hi pecca mortalmeiit. 

Ma yo ruso dire, car se troba en ver, 

Que tuit li papa que foron de Silvestre eutro eu aquest, 

E tuit li cardenal e li evesque e li abba, 

Tuit aquisiti ensemp nou hau tanta potesta 

Que ilh poissau perdonar un sol pecca mortal : 

Solanient Dio perdona, que antra non ho po far. 

The pastors and the faithful who are worthy of the name do 
not act so. Their confession is sincere and thorough ; for if any- 
one desire to follow Christ he juust practice these three virtues : 
si)iritual poverty, chastity, and humility. 

Such is the permanent law — the way open to us. Let us walk 
in it, and remember we are told to watch. 

E esser mot avisa del temp de I'antechrist, 

Que nos non crean ni a son fait ni a son dit. 

Car segont I'escriptura, son ara fait moti antechrist. 

Car antechrist sont tuit aquilh (pie contrastan a Xrist. 

Once more, the end is near at liand ; the judgment will soon 
come, when heaven and earth shall be shaken. God grant that 
on that day our place be found on tlie right hand of the just 
Judge for ever and ever. 

Such is a summary of the Noble Lesson. "^^^ We shall not 
here consider the special doctrine that characterizes it ; but we 
already feel, and shall moreover demonstrate further on, that it 
coincides in every respect with the doctrine of the Waldenses. 
We would prefer to examine the (]uestiou of the date of the 
poem, which is still such a subject of dispute. 

According to an interpretation, which has become traditional, 
the Noble Lesson dates back to a period before Waldo. According 
to modern criticism it goes back only to the eve of the lleforma- 
tion. We shall show that this tradition is tainted with prejudice, 
and that the critics in this matter hive proceeded with a certain 
degree of haste, which has not accelerated a definite solution. 

The great point in the dispute that has taken place with 
regard to the date of the poem is furnished by two hues, which 

232 The Waldenses of Italy. 

are read in two different ways. Tiie reading first followed was 

this : — 

Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

The other reading, generally followed now-a-days, is as- 
follows : — 

Ben ha mil e 4 cent an compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

Of these two readings which is the correct one ? That^ 
really, is what the whole question is about. Let us enter 
into some details, and examine first the one that bears the most 
ancient date. Raynouard translated it literally. He says : 

Bien a mille et cent ans accomplis entierement 

Que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier tem])s."- 

But did he interpret it aright? "The poem of the Xohia 
Leiczon, he writes, bears the date of 1100." Raynouard did not 
■well consider that statement ; undoubtedly because he thought 
only of appropriating the popular and traditional interpretation of 
Morland, Leger, and their repeaters ; moreover, he was interested 
in making it lit in with his theory of the primitive Romance lan- 
guage. Reuss, accustomed to more strictly accurate language, 
opens his eyes in astonishment, and exclaims : " Can it be 
believed ? almost all the authors who have written upon these 
verses, and the poem from which they are taken, claim that they 
contain directly and explicitly the poet's indication of the epoch — 
the year 1100 of our era."^-^ This would mean that, at the 
moment of our Lord's birth, someone predicted the end of the 
-world at a given time, and that his writing was accepted as 
authoritative at the end of the XL century ! Is that common 
sense '? Where are the inspired books, or those passing as such, 
which are contemporary with the year one ? How could those 
writers, one after the other, repeat a statement contrary to the 
best established facts recorded in sacred history, which even 
our children know^ by heart ? Evidently the date, from which to 
compute the 1100 years of the poet, must be the epoch of a 
writing, containing a similar prediction ; which writing, in its 
lime, preoccupied the minds and awakened the anxious attention 

The Waldenses of Italy. '233 

of the j)arty to which it belonged.'"'-- Now, wliat is that writin;Lf '? 
According to Reuss, " it can be none otlier than the Apocalypse," 
and he does not even think it necessary to prove his statement. 
Herzog is not of that opinion ; he believes that the writing 
designated by the poet must be the first Epistle of the Apostle 
John, which the Waldenses all knew quite as well as the Apo- 
calypse.^^^ Be this as it may, as, according to tradition, those two 
writings date fi'om the end of the first century, whether it be one 
or the other, the questions remain unchanged. We must, 
therefore, count the 1100 years from the yeai- 100 or thereabout. 
If we take the indication given by the poet, in its literal sense, 
we come down to a period later than the year 1200 ; for it is only 
fair 10 recognize that this indication — somewhat approximative 
and general as it is — refers less to the year than to the century ; 
it means that the XII. century was ended and past sometime 
before.''-^ Our conclusion is, that if the reading of the verse 
xjuoted be correct, its literal interpretation fixes the date of the 
poem at the beginning of the XIII. centuiy ; that is to say, from 
the year 1200 to 1240. Muston has not yet given his adherence 
to this view ; still even he no longer dates the Noble 
Lesson back to the year ilOO ; the name of Vaudes 
found in it no longer seems to him a proof that the Waldenses 
t'xisted before Waldo ; and he is ready to '' brmg that composition 
down to a period posterior to that of Waldo." We make a note 
of this concession. But why stop short of the term indicated in 
the poem '? That is what the historian does when he states that 
the Noble Lesson " belongs to the second half and probably the 
end of the XII. century," whilst at the same time adding " it might 
without anachronism be brought down still nearer to our time."*"^'^ 
It must, in our opinion, be so brought down — arithmetic and logic 
demand it ; and that is undoubtedly the reason why, in a recent 
study of the Noble Lesson made by a Waldensian pastor, the 
following conclusion, as here quoted, is arrived at : — " We are 
led to fix tlie dates of the composition of the poem at the end ot 
tlie XII. century, or the beginning of the XIII. , say between 1190 
and 1240. "^-*' On this point we are nearly in complete agreement 
witli the wTiter. 

It remains to verify the date. From aii historical point of 
view nothing can be easier. Everybody kno\vs that at tlie begin- 
ning of the XIII. century the end of the world was expected : 

234 The Waldenses of iTAiiV. 

luaiiY predictetl u universal upheaval ; in short, it was an hour (.)f 
general expectation/-' Without being won over by the Apocalyp- 
tic ideas of Joachin de Flore and his school, the Waldenses 
yielded in part to the spirit of the age ; they, too, distinguished the 
great epochs of the human race, but after their own fashion ; that 
is to say, according to the Scriptural reading. This, however, is 
the fact which may most clearly indicate the date of the document 
we are considering : the Noble Lesson corresponds fully and dis- 
tinctly to the testimony of the Inquisitors, respecting principles 
of doctrine and morals of the Waldenses during the Middle Ages. 
This point will be made clear further on ; only we must acknow- 
ledge that the considerations ordinarily brought forward on this 
subject, our own included, do not apply exclusively to the XIII- 
century ; they do not prove that the composition of the Noble 
Lesson was, in the following century, out of the question — far from 
it. That which makes us insist upon the XIII. century, is solely 
and entirely the indication of the poet. Had he written : 

Ben ha mil e 2 cent an compli entierament, 

we should feel quite easy in our minds ; the entire poem would 
still be accounted for by reasons of a general kind, such as justify 
the accepted date. 

But is that date authentic ? That is the kernel of the 
question. The critic, Dieckhoflf of Goettingen, doubted it before 
he could adduce any apparent reason for his doubts. This learned 
man, gifted with great perspicuity, but with too fertile an 
imagination, bethought himself one day that the Noble Lesson did 
not emanate directly from the Waldensian reaction, and might 
have issued from that of the Taborites if the XV. century. In 
that case, what became of the verses that indicate the date ? 
Dieckhoft' explains away their significance, by stating that the 
verses had been interpolated. The idea that the poem should 
have originated in Bohemia is almost ridiculous. That notion 
had no interest for philologists, nor did it long attract the 
attention of readers ; Herzog mentions it, only in a few words to 
refute it.^^" That point had been reached when the librarian of 
Cambridge University laid his hands upon the manuscripts 
— deposited by Sir Samuel Morland — thought to have 
been lost, perhaps stolen, by the Waldenses or their friends. "^^^ 
On that day fortune favoured Bradshaw. He was looking over 

The Waldenses of Italy. 235 

the old inanuscripts, when liis eye was attvactetl hy a copy of the 
Noble Lesson. Whilst reading the ^•el•ses, which we are now 
discussing, he came upon a variation : — 

Ben ha mil e* cent an compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp. 

The point, marked with an asterisk, showed an erasure. 
By the aid of a magnifying glass, the librarian eventually made out 
: — so he said — a 4, barely recognizable, owing to the action of an 
eraser. " Habemus confitentem reuni," cried he, with great 
satisfaction.*^^" A meeting was called, and Bradshaw proved him- 
self equal to the occasion. After having mentioned with pride 
the discovery of the manuscripts — slurring over the fact of their 
long oblivion, the result of ignorance — he showed all the 
resurrected volumes, and at last came to the subject of the erasure. 
He pointed it out and indicated the figure, which had been 
operated upon by the blade of the forger, proceeding by comparing 
it with the other " 4s " which are to be found, in more than one 
article forming part of the same volume, to establish its identity 
with them. The similarity was evident, and constituted a 
primary indication. But the proof was to come. In the following 
volume of the series, discovered by him, was a very short fragment, 
till then unexamined, containing the first verses only of the Noble 
Lesson, written like prose, in uninterrupted lines. Then the 
mystery was solved ; for here the four hundred was evident, in 
Roman figures : — 

Ben ha mil e cccc anz compli entierament 
Que fo scripta I'ora ara sen al derier temps. 

That is the second reading. It is more authentic than the 
first ? Criticism this time scarcely admits of any discussion ; 
one Avould think that, weary of doubting, it had become credulous. 
The manuscripts produced are four in number. Their age seems 
to be fixed. Two are at Cambridge, and date, one from the 
beginning and the other from the middle of the XV. century. 
These bear the modern date. The others are in Geneva and 
Dublin ; the former belonging to the end of the XV. century, the 
latter only to the XVI. These bear the ancient date. Now, 
according to Bradshaw, Todd, Herzog, and Montet, there is 

236 The Waldenses of Italy. 

nothing more to be said on the matter ; a decision has to be 
arrived at. Only lately Montet wrote : " The question of the time 
of the Noble Lesson, the only poem whose date can be approxi- 
mately fixed, is decided by the respective age of the different 
codices which contain it.""^'^' However, if the trnth must be told,, 
for us the question is not solved. Can we be sure that no manu- 
script of the Noble Lesson existed prior to that of Cambridge and 
the accompanying fragment ? If such a manuscript did exist, did 
it bear the ancient or the modern date ? In other words, what 
guarantee have we that the reading of the Camliridge manuscript 
is the only authentic one, w'hen, in order to believe that, we must 
give up the idea of taking it literally ? The attempt to count the 
centuries from the year 100 is now given up ; for that would bring 
us to the century of the Reformation. Montet seems at first to 
•wish to make an exception in this case, but he rapidly becomes 
confused. He may be judged by his own words. He says : "In 
the more ancient manuscripts, the manuscripts B and C of Cam- 
bridge — one of the first half, the other of the middle of the XY. 
century — the Waldensian author states that he writes in the XY. 

II y a bien mille et quatre cents ans accomplis entierement 
Depuis que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps. 

" The author taking as a point of departure for his chronology, 
the time in which the First Epistle of St. John was written, 
namely, about the end of the first century of our era, the fourteen 
hundred years of wiiich he speaks, bring us down well into the 
fifteenth.""'^" We beg to correct this ; one century, plus fourteen 
centuries fully elapsed, bring us to the beginning of the XYL 
century. Let us not forget that, according to Reuss, it is a 
question of " common sense." If any one possessed that kind of 
sense, it was surely the poet, who thought of what he was saying ; 
but with the copyist it is a different matter. Little zealous for 
the integrity of the text, uneducated, or, it may be, 
moderately mindful of the rules of prosody, he may have 
been ; hence the mistake. It is not necessary to imagine, 
with Muston, that the four manuscripts may have been written 
from the same dictation, in order to agree with him, that 
it is possible the copyist on arriving at the words, " Ben 
ha mil e cent an," may have said to himself, " This will not do. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 237 

we are in the fifteenth century"; we must theretoi-e write, "Ben 
ha mil e 4 cent an.""^'* A copyist might comiuit such an error ; 
common sense is not as necessary to such an one, as to the 
inditer — and, shall we say '? to his critics. 

This is, as far as we are concerned, the main ohstacle ; for all 
the other allegations with regard to this less ancient date have 
lu) real value. For instance, what have we to do here with argu- 
ments derived from the mention of persecutions, or allusions to 
the coming of Antichrist '? Persecutions helong to all ages, and 
tlie idea of Antichrist was as widely spread, if not more so, 
during the XY. century as at any former period. One may be 
surprised that the poem should speak of Saracens ; still, 
although the expression was an old one, does that prove it to have 
been obsolete ? Again, the mention of Bishop Sylvester has 
seemed to betray a recent date, because it is said the legend 
concerning him was not kno\Mi among the Waldenses in their early 
days. What does that signify ? Traces of this legend are not to 
be found in all the revised editions of the poem. The Dublin 
manuscript is free from it, Sylvester not being named therein. 
Herzog verifies the fact only to observe that " his name may have 
been introduced in a subsequent revision ! "•'*^* Here is another 
imhrofjlio. According to the unanimous opinion of all the students 
of ancient writings, the Dublin manuscript is the most modem, 
and Sylvester is mentioned in the codices of Cambridge and 
Geneva. These manuscripts, therefore, present variations that 
are not insignificant ; they indicate more than onerension. What 
is there to tell us whether the Geneva or Dublin revision may not be 
anterior to that of Cambridge ? The age of the manuscripts by 
no means decides the question ; their inde])endence is possiltle, 
notwithstanding their age, which, after all, does not appear to be 
fixed with great precision. The most recent manuscript may give 
a more ancient version ; so that the reading of those of Geneva 
and Dublin, with reference to the date of the poem, is not necess- 
arily explained by a pious fraud ; whilst the erasure at Cambridge, 
attributed to the hand of a forger, was, perhaps, the act of an 
awkward but scrupulous corrector. Who knows, even, whether we 
do not owe the erasure to the hand of the copyist himself? 
In my case the explanation is not clear, and the question of the date 
of the poem is so far from being solved, that we despair of its 
ever being so on purely historic ground. Let us, therefore, con- 

238 The Waldenses of Italy. 

sign the solution to the hands of philologists ; at the same time, 
however, warning them that, as has been too often the case, if they 
take upon themselves to decide the question lightly, their verdict 
will have no other effect than to confirm others in their previous 
opinions. We hope for a more satisfactory result, which must 
necessarily be facilitated by the recent progress made in Neo-Latin 
philology.'^^^ "VVe heartily wish them God-speed, the more so as 
the date of the Noble Lesson, once established, will serve as 
a basis from which to determine that of the other poetical 

We have now arrived at the end of our chapter, which may be 
here recapitulated in a few words. Let us confess, without hesi- 
tation, that the impression it leaves is not a very clear one, this 
being partly explainable by reason of the imperfection of our 
analysis ; but, besides this, we would also ask the reader to take 
cognisance of a much more serious and deeper-lying cause, wiiich 
belongs to the very nature of Waldensian literature, such as we of 
the present day imagine it to have been. Indeed, the two principal 
elements of which it is composed diverge too much in thought ; 
they are not homogeneous. The poetry, as a rule, bears the 
Waldensian imprint ; but the prose bears it only in exceptional 
cases. The former is authentic in matter and in form ; generally, 
one needs but to read to be convinced. Everything, except some 
very slight peculiarities, recalls what we learn from the judges of 
heresy, concerning the dogmatic and moral character of the Wal- 
densian reaction. The prose, on the contrary, is derived from 
concealed foreign sources ; so much is this the case, that, to become 
doubtful regarding its authenticity, it is here also only necessary 
to read it. How many pages are Waldensian only in form, or in 
translation ? It may be that the name Waldensian is aU that many 
have. We need not then be surprised, if critics have found in these 
writings material for showing the early Waldenses to be Catho- 
ligg^sse ^g gjj^jj ggg ^ly^^ ^I^Q Inquisitors were more just towards 
them. Verily, what the Waldenses lose in being known by the 
prose attributed to them, they regain through the writings of the 
judges of heresy and the testimony of persecutoi-s. What does 
this amount to, but a confession that side by side with a poetry 
that is truly Waldensian, we have a prose that is very little so ? 
This doubt crossed our minds at the commencement of this 
■research. It continued whilst we proceeded ; and now that we 

The Waldenses of Itai-y. 239 

liiivu reached the end, we confess that it has not left us.'^-'' 
Douht has its advantages ; it will preserve us from making the 
contradictory statements for which critics are now-a-days notorious, 
and it may furnish us with the means of re-establishhig the facts 
concerning the religious life of \yaldensian dissent, 

240 The Waldenses of Italy. 


The Religious Life. 

Tlie materials for this picture refarnished by Waldo — Tlie rale 
of religious life is Christ's law according to the Scripture — 
Have the Waldenses adopted the scholastic method of inter- 
pretation / — Their articles of faith, mainly derived from 
Catholic tradition, are informed as regards two points : 
eschathology and worship — Their niorcds, copied from the 
precepts of the Gospel, give evidence of the influence of 
Catharism, and are especially marked in the protest against 
falsehood, oaths and the death penalty — Divers names : the 
one that remains — The community and the triple vow of 
admission — Bisliops, Presbyters, and Deacons ; the Bishop 
and the general administration — The Chapters — Worship : 
remarks upon the times, places, and elements — The Bene- 
dicite Prayer : the Lord's Prayer only used, the Ave Maria 
given up — The reading of the Holy Scriptures: reading, 
learning by rote, preaching — The Sacraments : their )iumber 
according to Waldensian usage — Variations in the conception 
and observance of baptism — Ordination by the laying on of 
hands : rubric — Confession and Penances — The Eucharistic 
rite and the consecrated bread — Polemics — Ethics • praise 
and calumny — Different usages : costumes, disguises ; the 
hawker — The epoch of decadence ; religious life in the vcdleys 
of the Alps toward the end of the XV. century and at the 
approach of the Reformation, according to the testimony of 
Inquisitors, of Bishop Seysscl and of tlie Barbe Morel — 
Concluding remarks. 

THE framework of Waldensian history is now completed. Let 
us then endeavom- to sketch an outline of Waldensian 
religious life. It should be a finished picture, but that is not 
possible for us. We shall try to give the main features of it at 

The Waldekses of Italy. 241 

least, and our first question is : Where sliall we find tlie initial con- 
ception of the ideal which determines the real cliaracter of tlie 
reaction we are studying '? 

There is no doubt upon that point. We must look for it in 
Waldo. He was the Father, the Abraham of the Israel of the 
Alps, before he became it's Moses. He possessed, in short, all 
the qualities that constitute a Keformer, and he excelled in 
communicating his own com-ictions to others f'^^ consequently he 
has left a deep, indelible impression. His powerful individuality 
towers above all others in the peiiod prior to the Reformation ; he 
arose in the midst of a world of serfs attached to the Papal glebe, 
to follow Christ and obey His word. His entire programme is 
contained in the command that re-echoed from the depth of his own 
conscience : " Come, thou, and follow me." It includes all the pre- 
cepts of evangelical law, fi-om that of voluntary poverty to that of 
fi-ee preaching. These two precepts of opposite extremes meet 
here ; in reality they constitute but one, and that unity is the 
ideal of the Waldeusian reaction. The Franciscans and Domini- 
cans understood it well ; they were even influenced by it ; but, 
making it subservient to Papacy, they changed its nature. If the 
Waldeusian reaction presents an original type, it owes it to 
Waldo. The Mendicant Orders are only an imitation or a carica- 
ture of it.^^^ Between the Waldeusian principle, and that of the 
monks, there is aU the difterence that separates obedience from 
servile cringing. If, according to his disciples, Waldo was " like 
a lion that awakes fi'om his sleep," the monks were rnnes Domini, 
but dogs that allow themselves to be muzzled. In a word, the 
Waldeusian idea is summed up in the apostolic word : " It is 
better to obey God than man." Thus Waldo imitates the 
Apostles; he is a continuation of them more than the Popes, for they 
do not maintain their veritable tradition as he claims to do. Hence 
tlie double aspect assumed by the Waldensian reaction, according 
to the point of view from which it is regarded. On the one hand 
it is positive, for it is, above all, an act of obedience to Christ : on 
the other, it is negative, in that it necessarily implies rebellion 
against His pretended Vicar. Some think that it bears upon its 
banner the v-ital principle of all reform worthy of that name ; 
others, that it proclaims heresy, the mother of all discord. 
Nothing in it, however, points to anarchy, and there is a wide 
diflerence between the free investigation practised by W^aldo, and 

242 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that which is preached in modern times. Liberty is looked upon 
by the early Waldenses as a condition of obedience ; it emanci- 
pates the soul from the yoke of the Church, only to bring it back 
captive to the feet of its Divine Master. 

Such is the initial conception which dominates the Walden- 
sian evolution. Let us descend from these general considerations 
to the facts, which we desire to determine ; and first, let us 
see what is the rule that governs the religious life of the 

This rule was not new. It was but necessary to put forth 
a hand in order to take it from the ark of tradition, wherein lie 
the treasures of faith, "sacred, only, because never touched." 

It was not absolutely forbidden to touch them ; but it was no 
longer customary to do so, owing to clerical prejudice, which hud 
almost consigned to oblivion both ancient practice and the voice 
of the Fathers of the Church, such as Saints Augustine and 
Chrysostom. From time to time that voice found a feeble echo 
in the words of the pastors ; then the Waldenses listened. 
Waldo, it will be remembered, did so, and his disciples likewise, 
A priest one day composed a homily upon this text of the Gospel : 
" The sower went forth to sow the seed." If ever there were a 
text likely to interest the Waldenses this was it. On that 
occasion the preacher spoke words which were recorded in Wal- 
densian dialect. Here are a few of them : — 

" The word oi God is the salvation of the souls of the poor ; 
it is the medicine of those who faint ; it is the food of 
those who hunger ; it is the teaching of those who remain ; 
it is the consolation of the afflicted ; it is the rejection of 
vices ; it is the acquisition of virtues ; it is the confusion of 
devils ; it is the light of hearts ; it is the path of the 
traveller. Tiie word of God fills the thoughts of man with all 
virtues. The word of God tells thee whether thou be an un- 
reasoning animal or a reasonable man. The word of God is the 
beginning of spiritual life. The word of God is the preservation, 
not only of the virtues and graces, but of all Christian faith. "'^^" 

The Waldenses, however, were not satisfied with these pious 
sentiments alone ; they also used their reason. The Scripture was 
for them the very fountain head of religious knowledge. Superior 
to reason, tradition, and the authority of the Church, it takes its 
stand as the rule of faith. , 

The Wal]>enses of Italy. 243 

L'Esciiptnra di, o nos ereire ho deveu 
Ayczo (leven ereire car TAvangeli o di/'^' 

They distinguish in it three successive laws : the natural law, 
the law of Moses, and the perfect law of Jesus Christ. This 
latter alone is permanent. To meditate upon it and observe it is 
all their wisdom, as it also is their life. 

Se Xrist volen amar ni saber sa doctrina 
Xos coventa velhar e legir I'Escriptura.^^- 

It would be puerile to pretend that the early Waldeuses attempted 
to criticise sacred questions, at a time when nobody thought of so 
doing. They knew the Scriptures according to the Vulgate ; but 
after what we have just seen, it is not surprising that they should 
prefer to translate the New Testament. ^^^ In this they were 
acting logically. They only partially attempted to translate the 
Old Testament, if we may judge from such portions as have come 
down to us, and they did not exclude the Apocryphal books. If 
their notions regarding the canon of the Scriptures betrayed at 
first the influence of Catholicism, they became modified later on 
by tliat of the Renaissance and Reformation.-^ 

The rule being given, how do they interpret it "? 

In Waldo's time, a knowledge of the meaning of the Scriptures 
was arrived at by four roads. These had been traversed by the 
Fathers, the theologians and the monks. Waldo did not much care 
for these beaten paths ; he had no time to lose. Had he heard the 
l)recept, which caused his conversion, preached in several different 
ways, it is probable that he would never have quitted his farm 
and mills. He brought to the study of the Scriptures that 
practical common sense which had guided him in his business 
transactions. Fault was found with his interpretation for being 
too literal, and on that account it did not, whatever some writers 
of our day may think, agree with the scholastic method.'"'^ 
Is it even probable that Waldo selected any particular method '? 
We think not. He seems to have gone on his way without any 
theory or interpretation, even in the theological sense of the 
term.**'*'^ The word of Christ was clear enough ; for Waldo it was 
simply a question of furnishing a literal translation. His school 
remained faithful to this principle ; nowhere did it produce 
theorists. Bernard Gui states, concerning the Waldenses scattered 

"2,4:4: The "VValdenses of Italy. 

iu the South of France, that they insisted upon the observation of 
the precepts of the Gospel, just as they were written, and without 
commentary/^'' It was not difterent in Germany. David of Aug- 
bourg and his colleague of Passau, accused their victims of adhering 
too closely to the literal meaning, and of rejecting all mystic 
interpretation.'^*^ It would not seem that the allegorical method 
was at all palatable to the early settlers in the vallej's of the Alps, 
for Morel, writing to Oecolampadus, actually asked Mdiether he 
thought that interpretration admissible, and adapted to the 
instruction of the people."'*^ It is true that certain Waldensian 
compilations of Catholic origin, like the treatise on the Virtues 
and the commentary on the Songs of Solomon, had admitted it ; 
and it is upon these that Herzog and Montet base their assertions, 
when they impute to the early Waldenses the fourfold 
scholastic interpretation. Of course such a mode of argument 
could be made to prove anything. 

We repeat,' the Waldenses were not theorists, we must not go 
to them for forms and rubrics. Their reaction, which was essenti- 
ally moral, departed at first, but very slightly, from traditioutd 
dogmas ; • like an Alpine brook that flows a long while under the 
snowfield upon which it feeds, before the latter breaks down, 
that departure was not the result of calculated speculation, but of 
a practical observance of evangelical morals. It will not be 
difficult to form some idea of this. 

A new life, according to the perfect law of Christ, commences 
with repentance ; that constitutes the first round of the ladder 
of perfection. 

La ley de Yeshu Xrist haven abandona, 

E non haven tenior ni fe ni carita. 

Confessar nos coventa : non y deven tarcar. '''" 

As everyone ought to repent before death comes to take hiia 
unawares, there is no time to be lost. If God waits for the 
sinner, if he prolong the time of his patience, it is only during 
our pilgrimage here below. 

Car atent lo peccador e li dona alougament 
Quel poysa far penedenga en la vita present.**'^' 

Does not this principle lead to the denial of purgatory '? At 
least, we must confess, it is very far from leading to an admission 

The Waldenses oi" Italy. 245 

of tliut doctriiif . Let us not forj^vt that during- the XII. century, 
the doctrine of purgatory was disputed not only by the Cathari, 
but even in the bosom of the Roman Church ; moreover, such vague 
deductions as the above are not the only proofs we possess ; we 
have within reach the most explicit testimonies. There are but 
two paths, said the ^^'aldeuses — one is the path of life, the other 
that of death.'''- The first leads straight to paradise ; the second, 
to hell. There is no middle road.'^" The most ancient Walden- 
sian writings ignore purgatory f''* it is mentioned, it is true, in 
subsequent writings, but only to be refuted.'"'^'' Was it rejected from 
the commencement : that is to say, by "Waldo and his original 
followers in Lyons. This is a doubtful point r'^'Miowever, 'the 
doctrine of purgatory and the monoply of Scriptural inter- 
pretation and preaching are the first Romish doctrines decidedly 
put aside. ^•''- There are punishments Avhich serve to purify 
the soul, but tiiey are those of this life."^'^'' From this, to 
rejecting purification through punishment in another life, was but 
a single step,''''' and the conclusion must be — Purgatory does not 
exist. ^"" The priests invented it solely for the purpose of justify- 
ing the masses for the dead, suffrages, indulgences and bountiful 
alms. All that scaffolding therefore crumbles from the base.'*''' 
Even the doctrine of the intercession of Saints becomes illusory 
and the worship of them isrendered futile.""- The fact is that neither 
the Virgin nor the Saints can do anything for the salvation of 
sinners, e" -^pt by their example, which renders them worthy of 
venerati'j^), The Waldenses venerate the Saints, but with discre- 
tion. ' earn in early life that worship belongs to God alone. 
We rea- ^^ ^ le Gloss on the Lord's Prayer," " We owe to God fear, 
honour,; , obedience in all things ; also honour is due, after 
that to . t} 1, to the blessed Virgin Mary, first among all created 
beings, lOr she is the mother of Christ ; then a hke honour to 
all the saints who rest in glory, together with all the heavenly host." 
Then we owe obedience to our superiors."""^ • It would be more 
than hazardous to deduce from this passage that the Virgin and 
the Saints divided the honour of worship with God, even in the 
nnnor degree of " duha cultus " to use the jargon of the schools. 
It contains nothing more than a somewhat vague definition of a 
religious homage. Again, is that homage quite authentic ? Tiu 
passage is taken from too mixed a somce to be rehable ; and 
whereas a homily of rather suspicious origin is quoted, to show 

246 The Waldenses of Italy. 

that the Waldenses looked up to the Virgin Mary as the " Queen 
of Heaven, "^"^^ it is contradicted by the testimony of the very 
persons who sat in judgment upon them. Indeed, the judges teU 
us that the Waldenses, in G-ermany for instance, do not admit 
that the repose of the Saints can be disturbed by our prayers.*^'''^ If 
they had to pray for sinners every time the latter afforded them 
an opportunity, their state would not be very enviable. ^'''^ No, 
they are not cognisant of our miseries, neither can they i)revent 
them.'^'''' They cannot see them, being absorbed in the contem- 
plation of the Godhead.'"'*''^ To invoke them is a waste of time, nay 
more, a mofal sin.'^*^^ Help comes from God, the only object of our 
faith. '"'"'^ He has atoned for our sin on the Cross, in the person 
of His Son, born of the Virgin Mary, and he expects from us 
obedience to His holy law, and works meet for repentance. 
That is the price of our salvation. Man is not saved by faith 

Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabar. 

La corona de gloria non es degne de portar. 

Works are the demonstration of faith, and an earnest of our 
election. There are but few who endeavour to put them into 
practice ; with most it is as though it were sufficient to desire 
an entry into Paradise to obtain it. That is a mistake. God 
has promised it to us as He has promised our daily bread — but 
we must earn it. 

Poc curan d'obrar per que ilh sian eleit, 

Ben volrien paradis, a cant per desirar. 

Ma czo per que el s'acquista non volrein gairt ar ; 

Ma segout I'escriptura la lo conven comprar."^" 

Here we are, back again in the full blaze of CathoHc Kadition. 
"We shall, \vhatever ultra-apologists may say, seek in vain in tlie 
creed of the early Waldenses for those tenets which characterise 
Protestantism. " When the Waldenses separated themselves, 
they held but very few dogmas opposed to ours," says 
Bossuet. ' He would have been right had he stopped there ; but 
when he goes on to add that they had " perhaps none at all,'"'"- 
he goes half-way to meet modern criticism, which is on the point 
of going astray. We must recognize the fact that the Waldenses 
did not aim at reforming creeds. They bear on their banner a 
moral ideal ; that perfect standard which is practically summed up 

The AValdenses of Iialy. 247 

in the triple vow of poverty, chastity and ol)edieiice to the law ot 
the (iospel. 

Si 1105 volen amar ui segre Yeshu Xrist, 

Paureta sperital de cor deven teiiir, 

E amar la castita, Dio hiimilmeiit servir""'''^ 

We may meution that just as their dogmas adhere to Catholic 
tradition, so, too, their moral teachings recall those of the Cathari ; 
at least in such precepts as esca])e the influence of the double 
principle. Here again the analogy is striking. The Waldenses, 
following the Cathari, rejected the doctrine of purgatory and the 
practices relating thereto, whilst the Cathari have quite thu 
appearance of having borrowed the articles that condemn false- 
hood, the oath and the death-penalty from the Waldenses. The 
features they have in common do not end here ; we shall yet 
notice several others, relating to organisation and worship. It 
Uiay be said that we have seen how the origin of the Waldensian 
movement was free from Catharin admixture. True ; but the 
first deviations from Catholic tradition, except the one referring to 
lay preaching, do not date back to Lyons. Nevertheless, it seems 
to us, that the influence of the Cathari has been exaggerated,^'' 
and that the following fact has not been taken sufliciently into 
account, namely, that the moral teachings of the Waldenses are 
copied, as it were, from the Sermon on the Mount and the precepts 
of Christ.*"'' Here are the salient features : — 

Se n'i a alcuu bon que volha amar Dio temei- Yeshu Xiist, 

Que non volha maudire ni jurar ni mentir, 

Ni avoutrar ni aucire ni penre de I'autruy, 

Ni venjar se de li sio enemic. 

nil diQon quel es vaudes e degne de punir.^'"'^ 

Three of those precepts have been much emphasized. They 
are those to which we have just alluded, and which we shall con- 
sider separately. 

I. — The Precept Condemning Falsehood. 

According to the Waldenses, every man is bound to tell the 
truth, as much out of regard for his neighbour as from self-res- 
pect. Lying kills the soul.-" The judges of heresy must at first 

248 The Waldenses of Italy. 

have greatly relished this scruple, which so much facilitated their 
task. It is true, that face to face with torture and the stake, some 
tried to compromise. Hence the amhiguous, equivocal language, 
extorted by suffering from so many poor victims who had not 
courage enough to face martyrdom. This is sufficiently laid 
down by the questioners, who minutely analyzed the answers 
with a sagacity becoming enough in mere grammarians, but 
repugnant to all our feelings at such an occasion. To follow the 
analysis still makes us feel as though assisting at an operation 
when the knife is cutting through the living tiesh. These 
sophisms are even classified and ticketed, with all the care that 
might be bestowed upon a collection of shells, flowers, or 
precious relics. ^''*^ 

II. — The Precept Condemning Oaths. 

Every man must abstain from swearing. According to the 
Waldenses the oath is in no case allowable. " Swear not at aU," 
says the Gospel, "neither by Heaven, for it is God's throne, nor 
by the earth, for it is His footstool ; neither shalt thou swear by 
thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black ; 
but let your communications be 'yea, yea,' 'nay, nay': for what- 
soever is more than these tendeth to evil." They assiduously in- 
culcated this precept ; so we are told by one of their judges, and 
they cared not at all for commentaries.'^''^ Swearing is classified 
by them as a mortal sin. If any man be compelled to take an 
oath,**^-' he must hasten to confess his sin and do penance. That 
is the rule everywhere in France, '^^^ as well as in Italy and Ger- 
many.^^^ But exceptions are tolerated, even authorized, in order 
to avoid the total ruin of the community, which was already 
threatened by so many dangers. " Formerly," observes an Inquisi- 
tor, " the Waldenses had determined not to swear at all ; then they 
easily fell into our hands and a great number were despatched, "^"^^ 
Now they are prudent ; they swear, but only to escape torture and 
not to betray one another ;"'^''"^ they were especially careful not to 
compromise their teachers, who were particularly exposed. To 
betray a teacher was to commit the sin against the Holy Ghost.-^^' 
" Hence we have," adds our Inquisitor, "those evasive and decep- 
tive answers which give us so much trouble and render our task 
almost desperate. ^'^'' Eather than die, they deny, swear and per- 

The \\'aluenses of IiALy. 249 

jure themselves, unless iu cases where we ure dealing with their 
teachers or other persons determined to confess their faith to the 

III. — The Precept Condemning the Death Penalty, 

We must get an accurate conception of this precept, for it has 
been the cause of misunderstanding and false deductions. Let us 
again hear the testimony of the Judges. 

" The Waldenses affirm," says Bernard Gui, " that all judg- 
ment, being forbidden by God, is a sin ; and the judge, who, 
under whatever circumstances, and for whatever motive, condemns 
a man to torture or to death, acts contrary to the Gospel, in which 
it is written : ' Judge not, that ye be not judged.' They also 
appeal to the commandment: 'Thou shalt not kill,' nor regard 
any commentaries thereon ;^^^ and the same principle is professed 
in Lombardy and elsewhere.'^"^'' It does not only refer to a par- 
ticular form of the death penalty or its application to heretics, as 
might be imagined ; on the contrary, it condemns all manner of 
violent death, whether by the sword of the soldier or of justice.^'" 
In Germany some, perhaps under the influence of Catharin super- 
stition,^''"' seem to have extended the application of it to animals. 
From this, to question the salvation of professional violaters of 
this law, namely. Princes, Lords and officers of justice, is certainly 
not a long step."**^- We can now understand how the Waldenses 
were suspected of anarchy by ])eople who knew them imperfectly, 
or were seeking for a pretext to slander them.""''^ 

Let us add, that the condemnation of the death penalty 
naturally imphed the reprobation of murder, and, by implication, 
of all deeds of blood ; for the horror of blood was not with them 
a mere feint, as in the dominating Church, but a veritable and 
sincere feeHng.'^"^ 

Such are the characteristic features of the creed and moral 
teaching of the Waldenses. It is quite clear that they diverge more 
and more from the world and the official Church. 

And do they not also form themselves into a distinct society, 
having a special organization "? It is now time to inquire into 
this. Let us begin by noticing the names the ^^'aldenses give 
themselves, or permit others to give t-i them. 

'250 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The lirst name they are ambitious of, that of " Poor of Christ," 
was not new, nor was that of " Brethren.'"^^" Catholics sometimes 
call them after the name of Waldo, their teacher ; sometimes 
'* Poor of Lyons," or " Leonists," to mark their origin ; or again, 
Insahati'S, because of the sahatan they v/ere in the habit of wear- 
ing. " They are called * Poor of Lyons,'" Stephen of Bourbon 
remarks, " because there they lirst began to profess poverty ; as 
for them, they call themselves * Poor in Spirit,' because the Lord 
said : ' Blessed are the poor in spirit.' ''^^^ If the name " Poor of 
Lyons " recall to us the original root of the Waldensian reaction, 
that of " Poor of Lombardy " designates the most prosperous of 
its off-shoots. In the valleys of the Alps we find only the three 
names that refer to the Lyons origin and to Waldo. The only 
other one is that of " Waldenses. "''^^'' If the name of Waldo is 
susceptible of several interpretations, as we have seen;*^'**' it is 
diiferent with that of Waldenses, which designates the disciples of 
the reformer of Lyons in whatsoever locality they may live. This 
is proved both by the testimony of the Judges of heresy**"'-' and 
the early Waldensian tradition,'-"^'' again confirmed in the XVI. 
century,'^'" and noticed by (jilles. " The aforesaid people, having 
come from Lyons," writes the before-mentioned historian, " were 
by their adversaries called ' Waldensian People ' on account of 
Waldo, although the said people at first refused to accept that 
title, not that they despised Waldo, but in order not to bring any 
slight upon the very worthy name of Christian, nor wishing to 
seem to acknowledge being sectarian and schismatical, as their 
adversaries falsely accused them of being; and of their said 
refusal the proof is to be found as much in the books of the Wal- 
denses themselves as in those of their adversaries. In the epistle 
they wrote to King Ladislas of Bohemia, they designate them- 
selves " the little Christian fiock, falsely called Waldenses ;" and 
among other instances, also, in the book entitled Vittoria Triom- 
IjJiale, of the Cordelier monk, Samuel of Cassini, where he says in 
the first chapter: " Thou sayest thou art not a Waldensian, but 
a member of the Church of Christ." " It is evident, therefore," 
(lilies concludes, " that this name was by their adversaries forced 
upon them against their will."^^'- The name of Waldenses, how- 
ever, is the only one that survived the first period. 
\ Let us now consider what relates to their organization. 

The Waldenses of Ital\. 251 

If the "Waldensiau reaction had not been in flagrant opposition 
to the traditions of the Church, it is possible that Waldo's 
co-rehgionists wouki have accepted, to the advantage of the people, 
the office of co-adjutors or helpers, as distinct from the clergy, 
as was the case with the first disciples of St. P'rancis 
of Assis. But they were condemned and driven out. Then, 
what were they to do ? Did they decide to found independent 
churches by the side of the Romish Church, or resolve to jjursue 
their missionary work at a distance, as it were, and secretly, 
without creating a schism ? This point has not been examined 
closely enough by historians ; nay, a schismatic movement 
was believed in without reason, although the Waldensian mission, 
in Gallic territory at least, and in the valleys of the Alps, never 
exceeded the limits of simple dissent. The Waldenses evangelize, 
hear confession and communicate ; but, AvhUst still leaving the 
faithful in the Church in which they were born, these latter are 
benefited by their pastoral care without renouncing their member- 
ship in the Catholic Church.*'-' 

A distinction between the Waldenses and their faithful 
members is here drawn ; this was only to be seen in the beginning. 
Afterward, it was particularly maintained in the French tradition, 
which was comparatively conservative, and to such an extent that, 
on the eve of the Reformation, this distinction had not disappeared 
from the valleys. The tendency to schism was one of the character- 
istic features of the Brethren of Lombardy ; still, as we have 
clearly seen, it was not actually realized." ^"^ 

We have just observed that the Waldenses liked to call them- 
selves " Brethren." This is the more easily understood in that 
they observed the same rule and lived in common. Together 
they formed an association called the " Fraternity," or the " Com- 
munity," or simply the " Society."^"-' Brothers and sisters were 
soon designated b} the name of " perfect " — a custom undoubtedly 
borrowed from the Cathari, because they professed the perfect 
law. The faithful who admired the Waldensian maxims, but were 
not admitted to the profession of the rule, were called " imper- 
fect," or more usually " friends " or " believers. "^*"^ To learn how 
the primitive community recruited its ranks, we mast once more 
go back to the eai-ly period. 

After Waldo had taken the vow of poverty, we saw that la- 
gained over proselytes, who pledged themselves to imitate him. 

252 The Waldenses of Italy. 

All divested themselves of their property, led a chaste life in the 
ecclesiastic sense of the term, and at the call of their master, 
went out, two by two, from village to village, reading or preaching 
the Gospel. / The society, thus founded in Lyons, increased after 
the lirst persecution and multiplied everywhere, especially in the 
South of France and in Lomhardy. ' Before admission, the triple 
vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to superiors, continued to 
l»e enforced. • That Avas the general rule. Let us now go into 
some details. 

Bernard Gui tells us : " When a man was received into this 
society, called Fraternity, and had pledged himself to obey liis 
superior and observe evangelical poverty, he was from that moment 
bound to observe the law of chastity, and own nothing in liis own 
right; consequently, he was obliged to sell all his goods, hand over 
the proceeds to the common treasury, and live upon the alms of the 
faithful, which the leader took upon himself to distribute to each 
(me according to his need."^'" These alms were of various kinds. 
They consisted either of money or produce, which was sold for 
cash f"" to say nothing of lodging, food and clothing, which the 
brethren were sure to receive on their missionary visits. Further- 
more, the society accepted legacies. '^"^ It was so everywhere in a 
measure, only there is one difterence to be noticed relating to 
the cpiestion of work. While the Waldenses of France renounced 
all material occupation, in order to give themselves up exclusively 
to their mission — ^"' but reserving the right to take up any trade 
as a disguise when it was a question of avoiding the attention 
of the spies and hirelings of the Holy Office'^" — the Poor 
of Lombardy and their brethren of Germany claimed in 
this respect perfect hberty of action f^- nay, more, they 
were proud of working and reproached the Romish clergy 
with their idleness.'-'^"' We can surmise how, in their lively discus- 
sions, they took advantage of the words of the Apostle Paul.^'^ 
However, they finally looked at the question from another point of 
view and conformed to the rule of their French brethren.^'' 

The second vow was that of chastity. 

Here again Waldo set the example. The reader will not have 
forgotten how he gave up his family life and separated from his 
wife. He consented, it is true, in compliance with the injunction 
of tlie Archbishop, to take his meals at her house ; but this act of 
obedience was followed by their final separation. Could he have 

The Waldenses of Italy. 253 

ie(|uired his brethren to take the vow of chastity liad he not 
observed it himself? They observed it from the very day of their 
entrance into the comnnmity. If the candidate had a wife he was 
obliged to separate from her. If a married woman were to be 
admitted she had to be separated from her husband whetlier she 
desired it or not.^''^ Let ns also add that the sanction of the 
community was necessary, so that no step could be taken on the 
caprice of the moment.'-*'^ The Poor of Lombardy insisted that 
tlie marriage contract was indissoluble, except in the case provided 
for by the Gospel law, and that consequently neither husband nor 
wife had the right to withdraw from it, without the consent (jf tlie 
other party,'" "^ However, this in no wise restrained the Lombards 
from insisting, as eagerly as their French brethren, upon the 
observance of the vow of chastity on the part of those aliiliated to 
the community ; and that practice is found again among tlie 
Waldenses of Germany,^' '^ After all, the mention of women cannot 
always be accounted for in the same manner. In one case it is a 
question of women admitted into the community through the 
regular vow f-'' in another it might well be a question merely of 
some faithful person,''-^ if not of some local and subordinate order, 
which escapes us. It is certain, at any rate, that in the begin- 
ning at least, the community gave women the right of participating 
in the triple vow prescribed by the rule.-^- 

The third vow was that of obedience. 

Waldo had made that vow to God, as others had done, lor 
the matter of that ; but, in the way that he understood it, it was 
not pleasing to the Pope. Waldo kept it nevertheless ; and what 
was the consequence "? He in a way supplanted the Pope in the 
eyes of his brethren, who recognised in him both the founder of 
their order and tlieir legitimate superior. He was in the com- 
munity of Lyons what Zinzendorf was during the last century in 
that of Herrnhut, namely, the Bishop of his brethren. He ruled 
them by the prestige of his powerful individuality more than by 
the exercise of any right conferred on him.''-" His opinion had 
sometimes more weight than he desired, and it is very possible 
that he may have felt the burden of his power as much as liis 
subordinates. He was at the same time both Bishop and Kector- 
General of the community."-* What a task and what a responsi- 
bility was his, in the midst of dispersion ! Is it a matter for 
astonishment tliat he was not able to preserve unity everywhere — 

254 The Waldenses of Italy. 

ill the cities of Lombardy, for instance, wliicli were a prey to so 
much discord ? His brethren assembled at Bergamo shortly after 
his death ; all attributed to him a saying which is not altogether 
clear to us, namely, that he did not consider it right that supreme 
direction should be conferred upon any one man, either during his 
own lifetime or after his death.''^^ These words not only 
expressed the feeHng that the sole head elected by the Lombards 
could not be recognised by the ultramontane Waldenses, but also 
the conviction that the direction must be divided. There is 
nothing to prove that Waldo ever arrogated to himself alone the 
supreme power. He undoubtedly had, as colleague in the Rector- 
ship, that Yivet, who, by his side, filled an eminent position, and 
whose name is coupled with Waldo's in the recollections of the 
deputies assembled at the conference of Bergamo. At any rate 
we find that the two Rectors of the Waldenses of France presided 
over that assembly, namely Peter of Relana and Beranger 
d'Aquaviva.^-*' They were not elected for life, like the Lombard 
President, but for a term — for one year only.^^' The residence of 
these Presidents is not indicated ; but the Poor of Lombardy un- 
doubtedly had their chief at Milan. Still that residence was not 
absolutely fixed, inasmuch as their colleagues, Bishoi^s, Presby- 
ters and Deacons, upon whom devolved the different offices of the 
community, led an itinerant life. 

" What have we here "? Bishops ! '" 

" Yes ;*we find here three very distinct classes of ministers ; 
Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons. ^-*i The Bishop was elected by 
the assembled Presbyters and Deacons. He had the power to 
administer the Sacraments of Penance, of the Order, and of the 
Eucharist, and to preach the Gospel where he thought best ; 
besides, it was he who gave the Presbyters their commission to 
preach and to hear confessions."^" Finally, he could absolve from 
all sill anyone who confessed to him, and although the latter 
power was very rarely exercised,''-^" remit fully or in part, the penalty 
due for sins. The Presbyter received power to hear confessions, 
but not to remit penalties or to administer the Sacrament of the 
Eucharist."^^ As fur the Deacon, he was by the very act of 
ordination rendered subject to the vow of poverty, chastity, and 
obedience. Before admission to the order of Deacons, no one is 
perfect.^^- Any adherents to Waldensian practices, who have not 
submitted to ordination, do not count among the members of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 255 

coiniiiuiiity properly so-called ; they are not brethren, but i'rieiuls. 
It is from these that the brethren receive their means of subsist- 
i ence.^^"^ The Deacons were the organs of this work of supply ; 
[ it was their office to provide for the wants of the Bishop and 
! Presbyters.''^"* They had no power to hear confessions.^'' 
! What we have just read with respect to the Bishops is not as 
clear, at first sight, as that which relates to the other offices. We 
Msk, for instance,'*'"' What relation was there between the office 
4)f Bishop and the Rectorship '? We lack information upon this 
particular point. It is natural to think, however, that the rectors 
were chosen from among the Bishops, without such election 
necessarily involving any identity between the offices of Bishop iind 
Rector ; each of which had its distinct and peculiar character. 
But was the Bishop-Rector the sole head '? It seems so, for the 
mention of the sole head is very explicit.^^" Did we not, however, 
in (me case tind two Rectors co-existing ? That is true. Still, 
there is nothing to prevent us from assuming that one was the 
^Jhief Rector, and the other his co-adjutor ; nay, is it not likely to 
have been so "? Furthermore > if the chief stood alone in his capacity 
of Rector, he did not do so as Bishop. ''^^ There was more than 
one Bishop. Now the Bishops as such are equal. The election to 
the office of Bishop w,as therefore distinct from the election to the 
office of Bishop-Rect'or.°2^ The latter presided at ordinations. If 
he were absent another Bishop took his place. If there were no 
Bishop present, t^ie right of presiding passed to the Presbyters. 
It would appear ft-om this that the dift'erence between Bishop and 
Presbyter was n(5t as gi-eat as amongst Catholics. This ditierence 
lies less in the /dignity itself, than in the right of precedence. It 
is true that th6 Bishop enjoyed, in addition, the privilege of cele- 
brating the E ucharist and pronouncing complete absolution, and 
that this privilege did not pass in its entirety to the Presbyters, 
even in cases of special delegation. 

We noAv know who this " superior " was who received the 
vows of the new brothers, and of whom it is written that " all are 
bound tofobey him as Catholics do the Pope."***" He had supreme 
iiuthoritv in the general direction and presided (jver the Chapters. 
He decided and disposed of all matters concerning the Presbyters 
and D(5acons ; it is he who designated them to collect at con- 
fession the alms of the faithful, and in all tilings lu^ controlled 
their a^jtions. 


256 The Waldenses of Italy. 

We have just alluded to the Chapters. It is time to say 
something about them, in bringing our remarks respecting organi- 
zation to a conclusion. 

There undoubtedly were particular or district Chapters, since 
mention is made of " Greueral Chapters " ; but the cbronicles are 
silent concerning the former. With respect to the General Chap- 
ters, niatters stand on a difterent footing. We learn that they 
assembled, in the XIV. century at least, once or twice a year, and 
ordinarily in a large city, in order more easily to avoid the eye of 
the enemy. The Brothers disguised themselves as merchants in 
order to succeed better, and assemblies were held without any 
■^^onstration at the house ol some co-religionist of long-stand- 
ingV'^ perfect Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons were con- 
vened ; au admitted to participate in the elections, perhaps 
the above were jby the faithful of the place. ^^' The authority 
of the Chapter wa!:f^me ; although limited by the power of 
the superior who presityirtue of his office, and who at one 
and the same time both coLand controlled the Chapter. It 
was on such occasions that the">ns presented their accounts ; 
and the general interests of tLsion were decided upon, 
especially the delegation of PresbyttDeacons to the brethren 
and friends of different countries.'''*'^ 

Such was the organization of the Was. It was in force, 
in a special manner, in France and Ldy. In the latter 
country it differed somewhat, but rather^ matter of names 
and titles than in the offices themselves. General Chapter 
acted under the name of the community, u!so on the other 
side of the Alps, or under that of the congpn ; the simple 
Bishop is called minister ; the head Bishop,e stated, bore 
the title of Prepositor. In Germany, we cay easily infer 
what the meaning of this was, when we recall t'.uence of the 
Poor of Lombardy that prevailed there. Nevess, as the 
influence of the Poor of Lyons also counted foiething, in 
Bohemia particularly, it would not be surprising if 'mity was 
less rigorously maintained there, than below the Alhe union 
with the Hussites and the Brethren of Bohemia afte brought 
on modifications, with which we have nothing to Bishop 
Stephen, the martyr of Vienna, is perhaps the lastlensian 
who bore that title. 

The Waldenses op Italy. 257 

Let us now enter into the sunctuary of the religious life of 
the Waldenses, to examine their worship. 

We might unprofitably seek to distinguish here between the 
worship at which Waldenses alone were present and that in which 
the faithful took part. We should find the same elements on both 
sides. Moreover, we are bound to admit that, on the first point, 
we have no large amount of information. We ma,y well infer that 
their statutes compelled them to observe regular practices. They 
undoubtedly had both individual and congregational worship ; that 
is to say, among the members of the community, when the latter 
was not dispersed in a thousand directions ; but we learn very 
little concerning either. This is quite immaterial after all, for 
the principles of that private worship will be revealed to us in the 
outward worship to which tlie faithful were admitted, Onl}- we 
must not here look for that regularity which distinguished the 
practices of the Association properly so-called. Of course there 
was no place consecrated for worship. In the commencement the 
Waldenses appeared before the people in the churches and 
chapels ; but persecution forced them — like the early Christians— 
to take refuge in the sanctuary of the family with their friends. 
They met in secret, in retired places ; sometimes in the caves of 
the earth. '^^ When the wind of persecution had passed, they 
ventured out into the open ah, in the majestic temple of nature. 
As to the hours of worship they were not fixed, except, perhaps, 
in the large cities, where adherents were numei'ous. In the 
villages the day was marked by the visit of the missionary. The 
opportunity was eagerly made use of, for it came only about once 
a year, usually toward Easter. The best thing we can do to be- 
come conversant with the forms of AValdensian worship is to follow 
the steps of the minister on his arrival. He shall be our guide, 
and, at the appropriate time and place, we shall be successively 
initiated into the elements of worship, especially the Benedicitc 
prayer, the reading of the Scrii)tures, and finally, the Sacra- 

' The minister, even though it be his first visit, is soon 
recognised by some slight conventional sign, or by some expres- 
sion. He does not usually come alone, but is accompanied by his 
young assistant. ^^5 They go to a friend's house, who makes pre- 
parations for lodging them. Fr(jm that moment every meal, 
especially the evening one, is made to partake of the character of 


258 The Waldenses of Italy. 

a more or less eucliaristic reunion, recalling the daily communion 
in apostolic times. The minister pronounces the Bened/cite. 
This custom is described by an Incpiisitor in the following 
terms : — 

" Before they sit down to the table they bless it saying : — 
Benedic'ite, Kyrie eleison, Christe eleisou, Kyrie eleison, Pater- 
noster. Thereupon, the oldest person present says, in his own 
dialect : ' God, who blessed the five barley loaves and two fishes 
for His disciples in the wilderness, bless this table, whatever is 
upon it, and whatever may be brought to it.' Then, making the 
sign of the Cross, he blesses it saying : /u nomine Patris et Filii 
et Spiritus, Sancti. Amen. In the same manner, when tbey 
rise from table, be it after dinner or supper, they return thanks in 
the words of the Apocalypse, pronounced by the senior present, 
in his own dialect : ' Praise, glory, wisdom, thanksgiving, 
honour, power, and might, be to our God for ever and ever.' He 
further adds : ' May God grant ample reward and good return to 
all those who do us good and bless us, and after having given us 
material bread, may He give us spiritual food. God be with us, 
and we with Him for ever;' whereupon the rest answer 'Amen.' 
Either during the Benediction or at the moment of rendering- 
thanks they often join hands and lift them up toward heaven. "^"^*^^ 

After the meal is over, the minister commences to exhort the 
persons around him, unless there be cause to mistrust some ser- 
vant or stranger who may happen to be present. But the 
preacher generally reserves himself until after supper, when the 
faithful, having returned from their daily Avork, have time to 
assemble, and night has come. That hour is the safest. Then 
all prepare themselves by meditation, and the worship, properly 
so-called, takes place. We shall not endeavour to indicate the 
ritual of it ; but at all events it closes with prayer.''*" The other 
elements are the reading of sacred books, preaching, and com- 
munion. As for singing that was out of the question, as in order 
not to attract the attention of the neighbours, the windows had to 
be closed, and sometimes even the light had to be dispensed 
with. Silence took the place of song, and the Waldenses 
preferred that to Church sniging.''^'^ Let us examine the acts of 
worship a little closer, in order to discern tlieir true character. 
— — First, there was prayer. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 259 

• The prayer of the "Wahlenses was the Lord's Prayer. • Is it 
uot the only one prescribed, t)ie prayer par excellence? More is 
gained by repeating it once, than by chanting a Mass.'"'' Thus, 
according to the proceedings of the Inquisition, the Waldenses 
were satisfied with that, and repeated it with a constancy that 
Catholics ought to have found exemplary. The following words 
testify to this ; we borrow them again from Bernard Gui : •" They 
say many prayers during the day, and, in like manner, they teach 
their followers to do the same, and join with them. This is the 
way they act : They kneel on the ground, bend down and lean 
upon a bench, or some such other piece of furniture which answers 
the purpose. Then all begin to pray in silence, and long enougli 
to repeat the Lord's Prayer thirty or forty times, and sometimes 
more. They do this regularly every day when they are alone, 
with their faithful or adherents, before and after dinner and 
supper, in the evening before retiring, in the morning when they 
rise, and several other times during the day, morning or afternoon. 
They neither say, teach, nor practice any other prayer than 
that."."'" But do they not recite the .4re MrtriVt? No; they are 
satisfied with the Lord's Prayer.^^^ It has been stated, even 
quite recently, that it would not have been surprising " to hear 
Waldenses repeating the Ave Maria."^^'- Facts do not justify 
that assertion. The Waldenses are as careful to leave out the Ave 
as they are to repeat the Lord's Prayer. " They think nothing 
of it," says Bernard Gui.^'"*^ If they happen to recite it, it is 
quite an exception, and they make excuses for so doing. After 
all, they say — Is it a sin to recite a passage of the Gospel '?^''' We 
must know it by heart, if only, when necessary, to foil the judges 
of heresy.^'"'* But it sometimes happens, on the other hand, thai 
some have been brought into straits, because they neglected to 
practice. ^'^^ They also suffered — and this Avas a more frequent 
occurrence — for not being able to recite the Apostles' Creed.^^' 
The Waldenses did not despise that Creed; as we have seen, 
they retained the principal articles of it, but they did not all 
endorse the adopted form ; for, said they, Christ did not prescribe" 
it.'-*'^ They have a Creed drawn up in their own fashion, of whicli 
they are even proud ; so says an Inquisitor.'''^^ It by no mean?> 
foUows that this Creed found a place among the elements of 
ordinary worship ; but, even though the Lord's Prayer excludiMl 
the other prayevs or practu'es used in the Church, did it leave no 

K 2 

260 The Waldenses of Italy. 

place for free or improvised prayer ? As a rule it did not ; still if 
anyone ask whether this rule admitted of no exceptions our answer 
must be that there is not a word to indicate the fact. Do we not 
read that some did not even permit themselves to adopt the 
Psalms as prayers ?^'''^ The prayer was long or short, according to 
the number of times the Lord's Prayer was repeated, which 
absolutely depended upon the inclination of the senior minister 
who presided.^^^ 

' Another element of the Waldensian worship is the reading of, 
and the insistence on, the Holy Scriptures.*' This is character- 
istic, and one word will suffice to define it ; it is the Lesson. ^^" 
The part played by the Scriptures in the assemblies of Lyons and 
Metz has been noticed, and this will assist us in accounting for 
the general — sometimes extraordinary — knowledge of them, of 
which the least educated of the faithful were capable. If the sacred 
books were less wide-spread then than we generally imagine, it was 
not for want of zeal. They were passed from house to house, 
at all hours. Men and women, small and great — all were at work, 
night and day, learning them by heart in more ways than one ; no 
one grew weary .^"^^ A disciple of seven days' standing already 
began to teach another.^*^^ This work, like that of bees in the 
field, pre-supposes a hive. The hive was with them the assembly, 
or, better, the school ; hither, for purposes of learning and teach- 
ing, the members stealthily came together. The minister — or, 
as they called him, the teacher — was there, with his little book in 
his hand,^^^ containing various portions of the Scripture, some- 
times the whole of the New Testament, with chosen selections 
from the Old.^^'' The spirit of Waldo is here easily recognized, so 
faithful are his disciples to the work commenced by him. Some 
who were more educated used the Latin text ; but most of them 
simply employed the vulgar text.^'*'^ A certain Inquisitor states 
that there were those who preached without knowing how to read. 
And why not ? In such a case, he adds, they quoted from mem- 
ory, and not the less faithfully for that.'"^^ All aimed at inculcating 
the text, without commentaries ;'"^" for, said they, what is not in 
conformity with the text of the Scripture is mere fable. '^'^ Waldo 
had insisted upon the words of Scripture, nothing more ; his 
followers did the same, and the consequence was that their hearers 
learnt it by lieart.^^^ Men and women, old men and children, down 
to the humblest little one, all listened and turned over in their 

The Waldenses of Italy. 261 

iniiids the Word of Tnith.^'- According to the trite yet precious 
expression of one of their judges, they meditated on it during 
worship; then, after they got hack to their firesides, each one 
meditated on it again with others ;^"^ they vied with each other 
in writirg it upon the tablets of their memory, to meditate upon 
it day and night. It was their passion, but it was also their 
merit. However, their industrious application would have passed 
unnoticed if, instead of having the Word of God for its object, it 
had been bestowed upon the large volumes consulted by others 
without enduring profit. They had but one book, but it was the 
Book. From infancy everyone spelled it, line by Hne, learning at 
the same time to read, think, believe, and pray. If anyone de- 
clared he could learn nothing, it was replied : " Try to remember 
one word each day ; at the end of the year you will know so much, 
and you will have made a commencement,"®'' Others distin- 
guished themselves by their great willingness. '' I have seen," 
relates Stephen of Bourbon, "a peasant who had been only one 
year in the house of a Waldensian heretic. He had so well 
cogitated over what he had heard, that he knew, word for word, 
forty of the Gospels for Sunday." He was not the only one of 
his kind. The same Inquisitor adds : "I have seen laymen who 
knew almost the entii-e Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, 
especially the discourses of our Lord ; so that one could hardly 
quote a word without their being able to continue from mem- 
Qj^.y_"975 Yet another example : this time it is an Austrian 
peasant. " I have seen and heard," says the Inquisitor who 
nan-ates the fact, " a peasant who knew by heart the whole book 
of Job, word for word, and I have known others who knew the 
New Testament perfectly. "^"^ Those are the more rare cases, to 
judge fi-om the manner in which they are related ; still, they con- 
firm the characteristic principle of the Waldenses. They may 
not be all able to recite the Creed, but they are ready to give a 
reasonable account of the faith that is in them."" This confounds 
the clergy, their audacity goads on the judges of heresy; the 
more so that such knowledge is a more or less direct protest 
against the learned ignorance of the high dignitaries of the Church. 
Indeed, it was said that it would be easier to find, among the 
simple Waldensian faithful, persons who could recite the text of 
the Scriptures, than to find a doctor capable of repeating only three 
chapters in succession.'-'''* The theologians were furious: "Very 

262 The Waldenses of Italy. 

good, yon recite the Gfospels and Epistles ! What of that ? You 
have indeed great reason to he proud ! Our scholars know their 
gi-ammar at twelve, and can read with ease any Latin hook. Are 
they not a hundred times more learned than your teachers, who at 
sixty have no other learning than verses of the Bihle stored away 
in their memory ?^'^ If you knew your grammar better, you would 
read the Gospel according to the real meaning, and would not 
falsity it,'' 

" Give an instance." 

" Here is one : St. John says that Christ ' came to his own, 
and His own received Him not ' — sui eum non receperunt ; and 
you read, ' the swine received Him not ' — confounding somewhat 
maliciously sui with sucs:^^^ You would do better to leave our 
Latin to us." 

The reply would not fail to be given that, with all their Latin, 
the Catholic doctors had not succeeded in arriving at the most 
necessary knowledge of all, the fountain of which never ran dry 
during the worship of the Waldenses. 

But the teacher's lesson was not confined to reading. When 
preaching on the Gospels or Epistles he brought forward examples 
and quoted maxims of the hoi}- men of God.^^^ '' Thus is it 
written in the Gospel, or Epistle of St. Peter, or of St. Paul, or 
of St. James. "^''^-' That constituted his whole argument, according 
to the report of an Inquisitor, who adds that " this did not pj-event 
him from occasionally nuiking use of the testimony of this saint, 
or that doctor, so long as the text of Scripture seemed to be 
adhered to ; otherwise lie would have nothing to do with it."^^- 
In short, he applied the precepts of Scripture, without discussing 
the dogmas. His preaching ran upon virtues and vices, upon 
good works ; the maxim of " doing unto others as we would that 
they should do unto us ;"^°'' above all, upon the duty of abstaining 
from lying, swearing, or the shedding of blood. He concluded 
M'ith : " The time is short ; confess your sins and do penance. "^^* 

The visit being over, the missionaries resumed their journey, 
accompanied by some of their hearers, and on their way they still 
expounded the Scriptures. """^^ 

We may well tliink, however, that this visit did iiot conclude 
witli the preaching of penitence. It was also the occasion for 
the administration of the Sacraments in use with the AValdenses. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 263 

We have now come to the Sacraments. The subject is an 
important one, and demands our whole attention. We must 
first ascei-tain how many Sacraments were recognized by the 
Waldenses, and how they modified them ; more especially in 

" The Waldenses," Montet writes, " enter into competition 
with the Catholic priesthood as regards preaching; but they 
accept the Sacraments at their hands. "^^^ That was true at the very 
commencement of the work ; but, little by little — when the first 
condemnation of the Waldenses was sanctioned by the Lateran 
Council, and persecution was let loose by means of the Inquisitors 
— the question of the Sacraments changed its aspect. Some wert- 
put aside, particularly by the Poor of Lombardy and of Gennany. 
First, that of marriage, which had nothing to do with the Wal- 
densian ordinances. It continued to exist for the faithful, and the 
Waldenses did not dispute with the clergy the right of administer- 
ing it ; only it happened that they did not appreciate it as much 
as celibacy, and that they curtailed the rights of it, owing to the 
bi-fold influence of Romish tradition and Catharin principles.^^^ 
They also veiy soon disregarded the Sacraments of Confirmation 
and Extreme Unction, and finally rejected them, at least in some 
districts of Germany.'-''- The other Sacraments, namely, Baptism, 
Ordination, Confession, and the Eucharist, were fully recognized ; 
but the Waldenses, being forced to re-assert their right to parti- 
cipate therein — always owing to the intolerance which oppressed 
them — modified the practice of them more or less. That is the 
point we shall now consider ; and first, as regards Baptism. 

Upon this point the Waldenses neither anticipated the b^dief 
of Luther, nor of the Baptists, as has been asserted. They were 
originally so completely under the dominion of Catholic tradition, 
that a reaction was not long in taking place. Without baptism no 
salvation, they said unanimously ; then, while still followhig this 
same tradition, added that it might be administered by any one."'"'' 
Still, on the Italian side of the Alps, a very perceptible divergence 
of opinion was soon manifest. Many began to hold that children 
might be saved without baptism.^"*' It would even seem that, for 
some time, this opinion prevailed in Lombardy and in some parts 
of Germany.'^^^ Whilst the Poor of Lyons continued to recognize 
as valid the baptism administered by the Church in Lombardy, 
they were liberating themselves from their superstitious practice. 

264 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Why do you not baptize? asked the Cathohcs. We have abeady 
seen the answer : " Christ did not send us to baptize ; but to pro- 
claim the Gospel.""^- The Brethren of Lombardy did not stop 
there in abandoning rites ; they went so far as to treat with 
levity the pretension to administer the Sacraments, of whicli their 
predecessors had been so jealous. Otherwise how could we 
explain the fact of one of their perverts writing to them in a 
defiant tone : " What are the Sacraments you administer ? You 
no lono-er retain more than a semi- Sacrament, that of Confession; 
that is all. As for the other Sacraments, you refer people to the 

Let us pass on to the Sacrament of Ordination. 

Evidently it is here no longer a question of Ordination in the 
ordinary sense. The admistration of this Sacrament is a sequel 
to the vow of obedience to God, which the Pope and Clergy do not 
accept, and which the Waldenses, from the time of their forma- 
tion, had taken to their superior. At all events, they had a rite 
of Ordination, properly so-called, and it is not just to imagine that, 
amongst the early Waldenses, "the first comer, wearing wooden 
shoes, could mount the pulpit steps and preach the word of 
God."^-''* But did they not profess equality as regards the priests? 
Undoubtedly ; but we have seen that they had ordinances. We 
must remember this, in order not to be deceived as to the character 
._of their priesthood. They condemned the exclusive sacerdotal 
privilege, but the distinction between the special and universal 
priesthood remained, notwithstanding some expressions which 
would seem to cast a doubt upon it. " They say," so an Inquisitor 
reports, " that the Sacrament of Ordination is void, and that every 
good layman is a Priest, according to the example of the Apostles, 
who were themselves laymen. Nay, every layman, in their 
opinion, even women, should preach. "^^^ Still, the laity are 
ordained,^'"^ and in the following manner. Bernard Gui describes 
to us, in successive order, the ordination of a Bishop, Presbyter, 
and Deacon. 

" The election of the Bishop having taken place, after prayer 
in common and the private confession of sins, there follows a public 
and general confession ; if there be a Bishop present, it is he 
who performs the ceremony ; if not, one of the Presbyters who 
may be present prepares to pray, and, while he recites the Lord's 
Prayer, he lays his hand upon the head of the Bishop elect, that 

The Waldenses of Italy. 265 

lie may receive the Holy Spirit. Alter liim, all the others, 
Presbyters as well as Deacons, impose their hands, each in his 
turn. Thus is accomplished the ordination of the Bishop, without 
further foimahty, without the least trace of tradition, without 
anointing of any kind, or sacred ornaments, but solely by prayer 
and the laying on of hands. "^^' The ordination of a Presbyter is 
performed in like manner. "After prayer and the confession of 
sins," Gui adds, " the Bishop lays his hand upon the head of the 
candidate, then all the Presbyters present do the same, that he 
may receive the Holy Ghost." We have seen that, in case of the 
absence of a Bishop, the Presbyter may proceed to ordain a 
Bishop.^^^ Much more then would he be permitted to proceed, in like 
case, to the ordination of a Presbyter. Finally, comes the turn 
of the Deacon. " When the Deacon has been elected, the Bishop 
alone, after the usual prayer and confession, imposes his hands 
upon him, repeating the Lord's Prayer, that the candidate may 
receive the Holy Ghost," and with that, all is over. Thus, con- 
cludes the Inquisitor, with almost naive astonishment, the ordina- 
tion is performed without any more formahty than prayer and the 
laying on of hands. Whether it be that of Bishops, Presbyters, or 
Deacons, ignorant laymen, or learned persons, it is sufficient that 
the candidate should have been approved and elected in the manner 
just described. ^^^ 

Such, according to Bernard Gui, was the practice of ordination 
among the Waldenses of France. This is not the only information 
we have on the subject. Here is more, relating to another branch 
of the Waldensian family. 

Another Inquisitor writes: "When they wish to admit any 
one to their number, they first examine him during a certain 
time,^'^'^'" after prolonged instruction.^'"^^ At the moment of ordina- 
tion, they require of him a confession of all the sins he can 
remember fi-om his youth up. Moreover, to be received into their 
ranks, one must be chaste.""^"- And here an important detail is 
mentioned, which apparently escaped the researches of Bernard 
Gui, unless — and this is not impossible — it was a snbseipient 
addition. We read that the candidate was interrogated u})on the 
seven articles of faith, that is to say, he was asked whether he 
believed : — 

1. In a God, in three persons, one in nature. 

2. In a God, Creator of all things, visible and invisible. 

266 The Waldenses of Italy. 

3. In the Divine promulgatiou of the law of Moses on Mount 

4. In the incarnation of the Son of Grod in the Virgin's 

5. In the election of the Hol}^ Church. 

6. In the Resurrection of the Body. 

7. In the Judgment to come. 

The other articles of the Creed are not mentioned.^*^^ The 
candidate was further questioned upon the seven Sacraments. As 
to the vows required of him, they are the three we already know : 
obedience, poverty, chastity, ^'^"^^ in addition to the two following 
pledges : When he shall be in i)rison or in danger of death, he 
shall not redeem his life or that of his brethren, by a false oath or 
any other mortal sin ; and he shall not maintain with his kindred 
greater relations of intimacy than those which unite him to his 
brethren. ^'^'"•^ 

We now come to a third Sacrament assiduously practised by 
the Waldenses, namely, that of Penance. 

This Sacrament is in such perfect harmony with the character 
of the Waldensian reaction, that one might almost say, if it had 
not existed, the Waldenses would have invented it. At first 
tiiey preached penitence, but without confession. The adminis- 
tration of this Sacrament, on the part of the Waldenses, marked 
one of the first consequences of their breach with the clergy. 
They contented themselves with consecrating it by religiously 
practising it. Many believed that they had re-established it ; 
tlie}'- said that the power of the keys, lost by the Popes, had 
i)assed to Waldo. ^°'^'" Their notion of penance is already known 
by the quotations borrowed from their writings. It was taken 
both from the Scripture and from tradition. Their sincere and 
rigorous confession was addressed to God, but it was far from 
excluding the office of the confessor, as some have thought. This 
office was subject to conditions and limited, according to the 
spirit of the Gospel, and certain liberal notions of the time, 
emanating from the teaching of the Fathers. It was only re- 
formed. More than once the Waldenses profited by the maxims 
of Peter Lombard, in re-calling the fact that the right of pardon- 
ing belongs to God alone, and that the office of the confessor 
consists on the one hand in pronouncing or declaring forgive- 
;^^^'' on the other, in directing by his evangelical councils the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 267 

soul that repents and prescribing the penance.'^""* Between the 
Eoniish confessional and the Waldensian conscience there Avasnot 
the needful point of unity. Little by little the Waldenses had 
drawn themselves back ; their faithful disciples, who were still 
seen going to the Priest it is true, but only in cases of necessity, 
or to elude the vigilance of the persecutors, acted in the same 
manner. ^'"^'^ Even in such cases they seldom confessed to the 
Priest any but venial sins.^'^'^^ They usually said : It is better to 
confess to a pious layman than to an unworthy Priest.^"^^ More- 
over, a layman has as much power as anyone.^^^" One of the 
reasons which urged penitents to confess to the Waldenses was 
thnt they were sure to be well received. Their confession was not 
more frequent than that of the Church ; it took place at least once 
a year,^"^^ from childhood.^^""* It was serious, complete, sure, and 
efficacious.^^^" The common people in the retired districts of 
Germany went so far as to attribute to it a species of magic 
virtue. A sin remitted by the Waldenses was remitted effectually ; 
the individual was as free from it as if he had just been born.^"'** 
If anyone confessed to those holy men and died before the end of 
the year he was sure to go straight to heaven.^^'^" The reason is 
because they are not ordained like others ; they received their 
authority from God ;^^^^ they received it from an angel from 
heaven. Every seven years they ascend thither, to listen to the 
voice of Divine wisdom, and receive the sacred seal of their 
mission. ^^^^ 

The form of Absolution varies. Two are known, of which 
one is used in France, the other in Germany. The first is the 
prerogative of the Bishop, to whom is reserved the right of com- 
plete absolution. When he absolves, says the Inquisitor Gui, he 
speaks thus : " God absolve thee from all thy sins. I enjoin 
upon thee contrition for .thy sins until death, and the performance 
of such a penance. "^'^^'^ The second formula which has been pre- 
served is less summai-y. " May our Lord, who forgave Zaccheus, 
Maiy Magdalene and Paul, who delivered Peter from his bonds, 
and Martha and other penitent women, deign to remit thy sin 
The Lord bless and keep thee, the Lord make His face to shine 
upon thee, and be gracious unto thee, the Lord lift up His coun- 
tenance upon thee and give thee peace. And may the peace of 
God, which passeth all understanding, keep thy heart and mind 
in Jesus Christ. Blessed be thou by God the Father, and the 

268 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen."^"-^ During absolution, the 
confessor probably laid his hand upon the head of the penitent. ^"^^^ 

Penance, always rigorous, was sometimes excessive. ^"^^ It 
consisted of fasting and prayer.^'^-^ We are already aware that 
by prayer we must here understand the repetition of the Lord's 
Prayer. It was prescribed for every day, especially for Sunday.^^^^^ 
The Ave Maria, on the contrary, never was ; it was only tolerated, 
and the reason is already known. As to fasting, the Waldenses 
in France observed it as follows : Mondays and Wednesdays, 
semi-fasts, not excluding the use of meats ; Fridays and part of 
Lent, strict fasting, not for conscience's sake — for Christ does not 
command fasting — but in order not to give office. ^^-^ Their 
brethren of Lombardy seem to have followed an analogous custom, 
perhaps more rigid. ^'*-" On Fridays they fasted on bread and water, 
except in cases of toil, journeying, or sickness. They also fasted 
on Saturday.^^^'- The confessor, although strict,^*^-^ had regard to 
the health of the penitent ; sometimes the use of a little wine or 
light beer was permitted. ^"'^'^ Of course, there was no con- 
fessional ; nevertheless confession was seldom heard but in secret ; 
generally in the hospitable house where the minister lodged, and 
in which the meetings were held.^"^^ 

Finally, the Waldenses attached a great importance to the 
Sacrament of the Eucharist. 

This Sacrament also underwent at their hands a beginning 
of reform. Of a truth, they professed to believe in the dogma of 
transubstantiation, which was several centuries old ; this profes- 
sion is common to the Waldenses of France and those of Lom- 
bardy. We have seen that their differences had no reference to 
the dogma itself ; they disagreed in their manner of explaining it. 
According to the Waldenses of France, transubstantiation is the 
result of the magical virtue inherent in the sacramental words ; 
or it depends upon the official character of the priest ; or again, 
upon the all-powerful mediation of the God-Man. Their brethren 
of Lombardy emphasize this latter causation without admitting it 
to be sufficient. In their opinion it matters but little whether 
the celebrant be consecrated or not ; he must, above all, be a good 
man, inasmuch as God does not answer the prayers of the wicked. 
Such are the diversities of opinion which entail a certain difference of 
practice. The sacramental consecration was accepted even from 
laymen, almost the same as baptism. ^^'^^ The holier the celebrant 

The Waldenses of Italy. 2G9 

was, I'loiii the point of view of the Cliurch, the more his moral 
authority seemed to he questioned. ^"^•■' Nevertheless, amid all this 
discussion, there was no apparent douht of the reaHty of the 
transubstantiation. "Was it always and everywhere thus ? Cer- 
tainly not. A doubt soon arose, not only among a gi-oup of 
"Waldenses of Alsace, evidently mtluenced by notions that were 
foreign to their dissidence,^*^^* but also in Germany. '^'^^ It found a 
form quite ready to embody it, in the symbolic interpretation 
adopted by the Catbari. More than one Inquisitor tells us that, 
in their meetings, the Waldenses celebrated this Sacrament by 
reciting the consecrated words, and they administered it one 
to another, as at the Last Supper.^^^e ^j^g g^p ^^^s then beginning 
to be withdrawn : but the "Waldenses retained it."'^' Let us now 
go back to the manner in which this rite was celebrated among 
them in the beginning, that is to say, in the XIII. century. 

* " The Poor of Lyons," we read, " celebrated their mass once 
a year, namely, on Holy Thursday. At night-fall he who pre- 
sides, if he have received the order of priesthood, gathers 
around him all the members of his family,^^^'* of both sexes ; he 
causes a bench or a box to be set up before them, which is covered 
with a clean table cloth, upon which are placed a large glass of 
pure wine and an unleavened loaf of bread.^^^^ Then he who 
presides says : ' Let us pray that God in His mercy may pardon 
our sins and transgressions, and deign to answer our prayers ; to 
this end we will repeat the Lord's prayer seven times, to the glory 
of God and the Holy Trinity.' "WTiereupon all kneel and say the 
Lord's Prayer seven times ; then they rise. Afterwards, he who 
consecrates makes the sign of the Cross over the bread and the 
cup, and, after having broken the bread, he gives a piece to each ; 
then he passes the cup to all. They remain standing during the 
whole time of the celebration ; and this closes their act of sacri- 
fice. They firmly believe and confess that it is the body and blood 
of our Lord Jesus Christ.'"*" If aught of the sacrifice remains 
unconsumed,they keep it tiU Easter and finish eating it on that day. 
If anyone present ask permission to receive it, they give it to him. 
For the space of one year, they give nothing to their sick but con- 
secrated bread and wine.^"*^ Such was originally the custom of 
the Poor of Lyons, or Waldenses, before division came in among 

270 The Waldexses of Italy. 

TLe following deductions have been drawn from this testimony: — 
The Waldenses of France did not celebrate the sacrament of 
the Eucharist more than once a year, on Maundy Thursday. This 
celebration embraced only the regular members of the primitive 
community. Nevertheless, other persons were permitted to attend, 
even to participate, if any of the consecrated elements remained. 
The consecration of the elements implied transabstantiation. It 
was performed by a Priest, and, as a rule, by the chief of the 
community, if in holy orders. The blessed bread and wine, which 
was distributed during the rest of the year, must not be confounded 
with the consecrated elements ; they evidently differed. Finally, 
this form of celebration is the one that was in use in the com- 
munity at its commencement, that is to say, before the separation. 
It would appear that the Brethren of Lombardy did not retain it.^''^^ 
Such was apparently the rule ; but it had exceptions. In this 
case again, the Priest was dispensed with, if necessary ; that is to 
say, when the choice lay between a Priest suspected of mercenary 
motives and a good layman. ^^'^^ Then the communion was handed 
from one to the other.^"^^ The form therefore, we see, varied. 
Some, we read, celebrated their Easter communion as follows : — 
One of them took an unleavened loaf, and placed it upon a little 
board ; beside it he placed a wooden spoon with some water. 
After having pronounced the benediction, he communicated and 
passed the elements on to the others. When the ceremony was 
finished, both the board and the spoon were thrown into the fire.^*^'^*^ 
It is true, confesses here the anonymous narrator, that this fashion 
is not much liked ; it is repugnant even to most of the Waldensian 
teachers, who desire either to communicate in the Church or to 
go without communion during entire years. In such case, they 
hide themselves so as not to be noticed. ^"^' Besides, all Waldenses 
do not wait for Holy Thursday to communicate. The custom 
was general, we grant, but it did not in any case exclude 
frequent, even daily, communion, if opportunity should offer.^*'^*' 
Still, we are not quite free from doubt on this point. Is it not 
possible that the narrator confounded the Eucharistic communion, 
properly so-called, with that of the blessed bread ? This brings 
us to this last rite ; let us try to understand it. 

• How is this custom of the blessed bread explained ? Thus 
far, no satisfactory reason for its use has been assigned. It must 
be acknowledged that the allusions to this subject, presented by 

The Waldenses of Italy. 271 

our sources of information, are few and obscure. ^"'^ This bread not 
being that of the Conununion proper, does it not have some refer- 
ence to the hcncdicite pronounced at meals ? That custom is 
known to have come, hko so many others, from the Cathari. " It 
was the iiitention of those who first took part in them, that these 
repasts shouhl be a renewal of the love-feasts of the early Christians, 
and symbolize, not the participation in the benefits of the death of 
Christ, but the oneness of the brotherhood existing among all the 
members of the sect. Where the perfect were numerous and 
could frequently visit their faithful members, they blessed bread 
for them, in sufficient quantity that they might partake of some 
every day. In the times of persecution, when the perfect were 
obliged to conceal themselves, and could not make their rounds, 
excepting at rare intervals, this custom must have undergone some 
modification ; blessed bread was at such periods eaten only on 
solemn occasions, especially at the feasts of Christmas and 
Easter ; faithful messengers carried it into the towns and villages 
to the believers, and the latter preserved it religiously. It was 
then no longer necessary to eat it in common, in order to celebrate 
a love-feast ; a bit of it was taken in secret, in commemoration of 
admission into the community of believers, and of the fidelity owed 
to the Goodmen and their Church.^'^°'^ So much we know concern- 
ing the practice amongst the Cathari ; that this rite should have 
passed from them to the Waldenses is not at all sm-prising.^'^^^ 
Only, amongst the Waldenses, the blessed bread does not take the 
place of the Eucharist, either because they attached a difierent 
dogmatic interpretation to it, or because they still hesitated to set 
themselves up as a separate sect. Meanwhile, the use of the 
blessed bread constitutes the first deviation. From this to the 
reformed Eucharist is no great stride. • 

Such are the various modifications imported by the Waldenses 
into the observance of the Sacraments. 

We see, by what has been said, that the religious life of the 
Waldenses, like their historical tree, has its various ramifications. 
It is, for instance, impossible to identify the original reaction which 
spread over Gallic soil with that which had its source in Lom- 
bardy, and from thence sprang up again under a difierent 
form in Switzerland, Alsatia, Swabia, and Austria. Moreover, 
those different forms became more marked during the controversy 
with the dominant Church. 

272 The Waldenses of Italy. 

The Poor of Lyons were dissenters and not schismatics. As 
a matter of fact, they did not invite, the faithful to shake off the 
yoke of the Eomish Church. They recognised the right of the 
clergy to administer the Sacraments, with the idea that their 
flocks might derive the benefit thereof.^"'^^ It has been claimed 
that the Waldenses even exhorted their hearers to frequent the 
Church and pay their tithes to it.^"''-* That may have occasion- 
ally been the case, in order not to ^^I'ovoke too inconvenient 
reprisals, and we admit the fact ; still when it becomes a question 
of arguing on their own account, do they not cast a doubt upon the 
moral authority of the Catholic priesthood^'^'^'* — the Popes as well 
as the Prelates ?^''^^ They go even further; they betray no 
anxiety about being excommunicated,^"^'' any more than about 
their decrees and statutes.'"'^' They have very good reason for 
this ; in that the Romish Church clergy have dech'ned to accept 
apostolic poverty. That is the crime, the mortal sin, which renders 
their authority vain and their priesthood of none effect ; so much 
so that, according to popular opinion, instead of feeding souls they 
would do better to go and feed swine. ^""'^ Here we find a decided 
advance made since the conference of Bergame. But this some- 
what plain spoken language did not always entail corresponding 
results. The Waldenses consider themselves the Church within 
the Church ; reform may be possible without schism, if not in the 
head, at least in the members. This remark is particularly 
applicable to the Waldenses of France. Those of Lombardy and 
other countries were less patient ; their protest rose up against 
the Church in outspoken indignation. The Romish Church, say 
they, is no longer the Church of Jesus Christ, but the Church of 
the wicked, the beast and the whores, described in the Apoca- 
lypse.^"^" It is well to go out of her, for she is only governed by 
Scribes and Pharisees ; whosoever obeys them shall be damned. ^"'^"' 
We are the Church of Christ, and he who would be saved must 
follow us.^"''^ The authority of the Church of Rome is null and 
void ; the Pope has lost the right to palm himself ofi" as successor 
to the Apostles, seeing that he has become the leader of the 
apostacy, and with him the entire hierarchy, already smitten with 
the interdict, totters to its fall. After that, what have we to do 
with tithes, royalties, prebends, donations, legacies, privileges, 
immunities, dispensations, indulgencies, canonizations, vigils, 
litanies, legends, miracles, reHcs, feasts, dedications, consecrations. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 273 

candles, ashes, palms, fiistings. Chrisms, purifications, pilf<;rimages, 
temples, water, salt, incense, mitres, cliasubles, and the rest ?^"^- 
Everything, even to the graves, is profaned by the benediction of 
mercenaries. It would be better to be buried in the open fields 
than in the cemetery, and we should prefer it if we were free.'^''^ 
How much money is wasted in ornaments which would be much 
better spent in benefitting the poor '? """ If we had a voice in the 
chapter, we would say to the Priests : Sluggards that ye are, earn 
your bread like other people, "^''^ instead of wasting your time at 
Church, after having frittered it away in the seminary.^'"''' All 
their work consists in rendering the law of God of none eftect, 
in order to establish their traditions, after the manner of the 
Pharisees. ^'^'^' The traditions, forsooth, sustain the prohibition of 
the seven mortal sins, whereas they should add the command- 
ments directed against Ij'iug, calumny, and swearing ; thus having 
ten precepts instead of seven. ^'^'"^ Many others are got rid of for 
that matter. Are not violence and persecution a continual violation 
of diwe laws ? Conscience ought not to be forced ; but should 
be free.^""^ Then what shall we say of murder ? Have you the 
power of giving life ? No. Then that of taking it does not 
belong to you.^'^"^' Death makes ravages enough, when we consider 
that eveiy sin is mortal ;^'^^^ only a fool thinks he can rob it of its 
prey, by means of the mediations of Saints. As for us, we 
beheve, as the Book of Ecclesiastes says : "In the place where 
the tree falleth, there it shall be." The just have no need of 
mediations ; they do no good to the wicked. This being the 
<;ase, of what use are the masses for the dead ? The mass ! The 
Apostles knew nothing of the kind.^""- All the display made there, 
and all the mutterings are but Hes, in so far as they are not a 
rehearsal of the word of Christ ;^'^''^ but they hold to it, because 
it opens the money bags. \\Tiat has become of the worship 
practised by the Apostles '? It has disappeared. Look at those 
images ; what idolatry is there ! They are not even ashamed of 
rendering homage to the infamous Cross upon which our Lord 
was nailed. They prostrate themselves here and there, kissing 
the hand of the Priest and the foot of the Pope, as if they were 
more worthy than the Apostle Peter, or more holy than an angel 
from heaven. What is their singing ? Listen to that uproar ; 
one would take it to be the grunting of unclean tmimals — an 
infernal noise. The temple, which should be a house of prayer, 

274 The Waldenses of Italy. 

is but a house of stone, when it is not made of straw ;^^'''* it would 
be better to pray in one's room, or even in a stable. Everything 
is falsified, even to the parochial definitions, which form the very 
basis of their ecclesiastic constitution. It is not just so to divide 
the land and the population,^*"'^ As for us, we hold to the doctrine 
of Christ and His Apostles, whilst we ignore the statutes of the 
Church.^'*"'' General rule : everything that cannot be found in the 
Gospels ought to be repudiated. ^^''' To be legitimate, the 
ordinances of the Church must date back at least to the day of 
Our Lord's Ascension ; otherwise, they should be regarded as 

Under these words we can trace the existence of a fire that was 
ready to burst forth. The struggle was certainly a serious one. 
What impetuosity there was on the one side ; still victory 
remained on the side of the fire and the stake. After the struggle 
came decadence. The reaction drew back ; it re-entered its 
original centre, that of dissidence, whilst approaching still nearer 
to that of France and the valleys of the Alps, which at first 
seemed too conservative. It was, however, late in the day ; the 
ranks begin to waver ; they became visibly thinner, the bravest 
struggle in the shade, soon to disappear in the darkness of the 

We have now nearly reached the end of our review, so far as 
it relates to the early religious life of the Waldenses. Before 
closing our narrative let us glance back on the field we have just 
run hastily over. There are still many more facts to be gleaned. 
For instance, with reference to manners and customs. It is true 
that we have already spoken of the manners, but one point, 
and a very delicate one, remains to be cleared up. 

* The purity of morals amongst the Waldenses has been so 
generally recognized, that more than one judge of heresy testifies 
to it. We will quote, as an example, the testimony rendered by 
the Inquisitor of Passau : 

" They may be recognised by their manners and discourse. 
These are sober and modest; they avoid pride in their dress, 
which is composed of materials neither valuable nor worthless. 
They have nothing to do with trade, as they have no wish to 
expose themselves to the necessity of lying, swearing, or cheating. 
They live by the work of their hands as journeymen. Their very 
teachers are weavers and shoemakers. "^'^ They do not accumu- 

The Wai.denses oi- Italy. 275 

late wealth, but avc content with what is needful for this life. 
They are chaste, the Leonists especially,^"*' and moderate at their 
meals. They frequent neither taverns nor ball-rooms, not being 
fond of that species of vanity ; they refrain from anger ; although 
always at work they find means to study or teach ; therefore 
tliey pray but little.'"-^ They go to church, participate in the 
worship, confess, communicate and attend preaching, but for a 
purpose, namely to criticise the preacher. "^*^- They are also 
known by their discourse, which is both sober and modest.^"^' 
They avoid speaking evil of anyone and abstain from all foolish or 
idle conversation, as from lying. They do not swear ; they do 
not even use the expressions " verily " or " certainly," or anything 
of the kind, for, in their estimation, such are equivalent to 
swearing."^'^**'* t 

That is no portrait to be lightly esteemed. It is clearly 
enough liumed. We must now try to account for a villainous 
calumny, which is in strong contrast with what we have just 
read, as well as with all that we know regarding the morals and 
manners of the Waldenses. 

Certain suspicions were thrown out with respect to their meet- 
ings, quite horrible enough to be simply ridiculous, if they had 
not been at the same time infamous. In short, more than one 
Catholic writer says, that at a given moment the lights were put out, 
and this, they add, was the signal agreed upon for misdeeds that shall 
be nameless. ^"^^ This foul calumny has been so often repeated, that 
it is our desire to have it looked into. For this purpose let us 
draw a distinction between the source of, and the occasion that 
gave rise to, such reports. The source is hatred and prejudice, 
those two eyes of the spirit of fanaticism, which has from time 
immemorial been the demon of a dominant state religion. The 
early Christians fell victims to it. " It was said that at the love- 
feasts which they attended, accompanied by their mothers and 
sisters, on a given signal the lights were put out, and adulteiy 
and nicest were committed in the darkness. "^'^**''' The slander is 
therefore an old one, but so much the more tenacious, and against 
it the apologists of that period had to defend themselves. ^'^**" When 
the reins of dominion passed into the hands of the Catholic 
Church, her priests repeated the old calumny, with a thousand 
other errors and prejudices having the same origin. From that 
time till now the same calumny has been uttered against the most 

276 The AA^aldenses or Italy. 

varied sects : but for their wickedness there can be no excuse. It 
is true that certain Gnostic sects of the early period may have 
given reason for a suspicion of immoral practices. When we see, 
however, that — for instance, with reference to the Cathari — this 
suspicion is perpetuated without the least proof being adduced 
in support of it, and that every movement of reform is attacked in 
the same way, must we not conclude that the virus of Pagan 
intolerance has entered into and vitiated the blood of the Catholic 
priesthood ? The history of the Waldenses, which presents many 
similarities to that of the early Christians, recalls this fact to 
our minds in the matter under consideration. The old calumny is 
uttered against them in order to avenge official worship upon those 
wl',0 denounced the vices and scandals of its Priests. 

Such was the cause, and the occasion is as follows : — 
The Waldenses met in secret, protected by darkness. They 
hghted a lamp, and often after the reading was ended the Hght 
was extinguished, lest it might attract the attention of the neigh- 
bours. How many a time has the dim little taper been extin- 
guished in the middle of a meeting, upon the slightest signal of 
alarm ! Sometimes it was not even lighted. We are not invent- 
ing ; the Inquisitors themselves tell us so. Says one of them : 
" The preaching being over, they kneel for prayer, and they some- 
times, if there be a light, put it out, so as not to be seen or 
surprised by anyone from without. "^"^^^ The timid were impressed 
by this ; at times even — if they were novices — frightened. ^*^^'' 
Thus, there is contemporary assurance on this point as to the 
reasons for the practice, and, indeed, they were quite understood. 
It must not be supposed that the Inquisitors, because of this, 
withdrew the opjn-obrious slander. No ; it was not without its 
use to them."*"" Still, they do not know how to prop it up ; wit- 
nesses are lacking, or else they contradict themselves ; more than 
once they are procured from amongst suspicious, unscrupulous 
persons, terrorized by torture, ^'^^^ or influenced by the hope of 
escaping it, if not by the allurement of some reward. In any case 
such witnesses are not in any way entitled to credit. Indeed, an 
Inquisitor declares explicitly that he does not believe any such 
villainous stories about the Waldenses. He says: " They assem- 
ble particularly at night, during the hour of sleep, in order more 
freely to indulge in their iniquitous rites. It is ,said, that after 
they have extinguished the lights, ihey all give themselves up to 

The ^VALDENSES OF Italy. 277 

fornication ; bat I do not believe this can be said of this sect ; and 
of a truth, I have never heard any such report from the lips of 
trustworthy ])ersons. """*-' Moreover, cahimny did not end there. 
It asserted by the mouth of gossips, that ridiculous animals made 
their appsarance, and even the devil himself, to whom worship 
was rendered. Really, an immense amount of credulity and 
depravity must have been required to believe such fables. By 
some these old slanders, with new ones added, are still believed. ^'^^' 

Meanwhile we call attention to the fact that the purity of 
Waldensian manners was attested by the testimony of those most 
interesting in discrediting it. Of course they take some excep- 
tions, for are they not theologians ? To hear them one would 
think they held a brief from Satan himself. Instead of concluding 
that the tree could not be evil which bore the fruit of such good 
manners they do just the contrary. They say the manners of 
the Waldenses present a double aspect : on the one hand, there 
are their relations toward men ; on the other their relations to- 
ward God. The former, the only visible one, is luminous ; the 
latter is in the darkness of heresy. Here, therefore, is the 
reahty which is falsehood ; there the outward show, which is 
hypocrisy.^'*"^ In this way the devil gets his full share, thanks to 
the subtle metaphysics of the Inquisitors. As far as we are con- 
cerned their deductions are of very little importance. Their 
testimony is of value, only in as far as it bears upon outward life. 
Now this testimony is such that the highest praise has, with 
justice, been found underlying it.^*^^^ Criticism, which has 
searched so much, has found nothing of a nature to attentuate 
this. If anyone does so, it is the Waldenses themselves, as will 
be further seen in their confession to the fathers of the Eeforma- 
tion, humility being one of the attributes of their rehgious life. 

We sliall now add a few more details about Waldensian cus- 
toms. The early Waldenses, as we have seen, were distinguished 
by a particular costume. They wore a woollen timic,^'"''^ a cloak 
and a particular kind of shoes. ^'^"'^ They cut the upper part of 
these latter, so as to recall the apostoKc use of sandals, ^"^^ and 
marked them with a sign resembling a shield, on account of which 
they were called Ensabates or Insabbatati.^'^"^ They were like the 
Nazarenes in respect that they wore their beards and their hair long. 
A monk, whose halting jests have been already noticed, mocks at 
them in his own fashion. He says : " They find it more con- 

278 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Tenieiit to cross the straps of their sandal thau to crucify their 
memhers ; they crown not their head but their shoes. "^^"^ That 
sign was, however, a cross in the days of the persecution. Little 
by little it disappeared, still not before the end of the XIII. 
centui-y.^^"^ * Persecution obliged the Waldenses to exercise much 
prudence and even shrewdness ; they travelled mostly by night, 
often carrying disguises with them in case of need, in order to 
circumvent spies and to be able to disappear, or to pass unper- 
ceived from one house to another.^^^- One day one of their leaders 
was arrested. He had enough upon him to rival Proteus, says an 
Inquisitor.^^"^ If he had been once seen, he quickly changed his 
costume. At one time he would be dressed as a pilgrim, at 
another as a penitent ; one day he was a shoemaker, another a 
barber, a reaper, or a bowyer.^^'^'* The object of the Waldenses 
in thus disguising themselves was not merely to escape danger ; 
they frequently only desired to disarm prejudice and gain a more 
ready acgess as missionaries ; in such cases they assumed the role 
of pedlars. • An Inquisitor has given us such a faithful description 
of one of their visits, that we can almost imagine ourselves to be 
present. The scene is laid on the confines of Austria and 

They endeavour to insinuate themselves into the intimacy 
of noble families, and their cunning is to be admired. At first 
they offer some attractive merchandise to the gentlemen and 
ladies — some rings, for instance, or veils. After the purchase, 
if one ask the merchant : Have you anything else left to offer us ? 
The latter will reply : I have stones more precious than those 
gems ; ^^'^'' I should be very willing to give them to you, if you 
will promise that I shall not be betrayed to the clergy. Being 
assured on this point he wiU add : I have one pearl so brilliant, 
that with it any man may learn to know God ; I have another so 
resplendent that it kindles the love of God in the heart of 
whoever possesses it.^^"'' And so on ; of course he speaks of 
pearls in a figurative sense. After that he will recite some 
passage of Scripture, such as that of Luke : ' The angel Gabriel 
was sent,' etc., or some words used by our Saviour, hke those 
beginning thus : ' Before the feast,' etc.^^'^** When he begins to 
fix the attention of his hearer, he wiU add : ' The Scribes and 
Pharisees sit in Moses' seat,' etc., or : ' Woe unto you Scribes 
and Pharisees, hypocrites, for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven 

The Waldenses of Italy, 279 

against men ; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither sufter ye 
them that are entering to go in '; or else : * Beware of the 
Scribes who devour widows' houses, and for a pretence make 
long prayers. '^'^^ The listener will then ask : To whom are 
these imjn-ecations addressed ? He answers : To the Priests 
and Monks. ^^^" Then the heretic compares the condition of the 
Komish Church with that which concerns his party. Your teachers, 
says he, are fastidious in their dress and mauners ; they like the 
chief places at feasts and to be called masters, Rabbi, Rabbi ! 
We do not look for such Rabbis.^^^^ They are incontinent ; 
while each one of us has his wife and lives in chastity with her.^^'- 
They are those rich men and misers of whom it is said : ' Woe 
to you that are rich, for ye have already received your consolation.' 
As for us, we are content if we have food and raiment. They are 
those voluptuaries to whom it is said : ' Woe to you who devour 
widows' houses,' etc. We, on the contrary, satisfy our own needs, 
in one way or another. They fight, stir up wars, cause the poor 
to be killed and burned ; of them it is written : ' Whoever kills 
with the sword shall be killed by the sword.' We, on the 
contrary, suffer persecution at their hands, for justice's sake. 
They eat the bread of idleness, like drones. We, on the contrary, 
work with our own hands. They wish to be the only teachers ; 
thus it is said of them : ' Woe unto you who have taken away the 
key of knowledge,' etc."''' With us, the women teach like the 
men, and a disciple of seven days' standing teaches another. 
Among them it is rare that a doctor of divinity is able to repeat 
by heart, and word for word, three consecutive chapters of the 
New Testament : while with us it is seldom you can find any 
man or woman unable to recite the text in the vulgar tongue. 
And because we have the real faith in Christ, and all of us teach 
a pure and holy doctrine, the Scribes and Pharisees persecute 
us to death, as, indeed, they did Christ himself."'^ Besides, 
those people talk and do not act ; they bind burdens that are 
heavy and grievous to be borne, and lay them upon men's 
shoulders, but they themselves will not touch them with one of 
their fingers. As for us, we practice all that we teach. ^"'' They 
endeavour to observe human traditions rather than Divine 
precepts ; they observe fast-days, feast-days, and go to Church, 
bjund as they are by the rules prescribed by men. For us it 
suffices to persuade men to observe the doctrine of Christ and 

280 The Waldenses of Italy. 

His Apostles. ^^^" So, too, they load the penitent with very heavy 
punishments, which they do not touch with a finger. We, on the 
contrary, following the example of Christ, say to the sinner : 
Go and sin no more, and we remit their sins hy the laying on of 
hands.^^^'' In the hour of death we send souls to heaven ; hut 
they send them all to hell. After this conversation, the heretic 
says to his listener : Now see which is the most perfect religion — 
the purest faith — ours or that of the Komish Church "? think the 
matter over and make your choice. ^^^^ Once turned aside from 
the Catholic faith hy such errors, our members leave us. Anyone 
who credits these heretics begins to favour and defend them ; 
he conceals the man in his house for months together, and in this 
way becomes initiated in all that concerns their sect.'' 

Here we have a truthful story, simple and charming. There 
now only remains for us to discover to what class the personage, 
thus placed before us, belongs. Some have thought it was a 
Barhe.^^^" But let us not forget that we are neither in the vaUeys 
of the Alps, nor on the road to Calabria, and that this appears to 
have been a married man. Was he a hawker? Some have 
thought and still think so."-^ At any rate, we have here a Wal- 
densian, such as many were, born to evangelize, just as the 
Dominicans were born to hunt heretics — without consecration, 
perhaps without salary, without any obligation of reporting to 
superiors, but none the less zealous. The zeal of such a man is 
capable of anything. A river intervenes to prevent one like him 
from arriving promptly at the hamlet where lie is expected ; winter 
though it be, he swims across. ^^-^ 

It is true that with all their zeal, the missionaries generally 
limited their efforts to seeking for the scattered sheep, in 
order to lead them to the fountain of life, and to feed them 
with the reading of Holy Writ. Of course they are reproached 
for this. If you be right, why do you hide '? it is asked. Come 
out of your retreat ; cast aside your modest, itinerant mission, and 
come out into the full light of day ; preach to the scandalous 
sinners. But no, you prefer to go to those who are peaceful, 
gentle, and quiet.^^" The answer was easy. How can we preach 
publicly, when we are pointed out as heretics, and hunted down 
like wild beasts '?^^-^ That is not a mere excuse, but the real truth. 
Under such circumstances, not only did they avoid exciting 
attention, but they seldom assembled, and even then in small 

Thk Wai-denses of Italy. 281 

unmbors,"-' iiiid with a thousand precautions. Before beginning 
they made sure there Avars no suspected person present.'^-' ]\Iore- 
over, there were several ways whereby the faithful recognised each 
other, especially in the manner of shaking hands."-" It is endent 
that all had not a vocation for addressing multitudes. Many 
acknowledged this frankly."-' If opportunity offered, the Waldenses 
were not slow in seizing it. They were then seen disputing in 
the public square, preaching everywhere, even upon the roofs, and 
the judges of heresy w'ere aware of it."^^ Surely, if the Reforma- 
tion did not take place before Luther came, it was not their fault. 

Such was, in general, the condition of the religious life of the 
"Waldenses during the early period. 

Upon reading the foregoing, a doubt may have arisen in the 
mind of more than one of our Waldensian readers. We can well 
understand it. Having been accustomed to read romance rather 
than history upon the subject, certain details have seemed to him, 
if not new. at least somewhat odd, and at any rate inexhaustive. 
He feels somewhat hurt, and suspects us of concealment. The 
silence we have thus far maintained, regarding the particular con- 
dition of religious life in the valleys of the Alps, appears to him 
suspicious. Upon seeing the principles and practices of the 
ancient Waldenses, scattered in France, Alsace, Lombardy, Ger- 
many, and Austria, as it were unfolded before him, he has said : 
That sheds no Hght upon the faith of my ancestors, j)roperl3' 
so-called, and there is nothing to prevent my believing that they 
professed in those valleys the good apostohc tradition which 
remained unchanged, notwithstanding the lapse of centuries. 
What is said concerning our ultramontane co-religionists, and even 
concerning those of Lombardy, is surely interesting to us : but it 
could not apply to us, the more so that they did not always agi-ee 
on every point. If we have seen the Waldenses of France holding 
fast their sentiments, upon certain secondary practices, in opposition 
to their brethren of Lombardy, we may be permitted to conclude 
that our ancestors also had something to hold fast. 

Now, that is what we are anxious to know. 

This objection serves our purpose, for it gives us the opportu- 
nity of returning to our narrative to complete it, and justifies before- 
hand certain inevitable repetitions. Indeed, it must not be 
forgotten that onr review of the religious life of the Waldenses has 
not come down to the XV. centiiiT. It has thus far only marked 

282 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the early and flourishing period. We still have before us the 
period of decadence, which precedes the Reformation. Where 
shall we look for what is lacldng in our sketch, if not in the 
valleys of the Alps ? This will also be a means of bringing into 
relief that too much ignored tradition of the more direct ancestors 
of the Waldenses of the Alps. 

This tradition has been established by the Inquisitors ; then 
by a Bishop of Turin ; finally, by one of the Barbes. We have 
but to record it, according to their testimony. That of the 
Inquisitors relates to the time of the Crusaders, and the years 
immediately following, hence to the end of the XV. century. 

It wiU be remembered that Albert Catanee subjected the 
Waldenses to more than one examination. There were those who 
sealed their faith with martyrdom, others who were weak and 
recanted. There can be no doubt that this great Inquisitor 
founded the report upon his notes of the proceedings against them. 
From that report we shall borrow an interesting page. 

"These heretics, who do not excel either in knowledge or 
in mental endowments, do not cast any doubt upon the hidden 
mysteries of our religion, as for instance the procession of the 
Holy Spirit, concerning which very learned men have put forth 
very different opinions. Devoted to their vow of poverty, they 
have carried insanity and blindness to the point of denying to the 
Apostles, Martyrs, and others Saints, and to the Divine Majesty, 
the worship and homage which is their due. They think, indeed, 
that we ought not to build temples to God, nor sing his praises. 
Their scorn for the Saints is so great, that they believe their 
prayers to be of no benefit to mankind ; and therefore say we 
ought neither to invoke them, nor observe festivals in their 
honour. Finally, they endeavour to puU down several very legiti- 
mate institutions, which serve to maintain Christians in the 
fulfilment of their duty ; for they believe and preach as follows : — 

The Romish Church is a house of lies. 

Its decrees are worthless. 

Neither ordination, nor dignity, make a man a priest, but 
merit. Ordination and ofiice count for nothing ; dignity being in 
proportion to moral goodness. 

The soul, after death, ascends straight to heaven, or descends 
into hell. 
g~^^The fire of purgatory exists nowhere. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 283 

Prayers for the dead are vaiu and superttuous, being only 
inventions created by tlie avarice of the clergy. 

The images of the Deity and Saints ought to be abolislied. 

Holy Water is ridiculous. 

Priests must lead a life of poverty, and be satisfied with alms. 

The preaching of the Word of God must be free and accessible 
to all. 

No sin ought to be tolerated ; not even for the purpose of 
avoiding a greater evil. 

If anyone has committed a mortal sin, it is not necessary to 
obey him. 

Confirmation and Extreme Unction ought not to be numbered 
among the Sacraments of the Church. 

Baptism must be celebrated with clear water, without holy oil. 

The use of cemeteries is needless ; it was invented for the 
purpose of traffic. It matters little how the dead are buried. 

The temple of God is vast ; it embraces the whole creation, 
and to erect temples, monasteries and chapels, is an attempt to 
circumscribe His power, as if Divine goodness would be more 
propitious in them.^^-^ 

Ecclesiatical vestments, the decoration of the altars, cups, 
siicred vessels, all these have no significance as regards 

The Priest may consecrate and administer the body of Christ 
at all times and m all places. The Sacramental words are 

It is useless to invoke the mediation of the Saints, who reign 
with Christ in heaven ; for they know not what is going on ; they 
do not hear the prayers, and if they did, they could do nothing. 

Singing and the repetitions of Canonical hours, is but 
lost time. 

Work should be suspended only one day in seven, namely, 
cm Sunday. 

The solenm festivals dedicated to the Saints ought tu be 

The fasts established by the Church are of no avail. 

Indulgences and censures should be looked upon as worthless. 

Such are the dreams of the Poor of Lyons. Not content with 
propagathig them in their little assemblies, they have the 
boldness to preach them and affirm them publicly.'^'*" 

284 The Waldenses of Italy. 

It will be noticed that every one of these articles brings us 
back to the general tradition of the Waldenses, particularly to 
those of France. There is nothing in this detailed emnneration 
to indicate the slightest deviation. They are, furthermore, 
confirmed by the records of trials during the same period, 
concerning the Waldenses of Freyssinieres, a Barbe named 
Martin, arrested at Oulx, and a woman belonging to the diocese 
of Valence. ^^^^ If we examine them with attention, this is what we 
find :— 

Catanee is right when he observes that the Waldenses 
" throw no doubt upon the hidden mysteries," or dogmas, of the 
Catholic religion. Metaphysics and theology, properly so-called, 
remain untouched. It is the doctrine of worship and others akin 
to it, that the principal divergences concern. Purgatory is rejected 
because it does not exist, except in this life,"^^ inasmuch as it 
Avas invented by the avarice of the Priest.^^^^ Our fate is decided 
here below : after death, devotions will in no way change it.^^^'' 
Worship belongs to God alone, as to the Creator ; ^^°'^ the Virgin 
Mary and the Saints being but creatures, have no share in it ; 
hesides, is it not doubtful whether they hear our prayers ? At 
any rate help can come from God alone.^^^'' What is to become 
of the Ave Maria ? Should it be repeated as a penance ? No : 
it is not a prayer like the Lord's Prayer, which being taught us 
of God, should suffice. ^^■^'' Images are vain ;^^^^ as to festivals we 
must make a distinction. There are the festivals, properly so- 
callef], which God has ordained, namely, Sunday and the festivals 
of Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. Of course we are 
bound to observe those ;^^^^ the others cannot be obligatory 
nor do they exclude work.^^*^ Everyone is free to act according 
to his own consience, but above all, let Sunday be observed ; 
whilst the memory of the Apostles or of any who are among the 
Saints may also be honoured.^^'*^ However, God is not in the 
Church more than elsewhere. He may be equally well prayed to 
at home, nay, even in a stable ; he is present everywhere. ^^'*^ The 
Romish Church has become a Babel, a Synagogue of Satan ;^^^^ 
it is the Church of the wicked.""*^ The Prelates are worldly 
and lead scandalous lives, ^'^''' hence they are unsuited to their 
office ; for legitimate power in the Church of Christ is always 
in proportion to the holiness of those who exercise it.^^*^ 
The office of the Romish clergy is therefore an empty for- 

The Waldenses of Italy, 285 

mality ; its practices are worthless, and its holy water very 
harmless."*' God hlessed the waters from the bej^imiing of 
creation, and He blesses them every year on Ascension Day, 
together with every one of His creatm-es."*^ Rain water is just as 
good."*^ Aspersions are, therefore, matters of inditterence, as 
well as the singing that accompanies them."'" If this be so, has 
the Church a right to tithes and oft'erings '? Certainly not. As 
for alms, we shall give them to the poor instead of handing them 
over to the curates. What matters it to us if these latter remon- 
strate ? Clerical censures affect us but little ; we are not bound 
to obey either the Church or her Prelates ; not even her Pope, 
for he is very far from being holy."^^ It is a long while since he 
usurped the power he is wielding ; since Sylvester, of blessed 
memory, there has been no time Pope."^- Once we had the same 
ordinances : but the Priests having given themselves up to avarice 
and worldly vanities, we have been obliged to separate, in order to 
hold fast the rule of poverty."^^ As we are not numerous, we live 
concealed, and for very good reasons ;"^* but, whatever may be 
said, we are the Church of God,"^- and those who are not with 
us will go to perdition. "^^ We are but a handful of people ; but 
it may be on our account that the world has not perished."" Our 
rule forbids all swearing,"^*^ even mitigated oaths ;"'^ it also con- 
demns the death penalty, except for the crime of killing a man."^^ 
We recognize in our Barbes the power to bind and loose ; it is to 
them that we are bound to confess our sins ;"''' that is to say, 
mortal sins."*'^ In pronouncing absolution, the confessor lays his 
liand on the penitent's head."''^ Penance consists in repeating the 
Lord's Prayer a certain number of times,""' without the Ave 
Maria ;""^ in fasting — not on Saints' days, nor after the Lenten 
rule"*'^ — but on the eve of the four great festivals and of Sunday, 
and at any rate on Friday."^' The Barbes do not receive the com- 
munion at Church any more than their flocks. They bless the 
bread, and that serves us as Eucharist. Their benediction is 
more eti'ectual than ecclesiastic consecration. This latter is null and 
void ;"''*^ hence we desire no communion with Catholics. We avoid 
also uniting ourselves with them in the holy bonds of matrimony, "*^^ 
were it only out of respect for this last Sacrament, which is not 
badly kept in the nest of the Alps."'" 

If all this be true, how can we believe certain confessions of 
abominable practices, attributed to the Waldenses of Freyssini- 

286 The Waldenses of Italy. 

eres,^^''^ and even to Barbe Martin ?^^"- The very form of these 
confessions betrays, first of ah, a contracliction,^^'^^ and then an 
absurdity."'' Let us not forget that a few years later the Wal- 
denses did take notice of this cynical slander in order, in a letter 
to King Ladislas, to denounce it, complaining that an inquiry was 
not granted them."'''' No, there can be no doubt ; those infamous 
stories are the last resort of a clergy which avenges itself in its 
own fashion upon those who did not lay bare the corrupt practices 
of the priests to laugh at them, but to place in juxtaposition to 
them a pure life. It is true that thereby the scandal was rendered 
more publicly outrageous, and the clergy more and more hateful 
and unpopular. 

So mucli having been determined, we must note a few histori- 
cal details concerning Barbe Martin. 

His father was named Girondin. From Spoleto, where he 
ordinarily resided, he had more than once visited the valleys of 
the Alps, in the capacity of a Barbe, preaching and hearing con- 
fession from village to village."^*^ To him Martin owed his 
early religious instruction."''^ This was carried on by some other 
Barbes, belonging to the little town of Camerino, one of whom was 
named Barnovo, and another Josue. Martin had accompanied 
them several times on their missionary tours, and eventually he 
was one day brought to the great teacher Jean Antoine, who 
lived in Cambro, on the territory belonging to the Pope."''^ He was 
consecrated Barbe, and on the occasion, as was customary, 
exchanged his baptismal name for that of Martin. This is the 
way the ordination took place. When a Barbe is consecrated, 
Martin Avrites, the Master assembles a few other Barbes, and the 
candidate is required to swear as follows : " You, so-and-so, swear 
upon your faith to maintain, multiply, and increase our law, and to 
betray it to no one in the world ; you promise in no wise to 
swear, to observe the Sabbath, and to do to no one that which you 
would not have them do unto you ; finally, that you believe in 
God, who made heaven and earth."""'' When the candidate had 
taken this oath, the great Master handed him a cup, and at that 
moment, he assigned a new name to him, saying : " Henceforth 
thou shalt be called thus.""*^" It is on this occasion, the accused 
adds, that I received the name of Martin, in lieu of my former one 
of Frangois, for this ceremony takes the place of baptism. "^^ 
We learn furthermore, tliat ^Martin's co-religionists bore several 

The Waldenses of Italy. 287 

names ; beyond the uiouutaius in France, they were called Poor 
of Lyons ; on this side simply the Poor.^^**- He had set out that 
year, with a companion named Barbe Andre. They visited 
Genoa, Nice, Acqui, and Vivarais, as well as several districts of 
France ; they held a C ouncil in Lyons, with six other Barbes, 
and saw on their way home a goodly number of Waldenses in the 
mountains of Valence and the neighbourhood of Embrum and Gap. 
In the month of March last, Martin adds, we met near Acqui, 
three persons, refugees from Dauphiny, whence they had been 
exiled, who recognised us by our cloaks."''" We spoke of our 
business, they said they were waiting for pardon to re-enter their 
home, and continue as in the past. . . To return to my 
narrative, it happened that on my return from Lyons, with 
another Barbe, named Pierre, we arrived at Oulx. As we were 
crossing the mountain, towards Pragelas, we were arrested. 
Did you know that there were people of your sect there ? 
We were told so, so we thought of utilizing our ministry in 
favour of the Waldenses.^^"^ 

The two Barbes, just mentioned, were not the only ones who 
has been seen ai-riving in the valleys of the Alps about the same 
time. A woman teUs us that she received some into her house, 
while her late husband, Pierre Fomnier, was living. One day 
she saw two of them,^^-^ who from their speech would have been 
taken for foreigners, for they spoke Italian or Lombard ; and 
they were dressed in grey.^^^" Her husband lodged them " for 
the love of God." After supper one of them pulled out a little 
book from his pocket, stating that this book contained the 
Gospel together with the precepts of the law, and that he was 
about to expound it to all present : that he had a mission from 
God for the reformation of the CatlioHc faith, and that to this end 
he went about the world after the manner of the xlpostles, 
preaching quietly the mode of serving God and observing his 
commandments. Thereupon he began to read :"'''' 

" What was theii' name ?" 

" I do not know." 

" Have you seen them since ?" 

" It is twenty-five years since I saw them for the first time ; 
I may have seen them altogether nine or ten times ; not always at 
my house, however." 

" Did vou often confess to those men ?" 

288 The Waldenses of Italy. 

" Every time that we received them at our house ; therefore 
four or five times. When the}- went away they sometimes gave 
us some needles, and my husband gave them some Httle money 
for their trouble/'^^^s 

" How much, do you know ?" 

"I did not see it counted." 

" Did you not hear these heretics preach at Barillonne ?" 

" Yes, some ten years ago. My husband and I were visiting 
a relative, named Jean Favre. We lodged at his house. One 
evening we went to call upon his brother, Monnet Favre, and lo ! 
we found there our two preachers with the assembled family. 
Monnet, who was not expecting to see us, was quite put out. This 
was so evident that we soon withdrew." 

" What did the preachers say ?" 

" Nothing." 

" Did they discontinue their preaching on your arrival ?" 


According to these different testimonies we must conclude 
that the Chief of the Barbes at that time usually resided in 
Southern Italy.^^**^ He presided at their ordination,^^^*^ assigning 
to each one a new name ;"^^ finally, after the example of our 
Lord, he sent them out, two by two, to preach repentance and feed 
the scattered sheep of persecuted Israel in the valleys of the Alps, 
in Liguria, Puglia, and other localities. ""- 

These somewhat lengthy details — but of importance here — 
bring us to this two-fold conclusion : first, dissent in the valleys 
of the Alps during the XV. century, is connected with that of the 
early Waldenses, whom we know ; secondly, it shows a certain 
fusion — already noticed^^^^ — with the Cathari.^^^^ The influence 
of these latter upon the Waldensian rule had been sufficiently 
marked to induce the Cathari in their turn to yield more than one 
point. One would think their dualism had gradually become 
melted down by the fire of the Crusades and the stakes. The 
fusion was complete ; the name, place, and future were all left to 
the Waldenses. The population thinned and partially dispersed, 
ebbed away in different directions, especially towards Calabria ; 
bat at the time of the visit of the Brethren of Bohemia they had 
already got together again, and from the writings which emanated 
from them, we have seen that the faith of their fathers was far 
from being extinguished.^'-'^ A few more years, and we approach 

The \Valdenses of Italy. 281) 

tlu; Jiefurmutioii. Luther had just bokUy proclaimed his theses; 
Had a broken-down Savoyard Prehite, at the end of his days — for 
he had served the French monarchy under three of its kings — 
had risen to the Ai-chiepiscopal see of Turin. This was Claude 
of Seyssel. Though he did not visit the Waldenses, he made 
some inquuies concerning them, examined their doctrine, and 
undertook to discuss it in a treatise that was posthumously pub- 
lished in 1520.^'"^ What did he find to reproach them with ? This 
point has been studied by Jacques Cappel, " minister of the Holy 
Gospel and professor of theology in the Chm-ch and Academy of 
Sedan.""'-'' He takes up the Archbishop's complaints in order ; 
it must suffice us to sum them up.'^''^ 

The Waldenses accept only the contents of the Old and New 
Testament. They hold that the Pontifls and Priests with their 
doctrines and commentaries have attacked the authority of the 
Scriptures. Tithes, first fruits, consecrations of churches, indul- 
gences, benedictions, holy water — all are condemned as of human 
invention ; even the mediations also, for, say they, " Christ is 
fully sufficient for all persons and things.""^-' Moreover, the 
saints do not know what is going on here below. Images and the 
sign of the Cross are destestable. It is idle to repeat the Ave 
Maria, as it is not a prayer, but a simple salutation. Marriage is 
permissible in all cases, except those of immediate consanguinity. 
Purgatory does not exist ; everything done to deUver souls from 
it is labour lost and absurd. The Priests have not the povver of 
forgiving sins ; this belongs to every Christian who treads in the 
Apostles' footsteps, and the Waldenses, more than the Church of 
Rome, have a right to the name of CathoHc. With respect to 
prayer, men ought to accept only that which w-as transmitted to 
them by the sacred authors. Lying is a mortal sin. 

Here again the same characteristic traits remain ; but we 
long to hear a witness who is not a CathoHc. The last word on 
the subject under consideration naturally belongs to Barbe Morel, 
The reader has not forgotten that to more than one reformer he 
opened his mind on the religious condition of the Waldenses. He 
is so evidently candid, that to learn the plain truth we have but to 
hsten to him.^^^'^ 

After the usual salutations, Morel explains how the ministry is 
recruited. Ordination crowois the preparation; it is accomplished 
by means of the lapug on of hands, and the administration of the 


290 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Sacrament of the Eucharist. Once consecrated, the young 
ministers set forth, two by two, to evangehze. That has ah-eacly 
been mentioned. ^-'^^ 

Morel goes on : " As for rank we have regard to years of 
service ; that is to say, the order of consecration determines 
seniority in everything, whether it be honour, dignity, or office. 
He who precedes is the master ; he who follows, the disciples.^^'^- 
It is our custom, and we think so much of it, that the latter does 
nothing without the former's permission, although it may be the 
most insignificant thing — to drink a glass of cold water, for 
instance. ^-'^^ Not that we consider it sinful to act otherwise, we 
only desire that everything shall be done decently and in order. 
As a rule, our ministers do not marry; but I must confess 
— for I speak to you in all confidence — that chastity is not always 
the better kept for that.^^^* Bread and clothing in sufficient 
quantities, on an emergency, for our absolute needs, are fur- 
nished to us gratuitously by the people who receive our instruc- 
tion. We work at different trades to please our people and 
to avoid idleness, ^-'^^ but, to tell the truth, the time we give 
to that would not be of any profit in acquiring a knowledge 
of the Scriptures. We pray kneeling, at diff'erent hours : 
morning, evening, before and after dinner, before and after supper, 
at noon, and sometimes also during the night ; and also after 
preaching. Our prayers last about a quarter of an hour. Before 
eating or drinking, we almost always repeat the Lord's Prayer; but 
our prayers are not the result of any superstition, or vain desire 
for formality, or of respect for the times. We have no other 
object than the glory of God and the good of our souls. Our tem- 
poral goods, which, as I have said, are — thanks to the alms of our 
people — abundantly assured to us, are managed in common. People, 
when on their death-bed, frequently offer us money and varied 
gifts ; I must confess that I never had the courage to accept any- 
thing at the hands of a dying person. Every year the ministers 
assemble in general council, to talk over their affairs, and we 
change our residence in pairs ; for we do not reside for more than 
two or three years in the same locality, unless perchance, in the 
case of some old man who may be permitted to have a fixed resi- 
dence somewhere, for the remainder of his days. All we receive 
from our people in the way of money is handed over to this same 
general council, and placed in the common treasury, in the hands 

The Waldenses of Italy. 291 

of ouv leaders.'-"" It is destined, in part, to cover the expenses of 
travelling, as tliey may deem necessary ; sometimes a portion is 
reserved for the poor. Before separating, we unite in the mutual 
confession of our sins. If one of us falls into any carnal sin, he is 
excluded from our community ;'-"' he is forbidden to preach, 
and he is directed to earn his bread by the sweat of his 

Thus far Morel has hardly spoken of anything but what has 
reference to the organization ; however he mentions also the 
behefs, religious practices, and manners.^^^" 

" With regard to our articles of beliefs, we teach our people, 
as well as we can, the contents of the twelve articles of the 
Symbol, called the Apostle's Creed, and every doctrine deviating 
from it is looked upon by us as heresy. We believe in a God in 
three persons ; we hold that the humanity of Christ is created and 
inferior to the Father, who wished by means of it to redeem man- 
kind ; but we admit at the same time that Christ is both very God 
and very man. We hold also that there is no other mediator and 
intercessor with God than Jesus Christ. The Virgin Mary is 
holy, humble, and full of grace ; the same with the other saints ; 
and they await with her in heaven the glorification of their bodies 
at the resurrection. We believe that, after this life, there is only 
the place of abode of the elect, called paradise, and that of tlie 
rejected, called hell. As for purgatory it was invented by anti- 
christ, contrary to truth, therefore we reject it. All that are of 
human invention — such as Saints' days, vigils, holy water, fasts on 
fixed days, and the like, especially the mass — are, as we think, an 
abomination in the sight of God. We believe the sacraments to 
be the signs of a sacred thing, or a visible figure of an invisible 
grace, and that it is good and useful for the faithful sometimes to 
partake of them, if possible ; but we believe that, if the oppor- 
tunity to do so be lacking, a man may be saved nevertheless. As 
I understand it, we have erred in admitting more than two sacra- 
ments. ^-*^^ We also hold that oral confession is useful, if it be 
obseiTed without distinction of time and for the pm-pose of com- 
forting the sick, the ignorant, and those who seek our advice, 
according to the Scriptures. According to our rale, charity ought 
to proceed as follows : — First, eveiyone must love God, above all 
creatures, even more than his own soul; then his soul more than 
all else ; then his neighbour's soul more than his own life ; then 

L 2 

292 The Waldenses of Italy. 

his own life more than that of his neighbour ; finally, the life of 
his neighbour more than his own property." 

Such are the articles of faith noted by Morel. The following 
details merely serve to amplify them.^-^*^ 

We, continues the Earbe, once a year visit our people who 
are scattered over the mountains in different villages. Each one 
confesses to us in secret.^^^^ On such occasions we exhort married 
people to live together honestly, and to give each other their 
due, to avoid evil and not from voluptuousness.-^^^^ Finally, we 
entreat everyone to abstain from all sin, and inculcate upon them, 
as best we may, the doctrine of original sin. If anyone be sick, 
if we are called, we visit him, to comfort him with our exhorta- 
tions and prayers. At the time of being called we are sometimes 
asked to bring material assistance also, because of the sick per- 
son's indigence. When we preach two of us officiate. We sit 
near each other ; the elder speaks first, then the younger. As we 
have no share in civil power and as — whether they like it or not — 
our people are subjected to the jurisdiction of infidels ; we advise 
them to elect two or three men of recognized honesty, and to 
entrust them with the arrangement of their affairs. ^^^^ We ex- 
communicate those who steadfastly refuse to accept our instruc- 
tions and warnings ; the consequence being that they cannot, 
after that, take part in business matters or listen to the 
preaching.^^^^ If this be done it is to the end that they may be 
ashamed ; for we remember, in connection with this, that it is not 
becoming to give sacred things to the dogs, or expedient to throw 
pearls before swine. Thus there are several, who, when re- 
admitted to hear the preaching, have treated it with scorn. We 
ourselves do not administer the sacraments to the people — they 
are Papists who do this ;^^^^ but we explain to them as well as we 
can the spiritual meaning of the sacraments. We exhort them not 
to put their trust in anti-Christian ceremonies, and to pray thai 
if they be compelled to see and hear the abominations of anti- 
Christ, it may not be imputed to them as a sin, but that such sort 
of abominations may soon be confounded to make room for truth, 
and that the Word of God may be spread abroad. Besides, we 
absolutely forbid our people to swear. All dancing is prohibited, 
and, generally speaking, all kinds of games, except the practice 
of the bow or other arms. Neither do we tolerate vain and 
lascivious songs, delicate clothing, whether striped or checked, or 

The Waldenses of Italy. 293 

cut after the latest fashion.'-"^ Our people are generally simple 
folk, peasants, having no other resource but agriculture, dispersed by 
persecution in numbers of places very distant from each other. 
From one extremity of the district to the other is more than 800 
miles. '2'^ Although we are ever^^vhere subjected to Papist magis- 
trates and priests, it seldom happens that one of us is called 
in judgment or condemned, or that he frequents places of 
debauch. '2i>^ 

After these positive data, Morel states his doubts, which are 
those of his co-religionists. They bear upon forty-seven points. 
Most of them have their importance, if it be a question of ascer- 
taining the condition of beliefs, of practices in vogue, and even 
current opinions. Let us make a note of them, without, however, 
wandering from the text before us. These doubts suggest as 
many questions. ^^^^ 

1. — Ought we to admit degi-ees in the dignity of the ministers 
of the Word — for example, those of Bishops, Presbyters, and 
Deacons ?^-"^ We clearly see that the Apostle commands it to 
Timothy and Titus ; Christ set Peter over the other Apostles, 
giving him the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and among the 
Apostles themselves some were pillars. At any rate, those 
degrees are not recognized amongst the Waldenses. ^--^ 

2. — What are we to understand by the keys which were given 
to St. Peter ? 

3. — Can such ministers of the Word as lead a wicked hfe, 
usefuUy preach the word of God to the people, if they teach it in 
truth ? 

4. — Should we recognize Presb}1;ers, who neither preach nor 
teach, except by their exemplary hfe ? 

5. — Are the ministers of the Word permitted to possess any- 
thing of their own ? seeing that it is written : "If thou wilt follow 
yie, go sell that thou hast ;" and elsewhere, " have neither gold 
nor silver;" and, "the Son of God had not whereon to lay hiy 


6. — Ai-e the ministers of the Word permitted to lead a life of 
celibacy ? 

7. — May the said ministers take about with them women who 
wish to devote themselves to celibacy "P'--^ 

294 The Waldenses of Italy. 

8. — What difference is there between the ministers of the 
Word of the Old Testament, and those of the New ? 

9. — Which are the hooks of Scripture we are to hold as truly 
canonical ? 

10.-— Is allegorical interpretation useful for the explanation of 
the Scriptures "^^^''^ 

11. — Were the judiciary and ceremonial precepts, given in the 
law of Moses, abolished by the coming of Christ, or should we 
still observe them? 

12. — Must the ministers of the Word teach all that is con- 
tained in the Scriptures, without any distinction '?^-^^ 

13. — How are we to understand the true and faithful inter- 
pretation of the holy Scripture, so as not to be led astray by the 
numerous commentaries and different interpretations, now exist- 
ing and daily accumulating 'P^^^** 

14. — Are there more than two Sacraments ?^^-'^ 

15. — Can marriage be sacredly contracted by persons who 
have not reached years of discretion ? 

16. — Is marriage legitimate in all degrees of relationship 
except those indicated in chapter xviii. of Leviticus ? 

17. — Is a woman permitted to marry again when her husband 
has given no sign of life for a number of years ? 

18. — If a man seduce a virgin, is he bound to marry her ? and 
if he do marry, must he give her a dowry ? 

19. — We exhort the betrothed not to marry for the sake of 
luxury or avarice, and we tell them that such marriages are of the 
Devil. We admonish them to marry to the honour of Grod and for 
the begetting of children. Is this right ? 

20. — Is it allowable for a woman to alienate a portion of her 
husband's property without his knowledge ? 

21. — Do the Gospels contain certain teachings of Christ 
which should be called precepts, and other teachings which should 
be looked upon as counsels ?^^-'^ 

22. — Would it be desu-able that ministers should celebrate 
the rites and ceremonies of the Sacraments whenever they have 
an opportunity ^^-^ 

The Waldenses of Italy. 295 

23. — From the fact that Christ said " Swear not at all," miist 
we conclude that every oath is forbidden as a mortal sin ?^'3" 

24. — Is it allowable to mourn for the dead '? We read some- 
where that the saints mourned for them, while again we read 
elsewhere that such is forbidden them. 

25. — Is it allowable on Sundays to occupy oneself with 
manual labour ? Are there feast-days which we are bound to 
observe '?'"' 

26. — Is it allowable for a person, who may be assailed by evil 
men, to defend himself, even if he cannot do so without taking' 
their lives "P^-^- 

27. — If we recognize that Christ is our sole justification, and 
that we are saved only through His name and not by our own works, 
how are we to read so many passages of the Scripture, which rate 
works so highly ? The souls of the simple may easily be deceived 
thereby. Is it not written : " By thy words thou shalt be justified 
and by thy words thou shalt be condemned ?" Do we not read : 
"Not everyone that crieth unto me : Lord, Lord, shall enter into 
the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the will of my Father, 
which is in Heaven?" And elsewhere: "Ye shall possess the 
kingdom for ye have given me to drink ?" And again : "As water 
extinguishes the fire, thus do alms extinguish sin ?"i233 -pjjg 
alms and prayers of Cornelius seem to have had the effect of 
bringing about the appearance of the angel, and thus he may have 
been justified. "We might think also that the publican who went 
up'to the temple, went away justified through his prayers. If Jesus 
loved John particularly, is it not because the latter loved him more 
than the other disciples '? We read that Mary Magdalene 
experienced a better reception than Simon, because she loved 
more. We should conclude from this that works count for some- 
thing. Moreover, do we not read that on more than one occasion 
God revoked his chastisements, upon seeing that the sinners 
repented ? Is it not written that we shall be judged according to 
our works ? And lastly it seems that there will be a diSerence, 
in paradise between the just. We pray thee to enlighten us, 
especially on this point.^^^'* 

28. — It is written : " Sufi'er little children to come unto me, 
for of such is the kingdom of heaven." Ought we not to con- 
clude from tins that children who have not reached the age when 

296 The Waldenses of Italy. 

they can use their reason, will be saved by the grace of God and 
the merits of Christ, whatever people they may belong to ? And 
on the other hand, as it is written that "it is impossible, without 
faith, to please God," and that " he that believeth not the Son, shall 
not see life ; but the wrath of God abideth on him." Must we 
conclude that all those who have the use of reason, without faith 
in Christ, shall be rejected ?^"^ 

29. — Are civil or other laws invented by men, and by which 
the world is ruled, as to temporal things, legitimate in the sight 
of God ? For it is written, " The laws of the nations are 

30. — Did God ordain that magistrates should inflict the death 
penalty on murderers, thieves, and other such evil doers, or does 
he wish that a punishment be inflicted upon them, which by sub- 
jecting them to a severe penance, shall make them better ? For, 
according to the opinion of many, the magistrate carries the sword 
to inflict this punishment, but not the death-penalty, as God does 
not desire the death of the sinner, but rather that he should turn 
from his wickedness and live.^^^^ 

31. — Is it allowable for the faithful to plead before an infidel 
judge ? That seems to be forbidden them by St. Paul. 

32. — Is it allowable for anyone who has been unlawfully 
deprived of an article^^^*^ to regain possession of it, even without 
the knowledge of the one that has it in possession, in case he can 
not obtain it otherwise '? 

33. — If a labourer be treated with unjust harshness, is he 
permitted to retain anything which he may have promised to 
return ?i239 

34. — Does the inheritance of children revert by right to the 
mother, when there is no will ? And if she marry again is it 
just that the inheritance should pass to the children of the second 
husband ? We doubt it. 

35. — Must all that is added to the principal be considered 
usury ?i240 

36. — Must all profit be considered illicit which, in commerce, 
exceeds that of labour ? 

37. — Is the distinction between mortal and venial sins 
legitimate ? 

'he Waldenses of Italy. 


38 —Is there any ground for distinguishing between inevitable 
i^morance and that which is simulated,or the effect of negUgence ? 

39 Does ignorance make sin excusable ? 

40'.— Is the passion of our Lord only applicable to orignial 

41 _is the passion of our Lord of no advantage to those who 
abide hi sin, and are the good works they do of any avail to 
them ? 

42 —What council must be given to one who may have com- 
mitted a deadly sin, Hke that of murder; to one who may have 
children of another man's wife, which are fed by the husband who 
beheves them to be his own ; or to one who has lived m sm to 
the last ? 

43 —If one who has obstinately lived in sin, notwithstanding 
all the'warnings he may have received, calls us on his deathbed, 
ought we to hear him and give him counsel ? 

44.— Is a deathbed repentance, caused by fear alone, ot any 

avail ? 

45. —What advice must be given to one who has accidentally 
found an article of which the owner is unknown ? 

46.— Can we, as ministers of the Word, accept food, mone.y, 
or other earthly goods from the faithful ? 

47._Is it aUowable for us to counsel our people to kill the 
false brethren in our midst, when they seek— as has happened— 
to deliver us into the hands of the papists that we may perish, 
and thereby to hinder the preaching of the Word of God ?'''' 

48.__FinaUy, the question which troubles us more than all the 
rest is that of ft-ee will and predestination, upon which Luther 
andErasmus are far from being agreed.^^^^ What we have read 
upon the subject has troubled us ; we are, alas, so ignorant ! 1 
confess that, thus far, we have behoved that God has placed 
^vithm every man a certain natural virtue, according to the^ 
individual capacity, as seems to be taught by the Parable of 
the Talents. Moreover, does not experience teach us that even 
inferior creatures are gifted with a certain capacity of their own ? 
Therefore, we beUeved that man must be able to do something ; 
he has only need to be excited and stimulated thereunto by God, 
as is done when He says : '' I stand at the door and knock " ; so 

298 The Waldenses of Ital :. 

that he who will not open to Him, according to his innate capacity, 
will meet, by his voluntary refusal, the fate he has deserved. If 
not, how must we understand all those positive and negative com- 
mandments of which we are reminded by Erasmus ? So much 
for free will. As for predestination, we believed that before 
creating heaven and earth, the Almighty had foreknowledge of 
those who should be saved, as well as of those who should be 
lost, but that He nevertheless created all men unto eternal life, so 
that no one need be damned if he do not elect to be so, by 
refusing to obey His commands. But if, as Luther says, all 
comes to pass of necessity, then those who are destined to life 
cannot be damned, and vice versa, for Divine predestination can- 
not be without effect. In that case, what need of so many 
writings, preachers and physicians ? Nothing can change our 
destiny if everything be of necessity.^-*'^ 

"We hope," Morel concludes, " that the Spirit of God will 
enHghten us through thee, 0, (Ecolampadus ! that you will come 
to our help, according to the grace that has been given thee. We 
entreat thee earnestly, knowing that the Good Shepherd will 
not leave helpless those sheep that seek Him. Is it not 
written that whosoever asks receives, that he who seeks finds, 
and that it shall be opened to him who knocks ? There is but one 
Shepherd and one flock. As the gi-eat Apostle felt himself to be 
debtor to eveiyone, so it is with thee, for thou walkest in his foot- 
steps. Be it here or there, it is always a question of God's cause. 
Now, if there be with God no acceptation of persons, so will it be 
with thee ; for art thou not His vicar ?^-^^ that we might be 
firmly united together I^^*^ After all, do we not agree with you in 
all things ? We always have had the same sentiment as regards 
the faith, from the time of the Apostles ; only, through our fault, 
alas ! we have neglected the study of the Scriptures, so that we 
have not understood them as you do.^^^'^ We therefore come 
to thee to be guided, instructed, and edified. Greeting. The 
same God is over us all."^-*'^ 

Thus ends the confession of the Waldenses. ^^^^ It is touch- 
ing, it is lacking in nothing, neither sincerity nor truth. Whilst 
reading it we feel the Waldensian soul to be in that critical hour 
that precedes the Reformation, when it opens like the virgin flower 
to the first rays of the sun, which gave it life. If this confession 

The Waldenses of Italy. 299 

indicate a certain decadence, let us not be in a huny to read any- 
thing else in it. Isolation, joined to oppression, had condemned 
the Waldenses of the Alps to comparative inaction. With Hght 
stiU burning, they, Hke the sentinel, waited for the break of day, 
and lo ! several went to sleep ; but the awakening was as rapid as 
it was easy. In this awakening there is a movement of repent- 
ance and the earnest of a future about to commence. Thus every- 
thing is in harmony with the true history of Waldcnsian origin. 
Those who prefer the legend are embarassed by it. They speak, 
not of a relaxation, but of decadence, if not of original fall, in 
order to be able to believe iu a pre-historic, apostoHc, and immacu- 
late age of the Waldensian faith. As compared with their 
ancestors, the Waldenses of this period show at least *' a sensible 
inferiority in the knowledge of things pertaining to salvation, and 
especially in the profession of the evangelical faith. "^-^'^ Why so ? 
Because, we are told, they are invaded by Romish ideas to such an 
extent that even oral confession becomes known among them.^^^^ 
But oral confession has been practised by the originators of this 
work ; we have sm-ely seen that. It seems to us, on the contrary, 
that the Waldenses of the Alps profited by the Lombard and 
Hussite reaction, and that with respect to Romish ideas, their 
mode of thinking shows, here and there, signs of advance upon the 
original tendency of France. ^-^- After all, the rule always remains 
the same. As we found the Waldenses at the dawn of the early 
age, so we find them at the end, excepting as regards their zeal, 
which has somewhat diminished, either because of the dispersion 
or because of local cu-cumstances. Still these variations, similar 
to those which had distinguished other groups of the Waldensian 
family, are so far from making a breach in the unity of the original 
rule, that this latter is recognisable in the valleys of the Alps, as 
it was in France, in Lombardy and to the confines of Gennany. 
This rule became moulded by a new general and powerful reaction, 
that of Protestantism. Need this be regi*etted ? 

We answer frankly, no. Infancy has its charms ; all origins, 
seen from afar through the medium of the imagination, are clothed 
in tender colours. They make us dream. Our recollection can-ies 
us back to them, and we begin to mourn the good old days, as 
in the song of St. Alexis. We have something better to do. 
The days of the Apostles were not exempt from imperfections, 
any more than those of Abraham and Waldo. Let us admire 

300 The Waldenses of Italy. 

them, but without preferring them to the future. The ideal is 
higher, for it is before us, and the road which leads to it is called 
progress. The idea of Waldo springs up like a fountain, it runs 
into the river of the Reformation, and the river flows on. Where 
is the river that flows back to its source ? Is there any kind of 
civilisation which carries nations back to the primitive condition 
of wandering tribes ? Can a man enter again his mother's womb ? 
We have seen the Brethren of Lombardy separating themselves 
from the ultramontanes, because, weary of thinking like children, 
they wished to reason like men ; aud here we find Barbe Morel, 
who hails with inward joy the great day of the Reformation, which 
he at last sees breaking upon the horizon. Let us learn of our 
fathers to plough our furrow without looking back. 

But, someone will say, beginning with Waldo, did they not go 
back ? The legend of our apostolic origin, ah'eady deeply rooted 
in Morel's time, must mean something. It repeats to us in its 
own language the words of the prophet : — 

Ye that seek the Lord, 

Look unto the rock whence ye are hewn. 

Certainly. But for the Israel of the Alps, that rock is Christ 
and His eternal Gospel. More than one child of His will proclaim 
the fact in a loud voice before the whole world, in some such 
words as these : — 

" We believe all the commandments of God, as Jesus Christ 
taught them to His holy Apostles, aud as the Holy Church holds 
and believes them, and God forbid that we should wish or 
undertake to increase or diminish, correct or reprove the law and 
doctrine of God, who is all- good, all- wise, and all-perfect ; who 
never uttered an imperfect word or thing, in which there is any- 
thing to be repented of or to be amended ; by which law, as sacred 
and perfect, we wish to live and die. And we take God to our 
witness that we hold no opinion of any particular sect, and that 
we believe and have believed neither in Waldo, nor Luther, nor 
anyone else, except inasmuch as he proclaimed the Word of 
God and not his own, provided we have been able to know. 
That is what we hold and believe, protesting before God and all 
the world, that if we have been made to say otherwise, by any 
means whatsoever, be it by cunning, threats, prisons, tortures, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 301 

or turmeuts, it was contrary to the truth and our faith aiui 

Now, who is there that does not know that on looking upon 
Christ we see, at one and the same time, Him who was, who is, 
and who is to come ? Yes, that look embraces the very life of the 
religion which will not be surpassed ; it contemplates the ideal. 
Waldensian legend expresses that continuous contemplation, and in 
that it is historical. We may even say that in that sense it is truer 
than history, *' for it fits closer and translates the invisible ideal 
more correctly than real facts, which follow its evolutions only 
from afar, and with a slow step."^-'^^ It sums up beforehand, as it 
were, the programme of our destiny as a people ; it is like the 
anticipated vision of a golden age — believed in, hoped for, and 
continually being realized. 




When two iivmbcrii arc found toy ether, the one distiiiiiuished by an aKtrrixk is 
the one n-hlch e.ristx os- the rc/nrncc numh'cr in the tc.rt. 

1 Michelet, Uht. dr France Edition 1855, vol. viii., ch. 1*5. 

2 Eeader.< of the writing? of Reclus, the eminent geographer, from whom 
we have quoted, will discover in them many analogies of this kind. 

3 Id. La Terrc, vol. 1. 

4 Titus-Livius had already said: " Datur haecveniaantiquitati, ut, misceudt) 
humana divinis, primordia urbium augiistiora facial." 

5 Gretser, Contra Valdenscs, iv. " Diuturnior," say.s the text. Michelet 
translates: "more durable." 

(> Preger, Beitraye, etc., p. 6 — 8. 

7 Almost all have been mistaken on this point, liistorians as well as polemi- 
cal writers. It is surprising, however, that Michelet should not be an excej)- 
tion. See Hist, de France, [[., 4Ul. 

8 Ps. Isidore. Edictuin Conatuntaui IwjJeratori.s. 

9 ■■ In donatione ilia audita est vox angelorum dicentium in aere: Hodie in 
Fcc/es/ii venrnvni eff'uxuni of." .Job. de Parraisus. De potentate reniaet papali, 
Paris. l.-.(»(; ; also Goldast. Monarrhki, vol. ii., p. 108. 

10 We know that Constantine deferred being baptised until the end of 
his life, and that the ceremony took place at Nicomedia, under the ausiiices of 
the Bishoi) of that city, who was the leader of an Arian faction. The legend 
originatetl at the end of the V. century from a baptistry iu Rome, named after 
the Emperior. At the time of the commencement of our history, the legend 
was becoming less known ; but papal ambition was reaching its climax and 
had no longer anv need of it. 

11 Fleury, Hht. Feci., vol. xi., disc. 4. 

12 ■' Mendacium vero illud et fabulo haeretica . . . itadelecta est, utetiam 
mulierculae super hoc concludant."' Wesel, disciple of Arnaldo, ep. 384 (ap. 
Mart, and Durand) from Rome, to the Emperor of Germany. The legend was 
only exposed by Laurent Valla, in the XV, centurj'. 

13 '• In his successisti, non Petro, sed Constantino." Dc Consid., vol. iv., 
ch. 6. 

14 '-B. Sylvestrum dicunt Antichristum fuisse, de quo in 2 Thess. ii., 4. A 
tempore illo dicunt Ecclesiam esse perditam." Bonacursus, Vitae haereticorum sen 
tminifestatio hacre.sis Catharornm, ap. d'Achery, Sjiicileyiwin, vol. i., p. 208, and 
Baluz. Misc. vol. ii., p. 581. This witness is a competent one, for he came from 
the ranks of the Cathari. 

15 '• Quousque ipsi earn restaurarunt." Suinmu, ap. Mart and Durand. 

16 " Quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui Deum timebant et salvabantur." Ibid. 

17 " Instinctu diabeli fuit aedificator ecclesiae romanae primus," MS. of 
Clermont, ap. d'Argentre. 

18 ''In temporibus autem istis restitutum esse per ipsos, quorum primus 
fuit Valdesius." Adv. Cath. et WaJd. 

19 Preger. Der Tractat D. von Auysb., Munich, 1878. 

20 The expressions quousque, temporibus istis, of Sacconi and Moneta, are 
significant. They are quite irreconcilable with the idea of an historical 
transition, properly so-called. 

21 "Non enim multum temporis est quod esse coeperunt. Quoniam, sicut 
patet, a Valdesio cive Lugdunense exordium acceperunt."' Moneta wrote these 
words in Lombardy, in the j-ear 1244. 

304 The Waldenses of Italy. 

22 "Ilia pars a tempore Silvestri non fait usque ad tempus Valdesu, quod tu 
possis ostendere." 

23 Adv. Catli. ct Walcl., passim. 

24 Valtlesiaiii, Socu Valdesu, Soidctas Valdcsia)ia, Vide the Rescriptioiu 
r.^Iating to the conference of Berzamo, ap. Preger. We shall return to this 

25 Schmidt AMenstueke, ap. Hist. Zeitsclirift, 1852, p. 239., cf. MS. of Cam- 
l)ridge, vol. A., f. 236-238 and Nohla Leiczon, v. 403. 

26 See the words of Barbe Morel, at the end of this vohnne. A transient 
allusion to the tradition may be noticed in the Lih. sent. itui. Thol., p. 377 ; that 
is all. 

27 " Non principium sed reparacio M''.s^?'i r'rrf/;*/* fuisse dicitur." Letter of 
the year 1368. See below, p. . Cf. E. Sacconi. 

28 CI. of Seyssel, Disp. adv. crrores et sectam Waldensium, 1.520. 

29 Justinger, Chron., year 1420, according to the original text, ap. 
' ^chsenbein. 

30 Michelet, Hist, de France, ii., 402. 

31 This note refers to an Appendix to the French Edition, not included 
iu the English Edition. 

82 "Caudas ad invicem colligatas, quia de vanitate conveniunt in id 
ipsum." Inn. III., ap. Baluz. I. rj;. 94 and 509. The sentence is repeated by his 

33 C. Schmidt, letter of April 28th, 1850, ap. Muston, Israel des Aljjes, 

34 One tinds more than one indication of this in the ancient funeral in- 
scriptions. One of them runs : " To the memory of a legionary veteran, paper 
merchant." See Michelet, Hist, de France, vol. ii., 1. iii. 

35 " Civitatis splendorem . . . longe superavit eeclesia lugdunensis," 
Gallia Cliristiana, iv., 3. 

36 " Novam inducendo celebritatem, quam ritus Eeclesia nescit, non probat 
ratio, non commendat antiqua traditio." E^). 174 ad canonicos lugdunenses. 

37 " Patria; est, non exilii, frequentia haec gaudiorium." Ihia. 

38 The Abbot of Clairvaux says of this same Church of Lyons, that "haud 
facile unquam repentinis visa est novitatibus adquiescere." Ih'td. 

39 " Cum per totam fere Galliam. non solum inter scholas, sed etiam trivi- 
atim . . . disputaretur." St. Ik'in. (ijip. i. 309. Cf. il), en. 88 ad Cardinales. 

40 H. Martin, Hist, de Franrr. vol. iv., b. xxiii. 

41 See C. Schmidt, Hist, et doetrine de la secte des Cathares oio Alhigeois, 
Paris, 1849. Tocco, who is reserved on the question of the origin of this sect, 
calls them "manichei imbastarditi." See his Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 100, 
et seq. 

42 " Eo quod aliae nationes hicreticos Provinciales Albigenses consueverint 
appellare." Math., Paris ap. Bouqet xxii., and P. Vaux-Cernay. Hist. Alhig. 
ap. Duchesne. 

43 See Hist. Pontif. ap. Pertz and Wesel's letter to the Emperor Frederick. 

44 "Haeres nequitiae ejus . . . non quidem emendavit sed immutavit." 
Ej). adv. Petrol), liaeretieos. 

45 " Evacuant sacerdotium Ecclesiae." Evervinus, en. to <S'. Bernard, k^. 
d'Argentre I., 33. 

46 " Nos pauperes Christi." Evervinus. 

47 "Ipsum papam non esse quod profltetur, apostolicum virum." Hist. 

48 " Si tidem interroges, nihil christianius . . . Paneni non comedit 
otiosus." Sermo 65 in Ca?it., ap. Mabillon iv. 

49 "Qui antea Apostolia et Continentes appellabantur, sine dubio postea 
Beghardi et Beguinea dicti sunt." Mosheim, de BegTiardis, Leipsic, 1790, p. 122. 

50 " Fratres Beghardi . . . qui udem et Alexiani, Coloniae ob. reliquias 
S. Alexu in eorum oratorio asservatas." Quotation ap. Mosheim, p. 552. 

51 " Quis mihi det, antequam moriar, videre Ecclesiam. Dei sicut in diebus 
antiquis ? " Ep. 238 to Eugene III. 

52 MS. poem of the Vatican on Arnaldo. CM. Ottoboni, n. 1463, 

53 Clerion, Hist, de Lyon, iv., 176. 

54 Gallia Cliristiana, vol. iv. 

55 C. Schmidt notes several examples, ap. Muston, ih., p. xixiii., n, 2. 

56 So says the Rescriptum ap. Preger. The less precise inquisitorial 
chronicles have Valdus, Valdensis, sometimes Valdius, etc. 

57 It is known that family names were not as yet in use. The name of 
Peter is mentioned for the first time in a writing of the year 1368 wrongly 

The AValpexses of Italy. 305 

attributefl to Pilichdorf ; and t^oon afterwards it is Tiientioned in the dotible 
Waldensisn MSS. of Cambridge and Strasbvir}.', the Latin reading in which bears 
the date of 14(t4. The fonnersays : " E retrioiio Waldis Petrns noniinatns ;" the 
latter still mere distinctly : "Lo propi noin del cal era Piero duna region dicta 
Vaudia." or •' Cujus proprium ntmien Petrns fiiit. sed a <inadani regione ilice- 
batnr Waldis." A more or less wooded locality was called Wald, Vauda, Vaudia 
or Vand. As to deriving Valdez from Vallis, it is a mere waste of time and 
trouble. Sober men have taken in a serious light the puns of the monks, Ber- 
nardus Fontis Calidi ami Eberardus de Kctunia. the former of whom says that 
Valdenses comes from Vallis "eo quod profniidis ot dcnsis errorum tenebris in- 
volvantnr :" and the latter that the name of \';illrnsrs is accnunted for " co quod 
in Valle lacrymarum maneant." Jle also derives Moiitanists from "montani." 
We read imiiin : " Valdenses dicuntur a valido mago. vel a valle. ut alu dicunt, 
quia in valli orti sunt <iuia alio nomine dicuntur pauperes de Lugduno." Schmidt 
Achfrnfturlif. etc.. n. 1. •' Petrus de Walle," says a letter of the Brethren of 
Liimbardy. duted ISRS. See ])elinv. note 740. After this we are not so much sur- 
jirised that writers should have made Vahlefi synonymous with VaUexi. But 
this latter word does not e.xist, although it is "mentioned by Thou, Leger, Brezzi, 
Gilly, etc. 

58 " He was born at Lyons," says the MS. de Vllistoire Ver/table des Vau- 
doin. n. IfiO, King's Library, Turin. But this MS., which is far from deserving 
its title, belongs to the XVIL century. According to the chronicles of the 
XIV. and XV. centuries. Waldo was born out of Lyons. 

o9 (iuy Allard. for instance, claims that Waldo was a native of Vaux in the 
Velin or Viennese. Melia repeats this. Origin, etc., p. 15. Gauduel believes he 
came from the Briangonnais, according to A.Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vau- 
doift du JirUinconyuiis. p. 9. 

(;0 According to documents of the XL century, the territory of Vaud was 
called Comitatiis^and Pagus Waldensis, and its Lord was called Dominus Vaudi, 
or Lord of Vaut. See Mem. et Doe. 2nMies 2}(irla Soc, d'Hiatoire de la Suisse 
Bomande. vol. vi. and vii., passim. 

fil Ochsenbeiu. Lev Jnqiii.<ifi«ns^2^rocess, etc.. p. 23. 

H2 Chastel savs simplv that Waldo is so called "from the Marquisate of 
Vaux. of which he was the'tirst to bear the title." Hist, du Christ, iii., 479. 

c.:! •• Valdenses dicto a Valde cive lugdunense, in loco dicto vulgariter 
Valqntn moram faciente." Serijri. Ing. ano7i., ap. Allix. Some Remarks, etc., 
London. ir,9u. cf., Melia. «^j. cit., p. 2. the author, who advances this opinion, 
wrote subsequently to 1494. It is as well to note that in 1492 some of the Barbes 
met behind the church of St. Nizier, for purposes of drill. See Allix, tyA ^i^., 
!>. 814. Can this fact have given rise to the aforesaid idea .' M. Berges is inclined 
to .<ee in all this nothing more than a "mere play upon words." Rev. Hist. 
xxxvi., 2nd part. 

64 " Per inquitatem foenoris multas sibi, pecunias coacervaverat." Chron. 
Laud., ap. Bouquet, Recueil, xiii., p. 680—682, and ap. Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script, 
xxvi.. 447 — 149. The reading of Pertz is more complete. 

65 " Contigit cuidam ex eis mori subito coram eis." Anon, of Passau, ap. 
d'Arsentre 1., 92. Some add that this accident happened upon the threshold of 
his house (Rubuys, Hist, de Lyon, p. 268) ; others, under the porch. (Fl. Illyr. 
CataJ., 1666. p. 681). 

66 Gaston Paris. La Vil de S. Ale.ris, etc., Paris. 1872. See Rlviafa Crisfiana, 
No. for May. 1887. 

67 '• De multis modis eundi at Deum edoctus." Chron. Laud. 

68 " Cui magister dominicano sententiam proposuit : Siris e.^se perfectiis, 
etc. Matthew xi'x. Ibid. It is known that these same words decided Anthony 
of Egypt to become a hermit. 

69 " Imjuobilibus haesit." Ihid. 

70 "De mobilibiis iis a quibus injuste habuerat, reddidit." Ibid. 

71 Fleury. b. Ixv.. c 49. 

72 Ibid, c. 50. 

73 " Da pauperibus, non ribaldis." Chron. de Salimb, 

74 "Non enim insanio sicut vos putatis." Chron. laud. 

75 " Velut ameus affecta . . . arripiens virum suum per pannos. Jhid. 

76 "Nonlicuitei . . . in ipsaurbe cum alus cibum sumerequamcum uxore." 

77 " Currente an. MCLXIIL," so the narrative begins in the Chronicle of 
Lyons. The cataloo:ue of the Gallia Christiana states that the successors of 
Humbert II. were Heraclius, Drogon, and this Guichard, who is elsewhere erro- 
neouslv called Guilbert. The latter Avould be installed about the vear llfi5. 

306 The Waldenses of Italy. 

78 Stephen of Borbone, Richard of Cluiiy, ami a nanieles.s writer of Passau 
make him out a man of some literary knowledge ; Gaaruinus deems him (luite 
illiterate, while M. Flac-int! Illyricus, Perrin. Basuage, etc., consider him learned. 

79 " Audiens Evangela, curiosus intelligere quid, dicerent, fecit pactum cum 
dictis sacerdoribus.'" Etienne de Borbone, ap. A. Lecoy, Aiiccdnfes historiques, 
Paris, 1877. 

80 Our chronicler claims that he obtained these details from eye-witnesses, 
even from this Bernard, who was one of the richest men in Lyons and friendly 
to the monks. He adds that he often saw Stephen, and relates that he. in his 
turn, havinu- berome wealthy, thanks to his share of the benetiees of the Chap- 
ter, died afterwards of an accident that happened while buildin<r his house. See 
if Ebrardus (Ilandhucli d. cJiri.stl. Kirch, u. Doijm. ^'r.vr//.18H5. ii., 317) is right 
iu susi)ecting them of being Cathari or precursors of Waldo ! 

81 " Cum saepe legeret et corde tenus tirmaret." Ih. 

82 " Pauperes qui ad eum confluxerunt docuit N.T. textuni \ulgariter."' An. 
of Passau. Cf. with St. de Borb. 

83 " Cokiperunt paulatim. . . . sua et aliena culpare peccata." Chron.laud. 

84 Arnaldo da Brescia had already seen in words : " beati pauperes 
spiritu " the '-prinrnm mandatum evangelical doctrina?,'' the A B C of apostolic 
life. See Wesel's ep. to Frederick. 

85 "Putabat . . . quod vita apostolica jam non esset in terra." Treatise 
contra liaer Maid, hitherto attributed to Pilichdorf. 

86 " Quod etiam Apostoli Christi non solum erant pauperes, imo etiam prae- 
dicatores. Coeperunt et ipsi praedicare verbum Dei." lb. 

87 '• Multos homines et mulieres ad idem faciendum ad se convocando, fir- 
mans eis evangelia." Etienne de Borb. 

88 " In giving alms he desired to preach sermons," jeeringly remarks Moreri. 
Diet, hist., art. Vandois. 

89 According to the Galliu Christiana, iv., col. 126, he had condemned a 
certain Olivier at the Synod of 1176. The Synod in question is that of Lombers. 
The error has been rectified ; that Synod was held iu 1165. See Gieseler Z'?7r?'- 
tmch, val. ii., part 2nd, paragraph So. 

90 " Vocati al) archiepiscopi Lugdunensi," says Borbone. It is true 
that he adds '-([ui .Johannes vocabatur ;" but he is mistaken, for John was not 
Archbishop of Lyons, under Alexander III. 

91 " Prohibuit eis ne intromitterent se de Scripturis exponendis vel praedi- 
candis." Et. de Borbone, Acts iv., 17 and 18. 

92 " Magister soruni, usurpans Petri ufficium, sicut ipse respondit principi- 
bus sacerdotum, ait : Obedire oportet, etc." Ihid., where reference is made to 
Acts V. and Mark xvi. 15. 

93 " Post, expulsi ah ilia terra." St. de Borbone, Ibid. The MS. of the 
HiHt. reritnbie dex Vavdais has it, that Waldo was sentenced by Guichard (whom 
it calls Guilbert) at this apocryphal Synod of 1176. Cf. Baronius, who falls into 
the same error. It is, perhaps, nothing but a confusion of names and dates. 

94 According to the chronicle of Laon ap. Pertz, Waldo determined that 
very year publicly to proclaim his vow of poverty and to make ijroselytes. 

95 Gregorovius, whose impartiality is recognised, thinks that the Pope may 
have been fortunate, but deserved no credit ; "sein Gluck. nicht seiu Verdienst." 
Gesth d Stndt. Bom. 18(12, vol iv., ch. 6. 

96 At that time, the year began and ended at Easter. The Council was held 
from the 5th to the 19th of March, 1178, according to the chronicle, i.e., 1179. 

97 " Eos et defeusores eorum et receptores anathemati decernimus 
subjacere." Cone. Lat. iii.. (jcn. can. 27. 

98 "Ad concilium quod fuit Rome ante Lateranense vocati." Bour- 
bon, Op. at., p. 292. 

99 " In concilio etiam Lateranensi in eos sententia excommunicationis lata 
est : unde eis etiam communicandum non est, cum sententia Apostolica ab 
Ecclesia praecisa sunt." Alanus, Contra Iiaerctico.s., etc. Schmidt 
persists in believing that this Alanus is " de Podio." He is mistaken. It cer- 
tainly refers to " Alanus ab Insulis." or " de Lille," who died in 1202. — See 
Chron. Alb. monnchi. Triinii. Funtimn. ap. Pertz. Man. (icrm. SS., xxiii. 
Dieclvhoff has held this passnge t<i be interpolated, but |he is far from having 
proved it. As to the inscription uotiied by Buxhorn, Blair and Tron, to the 
effect that ," under the Pontiff Alexinnler itl.. and the Emperor Frederick I., 
the Waldenses were condemned as heretic^."' it has never been verified. 

100 Besides the Chron. of Laon. see Moiiet;!. Sclnnidt Ahfm.stiich- quoted, 
and the MS. of Cambridge : finally the letter of the Brethren of Lonibardy, of 
the year 13()8, and .lustinger a]). Ochsenbein. p. 86. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 307 

101 Aroux, La rhf dc la comcdtr ((/ifi-cuthol/que dc Dantt-AlUjkitri. 
Paris, 1855. 

102 •' These Waldenses were simple enough to ask for authority from the 
I'ojie ; which was equivalent to asking permission to secede from the Church." 
.Miehelet. Tlht. dc Franc,-, Paris, 1835-44, vol. ii., p. 401-402. 

103 "He always lived in Rome, as if in an enemy's country."— Gre- 
gorovius, ib. 

104 Besides Gregorovius see Comparetti, Virq'diQ ncl medio evo, vol. i., 
<-h. 7. 

105 "Valdesium amplexatus est papa." f'lirou. laud. 

106 The mention of this embrace is iminediately followed by these words : 
" Approbans votum quod fecerat vohmtariac paiipertatis.'" (']ir<m. laud. Given 
to a mere disciple of Waldo, as Troii. in spite of what the chronicle tells us, 
imagines it to have been, it nudoubtedly becomes "benevolent," even 
■' brotherly." The whole story sa^ ours of legend. It is inexplicable. 

107 -'E disputadevant lan-siarca." MS. of Cambridge. 

108 " Era aqui un canlenal d.- Pulha lo cal era amic de lui e laudava la via de 
lui e la parolla, e amava lui.'" Ibid. 

109 "Promisit servare iv. Uoctores, scilicet Ambrosium, Augustinum, 
Gregorium et Hieronymum." iloneta v., 1. 

110 The Beguins, for example, accused of usurping the office of preaching, 
resort to this distinction, which is less subtile than it seems. " In suam excusa- 
tionem lictitie praetendentes quod non praedicant. sed loquuntur de Deo." 
Mosheim. I)r Bcghardi-i, 1790, p. 20(). This distinction is admitted by the 
adversaries, when they have an interest therein. See further on, at the dispute 
of Narbonne. 

111 •• Sic accepit a papa praedications officium." Moneta. 

112 "Xen dement el meseyme predicant en la cipta fey plusors disciples." 

113 " A primate ipsorum Valde dictos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni super Roda- 
num." This "fuerat" has puzzled the critics. According to Reuss {Rev de 
Thcol, June. 1851) Map '"says explicitly that Waldo did not attend the Council." 
Dieckhoff tries to evade the difficulty by referring the statement of Map to some 
other Council. We would observe that Waldo having been turned out of Lyons 
was no longer a citizen of that town. Although we cannot understand how 
Waldo being there. Map does not mention the fact. On the other hand, it being 
certain that Waldo did go to Rome — Reuss admits this — how can we account 
for his not remaining there to plead his own cause ? Who could have presented 
it better than himself .' After all we are obliged to leave this point imdecided. 
Waldo may have been prevented by some hitherto unknown cause, from being 
present, at least on this particular daj^at the Council. On the other hand. Map's 
narrative does not explicitly deny his presence. 

114 Crrdive in is seldom if ever employed in Church Latin, unless with 
reference to the persons of the Trinity. The answer to this last question ought 
to have been, according to the examiner, " We do not believe in, but on the 
inother of Christ." For that matter if men do anywhere believe in matron 
f'hi'isfi, it is in the Church of Rome. Moreover, the jargon of the'schools did 
not always observe this rule. These grand theologians, in full session, strained 
at a gnat and swallowed a camel. 

lis "Huinillimo nunc incipiunt modo, quia pedem inferre nequeunt ; quos 
si admiserinius expelleniur." Mapes, De iiugis ciirialium, rediscovered and 
])rinted by ^\'right, London, 1850. 

116 " Inhibens eidem ne. vel ipse aut socii sui predicacionis officium pre- 
-sumerent nisi rogantibus sacerdotibus " Chron. Laud'' A laperfin receop repost 
en la cort <iue la gleysa romana non poya portar la parolla de lui." Cambridge 

117 " Facent camin per las regions de Ytalia fa aiostament." Cambridge 

118 Chron. Laud ap. Pertz. See above in Chapter iii. 

119 " Quod preceptum modice tempore observaverunt." Ibid. 

120 See note 745. 

121 " Valdesium et Vivetum." Re.<icriptu?n, p. 19,. 58. He has also been 
given, as colleague, a certain " socius Johannls " of Lyons. See note 740. Is 
there not some confusion here.' Fuesslin (Kirch, u. Xefzcrhisf, 1170. -purt 1., 
p. 137) observes that certain writers, having misread the name of Jean de Lugis, 
a Catharian, have converted it into Johannis de Lugduno. Moneta and others 
as far down as M. Tron seem to have repeated the error. 

122 Gallia flrrintiania iv., col. 130-133. Stephen of Borbone calls him 
"aux Belles-mains." 

308 The Waldenses of Italy. 

123 " Anunente papa Lucio." Ibid. 

124 " Vir magna^ litteratura' et eloquenti;v."' Ibid. 

125 " Mandat domimis Apostolicus quod cessarent cum predicatio verbi Dei 
rubidus et illiteratis non conveniat." Anonymous writer of Passau. 

126 Here again tlie passage from Stephen of Borbone, which we do not 
require to requote, would have its application. 

127 " Eorum numerus octena millia excedebat." Ughelli, Italia Sacra, vol. 
iv., col. 1011, ed. 1719. 

128 Gallia Cliristiana. ThereHs no question of a crime of intolerance. We 
know that his two daughters had notipassed the period of first youth. On the 
other hand, in the year 1218, at the conference at Bergamo, his death is spoken 
of as something quite recent. 

130 " Qui se Humiliatos vel Pauperes de Lu"-duno falso nomine mentiuntur 
. . . anctoritatem sibi vindicant prajdicandi . . . pari vinculo perpetui 

anathematis innodamus." Lucu dccil. c. hwr. ap. Mausi xxiv. 

131 Thus far there are no certain indications of the"origin of P. de Bruys, 
but he must have been born in the Alps of Gap. The Tetter of P. de Cluny, 
hereinafter mentioned, would lead us to think as much. We learn, furthermore, 
that there still exists in that territory a town by the name of Bruis (canton de 
Eosans (called Bruscum in 1147, Brosium in 1153, Brossium in 1294, Brueys in 
1351, Bruys in 1516 ; which, according to the custom of the XII. century, may 
have given him its name. See le Diet. to2}og. dn Dep. dcs II. Aljfcs, by J. Bovum 
1844, p. 22. He was not yet confounded with a canon of Lucca, as was done by 
Iseliu and others before him. Fuesslin I., 191—194. 

132. Peter the ^■enerable, abbot of Cluny in his ^. adv. Pctroh. liaereticus. 

133 " Ex longinqua regione istuc accedere potuit et fortasse ex Italia, ut 
postea dicturi sumus," says Mabillon ; but he does not return to this subject. 
Pref. to his Ed. of Opera S. Bcrnardi, 1690, vi. Is his surname of Italicus truly 
historical, and if so, what justilies it? The description of his person is the only 
clue left us. It is of some value. 

134 _ " Visa tantum eorum facie, cognosceret. . > . Asserebant quoque sibi 
a Domino Deo anticam et authenticam Prophetarum collatum fuisse benedic- 
tionem et Spiritum." See the Chron. ap. Mabillon HI., 313. 

156 The letter of P. the Venerable is addressed to the Bishops of Embrun, 
Die, and Gap. 

136 "Facti estis velut columba seducta non habens cor et velut bos ductus 
ad victimam." Ibid. 

137 '• Duobus tantum homuncionibus , . . tam facile cessistis." Ibid. 

138 " Tamen in eisdem vestris regionibus non parva semina reliquisse cog- 
novi.'" Ibid. 

139 " Ne putridae reliquiae reviviscere queant." Ibid. 

140 " Ut de latibulis vestris ad publicum nostrum prodeatis invito." Ibid. 

141 " Non habet Veritas angulos, nee lumen sub modio vult latere." Ibid. 

142 Hudry Menos. Rer. des Deux 3Iondes 1867—68, art V Israel des 

143 Re^•eille, art. Les Albigeois in the Rev. des Deux llo/ides. May 1, 1874. 

144 Napoleon Peyrat, Zes Albigeois et V Inquisition, Paris, 1872. We note 
the more willingly the justness of this observation, as the book, from which we 
borrow it is full of more or less whimsical hypotheses. 

145 '• Quandoquidem cuivis sua religio debet esse libera." Perrin,b. ii., c. 8, 
and Sandius. Nucleus hist, eeel., p. 410. 

146_ G. of Puy-Laurens, Hist., neg. Franc, adv. Albir/enses. Vaissette repro- 
duces it in his Ilist. du Lanyuedoc, iii., p. 129. 

147 '-Digito demonstrarent, nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos 
conclamantes," Baronius, an. 1178. 

148 It was, according to him, the opinion also of the Toulousains. The 
Cathari, we know, passed for Arians. Ibid. 

149 " Etiam evangelistas qui . . . nova illis evangelia cuderent. Ibid. 

150 P. de Vause-Gernay, op. cit., 

151 Perrin, op. cit., b. i., p. 1. 

152 By representing them as united by the same faith, hence, one in all 
thino;s, the Jesuit Gretser aimed at bringing the Waldenses into discredit ; 
Flacius Illyricus, Leger, Monastier, Basnage, Abbadie, etc., aimed at the opposite 
result. " Only ignorance or bad faith could have confounded them,'" says Hudry- 

153 Guill. de P. L. Ibid. 

154 See Contra Wuld., ap. Bibl, P.M. vol. xxiv. Bernard, Prior of the 
Fontis Calidi on the contiiies of the dioceses of Narbonne and Beziers, has 

The Waldenses of Italy. 309 

woven the arsriiiuents cited in this dispute into his treatise, and has added a few 
notes at the end, which he expressly declares refer to other heresies. His aim 
thus far, he asserts, is to bring the principles of the Waldenses to the knowledge 
of illiterate ecclesiastics, and to show how they may be refuted. This leads one 
to suspect that if he reproduces in an abridged form the arguments of the dissi- 
dents, he also permits himself to amplify and complete those of his co-religionists. 
This possibility should be noted. 

155 2 Thess. iii., 14 ; Heh. xiii.. 17; Matt, xviii., 17. 

15(> '• Quia aliter <iuam S. Elcclesia docent." Gieseler observes that this must 
refer to their biblical method of teaching, inasumch as they are accused of no 
heresy here, save that of dc inohrdiciitia. 

157 "Non tanieii debeut nos ])rohibere."' 

158 '• Multi laici vt-rbum Dei in populo lideli disseminaverunt." 
189 " Isti onmes, lict-t laiVi. verbum Dei praedicaverunt." 

160 '• Viri femineae debilitatis." 

161 '• Seducuut mulieres prius, per eas viros." 

162 "Taurus voceut haereticos."' Cf. Ps. xxii., 13, and Ixviii., 31. 

163 '• Praeter errures jam dictos, graviter errant, quia feminas, etc. 1 Cor. 
iv.. .34. 

164 •• Lo(iUuta est de Christo . . . Non est idem praedicare ot lo<iui." Luke 
ii., 36— 31S. 

165 It took place about the year 1190. According to Vaissette (iii. 128) 
Gancelin was Archbishop of that city from the year 1181 to 1191. A consider- 
able interval must be admitted between the exile from Lyons and the disputation 
which took place, far away in Languedoc, and on the other hand, rather a short 
one between this disputation and the decrees which sanctioned its conclusions. 

166 •• Per scriptum detinitivam dedit sententiam, et haereticos esse in 
capitulis. de (juibus accusati fuerant, pronunciavit." 

167 This name must be understood as alluding to the apostolic Sabates 
(or sandals), which they wore, as we shall see further on. 

168 Etl'ictnm Alph. reg. Anifj. contra Jinri-rfiros, ai>. Bibl. M. P., xxv. 

169 Stat. Sy/i: Odon., anno 1192. ap. d'Argeutre, i. 

170 See the inhlr de Giiiot de Prociiis. written in 1203, in the Fahllan.r rt 
contcs dfs portesframai.'i, etc., ed. Meon, Paris, 1808. 

171 '• Pro toedio renunciare voientes." P. de Vaux-Cernay. 

172 '• Oporteret eos a praedicatione desistere." Ibid. 

173 " Per omnia formam apostolicam imitantes." Tbid. 

174 Guill de P.L., ch. 9. 

175 " Ite, domina, filate colum vestram ; non interest vestra loqui in 
hujusmodi contentione." Ihid. 

176 See epistles of Innocent III., b xi. to xv., passim, ap. Baluzius. 

177 Ep. ad Tai-raij. Arrhicp, January 15, 1209. 

178 Ep. ad Durukduiii, same date. 

179 Ep. Ueh'ti ijjisc, June 7, 1213. 

180 •• Xe error novissimus fiat pejor priore." Ep. ad Duv. de 0-sca etfrutrcs 
rjii.s. July 3, 1210. 

181 "Cum essem astutus, dolo vos cepi," 2 Cor. xii., 16. This passage often 
occurs in Innocenfs writings. Ep ad Narh., rt xuffrag. ijus. same date. 

J82 Ep. ad yurh. rt Tarraij. rt Mediol. arrhlrj,., May 4, 1211; ep. ad 
Duramhuii. May 3. 1211. and ep ad Tarrac. et Xarb. archiep., of the same day. 

183 Hurler. Ilixt. d ii Popr Inn. III., b. xiv. But this point does not come 
out clearly from the correspondence of the Pontift". 

184 Vidimus tunc temporis aliquos de numero eorum qui dioebantur 
Pauperes de Lugduno, apud sedem apostolicam cum magistro suo quodam, ut 
puto Bernhardo. et hi petebant sectam suam a sede apostolica confirmari et 
privile^iari." Chron. Burchardi ct Cuonradi JJrsprrg., ap. Pertz, xxiii., p. 
396, and Ep. d'lnnoc. III., ap. Baluze, xiii., 94, xv., 137. 

185 •• Ipsi dicentes se gerere vitam Apo.stolorum, nihil voientes possidere aut 
certum locum habere, circuibant per vicos et castella. At Dominus Papa qua3- 
dam superstitiosa in conversatione ipsorum eisdem objecit, videlicet quod cal- 
ceos de superpedem pra-cidebant et quasi nudis pedibus nmbulabant. PraHerea 
cum portarent quasdam cappas, quasi religionis, capillos capitis non attondebant 
nisi sicut laici. Hoc quoque probrosum in eis videbatur, quod viri et mulieres 
simul manebant in una dcmio. et de eis diceretur, quod quandoque simul in 
lectulis accubabant." Ibid. 

186 " Qua? omnia ipsi asserebant ad Apostolis descendisse." Ibid. 

187 Letter of July 18. 1211. ap. Baluze. 

188 Multo fortius.. . . repellendi non sunt." Ep.epinc.rremon. Aug. 15, 1213. 

810 The Waldenses of Italy. 

189 Of., with the references given there Chron. Bitreh. ct C. UrsjJorg., ap. 
Mo?i. Germ. Scn2)t., xxiii., p. 396. 

190 " Exortaj sunt dute religiones . . . videlicet Minorum fratrem et 
Prfedicatorum. Quoe forte hac occasione sunt approbatie, quia olim duaj sect<B 
in Italia exortre adhuc perdurant, quorum alii Humiliatos, alu Pauperes de 
Lugduno se nominabant." Chron. Usperg. cf. JTiiller Anfaiige des 3Iinoriten- 
ordeus, ap. Brieger, Zcitscli.f. Kirclieng, vol. vi. 

191 Helyot Hkt des Ordres mimastiques, 1839, vol. ii., p. 238 et seq. 

192 Hurter, op. ait. 

193 See the two epistles of Innocent, dated January 15, 1209, and August 10, 
1213. Hahn, while making this remark, goes so far as to take those, who 
favoured separation, for Manicheans, and this quite simply. See his GctcJi d 
Ketzcr, i., p. 186, n. 2. In order to account for certain points which, in their 
signed confession relate manifestly to Catharism, it suffices to suppose that the 
group of those favouring separation had admitted to their number a few converts 
from Catharism, and aimed at gaining adherents among them also. Hahn sup- 
poses that Innocent III. is mistaken, and that he gives the name of Waldenses 
to Cathari. But Durand and his associates declare that they separate " a Lug- 
dunensibus," and Bernard and his acolytes are called " Pauperes de Lugduno" in 
the chronicle which mentions them. Besides, according to the Pontiff's corres- 
pondence, the above-mentioned confession was to serve as a banner for a general 
return. We shall see further on that it was again utilized in Milan. 

194 Michelet, Hist, de Franoe,_ ii., b. iii. 

195 M. Berger remarks on this point : " If we had not, in this respect, the 
formal testimony of the chronicler Alberic, we should still know, by a number of 
other proofs, that under the episcopate of Bertram, the Waldensian heresy found 
its greatest development at Metz." La Bihle. franeaUe du mogen age., p. 39. 

196 Ca3s. Heisterb. Mirac. dist. v., c. 20, ap. BM. Cisterc.,\i., 138. 

197 " In urbe Metensi, pullulante secta quae dicitur Valdensium." Alberic, 
the author of the chronicle, is almost contemporary. See Pertz, Mon Germ. 
Script, xxiii., p. 878, an. 1199. 

198 " Ipsi eis in faciem restiterunt." Ep. Inn. III., b. ii., 141, ap Baluz, cf. 
Migne, -S>. 699, 793. 

199 " Dicit Apostolus : Non plus sapere quam oporteat sapere, sed sapere ad 
sobrietatem." See Rom. xii., 3. 

200 " Ut qui noluerunt obedire spontanei, discant adquiescere vel. in^dti." Ibid, 

201 '"Ut . . . quid statui debeat, melius intelligere valeamus." ^». 142, 
Ibid, July 12, 1199. 

202 " Obediendum esse soli Deo." Ej). 235 aux uhbcs de Citeaux, de Jlori- 
niond, etc. Ibid. 

203 " Injurias contumeliasque hac de re perpessus," Gallia Christiana, 
xiii., 754. 

204 " Directi sunt ad praedicandum quidam abbates, qui quosdam libros de 
latino in romanum versos combusserunt et praedictam sectam extirpaverunt." 

205 " Omnes libri romane vel teuthonice scripti de divinis scripturis in 
luanus tradantur episcopi, et ipse, quos reddendos videri, reddat." This decree 
is from Bishop Guido, of Palestrina, Plenipotentiary of the Pope in Belgium. 
See Miraei, Op. dipl. et hist.,\., 564. 

206 Gallia Chri.<ttiana, xiii., 754. 

207 Cr's Heisterb. 

208 The Fasti Corbcienses, quoted by Harenberg (1762, i., p. 72), mention 
hostile laymen of " Suavia, Suicia et Bavaria," seduced "ab antiqua progenie 
simplicium hominum qui Alpes et viciniam habitant et semper amant antiqua." 
These are called Manicheans ; we read further that some came originally from 
Hungary. Half a century ago, Gieseler doubted whether we should recog- 
nise among them partisans of Arnaldo da Brescia. Others endeavour to twist 
the sense of this passage for the purpose of finding Waldenses. But it is proven 
that the whole passage, from page 45-89 of Harenberg's Moii. Hist., is not 
authentic, as the above-mentioned Fasti does not contain it. C. L. Scheid was 
the first to notice this fact in 1758. Pertz, in 1839, laid the fraud bare, in his 
Mo7i. Germ, iii., p. 1, et seq. 

209 Cliron., of Justingerj anno 1277 and 1399, ap. Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 95. 

210 One hundred and thirty Waldenses were discovered in Berne, and fifty- 
three at Friburg, says Herzog, Beal Encycl., 1st ed., art Waldenses. Cf. Och- 
senbein, op. cit., p. 95-122. 

211 " Um des Ungloubens der sekten Waldensium,"' dated December 9, 1400. 
See Bccueil Biplom. du canton de Fribourg, b. v., p. 170. 

The Waldenses or Italy. 311 

212 One of the women accused of Waldensian heresy in Friburg, in 14H0, 
confesses to having learned from her co-relijiionist, Conrad Wasen, that, in the 
Roman districts, there were a good number of people professing the same faith 
— "in partibus Romania." See Ochsenbein. ap. rif., p. 284. 

218 The public called it "the beautiful street of the prelates— ^//r schnnr 
PfafftnganiK ." 

214 T. W. Rohrich, according to Specklin, Mitthcilniuicn mix dcr GvHchichti 
der (■ranffrli.'(rhrn Klrehf drx A'/sd-sse-s; 1855, 1st. vol. 

215 'riiriui., Bomin., f'nhiKir., ap., Urstisuis, Germ. <H int., ii., ."», 9() ; ami 
Chroii. Hi r.s:t //</.. ap. Tritheniius. i., 543. Cf. Rohrich, op. cit. 

21() Speckfiii thinks that these are Waldenses still. " In the year 1230," hr 
says. •• the Waldensian heresy again raised its head here." Collectanea in iisinn 
chronici Argent., to the year 1230. 

217 Mosheim. Z>r Bcghardis. If we read, for instance, pages 115, 317, 4«2, 
484, and 48(;, we cannot understand how M. I.. Keller can pretend to rest upon 
the testimony of Mosheim, for confounding the Waldenses with the Beghins. 
Cf. his book Z>/V Erforniafion u. die (iltrstcu Iteformations 2)artrieu,\S%o, p. 23. 

218 The recent researches of M. Midler have confirmed our conviction on this 
point, and on many others also. We desire to offer him here our best thanks. 
See his book on the Orttiober. entitled : ^- Bic Waldrnser r. ihre cinzdneii 
Grupprn, his :um Aufamj drx 14 JahrJnnuIertx,'' Gotha, 188G, p. 130 et WX 

21!» That is to .say, " Winkelprediger " litt. pr;edicatores augulorum," because 
'■ ipsi secreto prwdicant et paucis honuuibus in angiilis." M. Haupt recognises 
in them Waldenses (see Bir rrJig. Schtcn, p. 2(5) and M. Miiller shows that he is 
right, op. cit.. p. 165. 

220 Et de Borbone Anecdotes, etc., n. 343. Cf. Ing. of Passau, ap M. Bill. 
Pair, xxv., p. 2(;t;— 2()7, There is no doubt Michelet borrowed his colours from 
here, in order with them to paint the Waldenses in such colours as he liked. 

221 These are the " Sifridenses." Anonymous writer of Passau, p. 2()(;. 

222 See Et. de Bourbon, ihid., and the Inquisitor of Passau ihid., p. 264. 

223 Tocco oj). cit., p. 207, et seq. 

224 '• Recognovit quod bene noverat apud Mediolanum septemdecim sectas 
a se invicem divisas et adversas, <iuas ipsi eciani de secta sua omnes damnabant, 
et eas mihi nominavit et differencias earum." Et. de Bourbon, Anecdotes, u. 330. 

225 " Fuerunt schismatici judicati. Postea in Provincie terra et Lomliardia- 
cum aliis ha?reticis se admiscentes, etc. Ihid., n. 842, 

226 See ante note 47. 

227 Cf. the letter of his disciple Wesel, writing from Rome, ap. Mart and 
Durand, Coll. ii., 554, and Jaffe, L, 539, 543. 

228 •• Politicorum ha-reticorum patriarcham atque principem se constituit." 
Baronius, Ann. Ecrl ., anno 1141. 

229 "Hominum sectam fecit, qua' adhuc dicitur ha-resis Lombardorum."' 
We read in the Pnntip'catix ap. Pertz, xx., p. 515. On the other hand, Da\ . 
of Augsburg, ojj. cit., ch. 20, classes the "Arnostuste " among the sections of the 
Waldenses. M. Tocco does not hesitate to afiinn that " the Poor of Lombardy 
descended in a direct line from the Arnaldists," c/a r//., p. 187. M. Preger. 
although more moderate in his language, is still positive on this matter. 
Bcitrdge, p. 31. M. :M idler hesitates to commit himself ; but he admits, in any 
case, the possibilitv of a connection between the movement of Arnaldo and that 
of the Waldenses. ' Bie Wald. p. 58. 

230 '• Sed ne conventicula ab eis fierent, signanter interdixit et ne in publico 
predicare presumerent districte inhibuit. Ipsi vero niandatuni apostolicum con- 
tempnentes, facti inobedientes, se ob id excommunicari permiserunt. Hiise 
Huiiiiliatos'appellaverunt. eo quod tincta indumenta uon vestientes, simplici 
sunt coutenti." Chron. Laud., ap. Pertz, xxvi., p. 449. 450. 

231 V. Tiraboschi, Fe^. Ilumil. Jlon., passim. Cf. Preger. Beiti-ar/c, p. 32 — 34; 
Miiller. o/;.f'/f„ p. 59 et 60. 

282 '• Humiliates rcl Pauperes de Lugduno," says the decree of this t'ouncil. 
which we have before quoted. 

233 " Qnam Ixma^ mt-mnria' pnedece.ssor tuns destnn fecerat." Ep.dlnn. III. 
to the Arehbisliop and Chapter of Milan. 3rd April, 1210. 

234 "Et nunc iterum e.-t erecta." Ihid. 

235 '• Pratum pra-dictum seu aliuni locum idoneuni . . . concedatis eisdem 
sine gravi scandalo aliorum." Ihid. 

236 The letter of Innocent III. in which we find this is dated 14th June, 
1210. Buchardt was a witness of the reappearance of Bernard and his com- 
panions. Chron. I'rsjwrg, ap. Pertz, xxiii., p. 396. Cf. Tiraboschi, op. cit., i., 79. 

2.37 '• Cum olim una secta fuisse . . . conscissi in diversas hereses divisi 

312 The Waldenses of Italy. 

sunt." Day. of Augsberg, ch. 20. We shall see in our last chapter that the cele- 
bration of the Eucharist was an invariable practice, before this division: " Eun- 
dem modum'tenebant aute divisioneni qure fuit inter eos." Mart and Durand, 
v., 1775. Bernard Gui explains these words by adding: "Videlicet quando 
diviserunt se in Pauperes vocatos Lombardos et in Pauperos Citramontanos." 
See la Practica Inquisitionis, published by Canon C. Douais, Paris. 1886. 

23S " Dividitur haeresis Leonistarum seu pauperum de Lugduno in duas 
partes. Prima pars vocatur Pauperes Ultramontani, secunda vero Pauperes 
Lombardi . . . Isti deseenderunt ab illis." Sacconi, Suvima ap. Mart, et Dur., 
v., 1775. 

239 See note 924. 

240 According to the Rcscriptum her. Lomh. ad Pauperes <le Lufjdiino qui 
sunt in Alamanm, ap. Preger. Cf. the examination of the three MSS. wliich 
contain it, ap. Miiller, p. 22. The most ancient would probably be of XIII. 
century, or at latest the commencement of XIV. Cf. Preger, Ueher das Vcrhalt- 
niss der Taboriteu zu deu Waldcnsiern des 14 Jahrhunderts, Munich, 18?8. 
p. Ifi— 19. 

241 The Ultramontanes were: " Petrus Relana et Berengarius de Aquaviva 
qui ambo tunc temporis accionem ultramontanorum annualem juxta suam con- 
suetudinem procurbant, G. de Cremano et G. Turantus, Optandus de Bonate 
etJulianus." Those of Lombardy were: "Johannes de Sarnago et Thateus, 
Thoma set Maifredus^ Johannes Franceschus et Jordanusde Dogno." Ihid., n. 15. 

243 " Pacem nobiscum habere non possent." Ibid., n. 15. 

243* " Si pro omnibus culpis satisfecerint . . . posse salvari." Ibid. 

245 " Non homini sed verbis Dei virtutem attribuimus." Ibid., n. 16. 

245* " Cum nee sanctificari illic oblaeio possit ubi spiritus sanctus non sit, 
nee cuiquam dominus per eius preces et oraciones prosit, qui dominum ipse 
violat." Ibid., n. 24. 

246 " Sacerdotes qui eucharistie serviunt et sanguinem eius indigne confici- 
unt, impie agunt in leg:e Christi putantes, eucharistiam imprecantis tacere verba 
non vitam, et necessanam esse tantum solempnem oracionem et non sacerdotum 
merita, de quibus dicitur: sacerdos in quacunque fuerit macula non accedat 
oblaciones offerre deo." Ibid. 

247 " Quomodo ergo si sancti non sunt, sanctificare alios possunt .' " Ibid. 

248 " Audiant illi . . . dicentes : Ego non symoniacum attendo, sed verba 
benediccionis, qure ex illius ore procedunt." Ibid. 

249 " miseri, omnibus hominibus miserabiliores, qui ore sacrilego talia 
audent fari nefaria . . . Dominus per Malachiam, quod malorum sacerdotum 
benediccio pro malediccione imputetur, ait : Maledicam benediccionibus vestris." 

250 " Breviter respondemus : Cum essem parvulus, etc." Ibid. 

251 " Respondemus : quia contra veritatem scripturarum jam propalatam 
credere non possumus, nee eciam licet Valdesiani in hoc nos vellent cogere, 
volumus confiteri. Oportet emin obedire Deo raagis quam hominibus." Ibid. 

252 Cf. with another conference, apparently of Cathari, in Et de Bourbon, 
up. cit., n. .329. 

253 We have taken the facts respecting the conference from the Rescript 
itself. This is the address : " Oto de Ramezello dei gracia confrater pauperum 
spiritu, I de Sarnago, Tadeus Marinus, G. de Papia, L. de Leganio, G. de Mol- 
trasio, I. de Mutini, J. Franceschus, Jordanus de Dogno Bononius Atque Thomas 
dilectis in Christo fratribus ac sororibus, amicis et amicabus trans alpes pie 
degentibus in vero salutari salutem et dileccionis perpetue firmitatem." Preger 
supposes that this Rector was Thomas, but he is evidently mistaken. The letter 
must have been written a short time after the conference ; according to M. 
Miiller, M. Preger still thinks it cannot have been written until about 1230, and 
gives reasons for his opinion. See Ueber das VerMltuiss, etc. 

254 "Et ibi schole." We know already that these schools were places of 
meeting, where particularly the " magistri. " who came from afar to visit the 
communities, were received. See Preger, Bat rage, in appendix notice to n. ii., 
entitled Orfe in der Diocese Passun, wo die italischen Armeti um 1250, Auhanger 
hutten. The writing of said notice, as well as the one that follows, dates as far 
back as 1260, _ 

255 " Et ibi schole et episcopus." Ibid. 

256 "Et ibi schole pliu-es (x) et plebanus occisus est ab eis." Ibid. The 
plurality of schools is an indication that, there as elsewhere, there was more than 
one sect at work. 

257 Preger reproduces it in his Beitrdge, no. iii., under the title of Ber 
Pas.^aner anomjmus uber die Kircldiehen j/is.ibrauehe. 

The Waldexses of Italy. 313 

2.3S " Tempore interdicti exultant haeretici, quia tunc possent corruiupere 
christianos," said an Inquisitor quoted by Fl. Illyricus, oj). cit., p. G53. 

2.")9 Fr. lostes, in his dispute with M. Haupt, had held that the Waldensian 
movement in Germany did not proceed Irom the ranks of the people. M. Haupt, 
in his reply, proves that it penetrated higher. Drr iviihl. Urxpnuiri dr.s Coder 
Trjjli'iiai.9, ]). -i — 8. 

2G0 " Nuncupa\-erunt se inter se di/ Kundcib et nos dy Fromdcm.'" Kuiuhr. 
in Latin, noti. These designations are ratified by usage, in Bavaria, Austria, and 
Switzerland, flmipt, Die r:Jigidsrn ischteii,, etc., p. 24. 

2Cil M. Huupt even thinks it was on the point of coming about, as it did, two 
centuries heft ire, in the South of France. Ihid. 

2(12 For details we refer to Haupt, c/a clt., and with regard to Pomerania 
and I'randeburg, to W. Wattenbach, Uehrr Ketzcrgvrichtc iib Pommrrn v. dir 
M.irl; Brditlcnhnrij, ap. Sifzunijshcr, d. Mibj^n-cusa. Ahid. d. Wiss. 188(1. 

2(!;^ Ochsenbei'n. op. rit. 

26-1 Duverger, La Vaudn-h; 1885, especially p. 17-27, and T, T. Altmeyer 
Lcs Pircur snir.^ dr la llrfonnc au.c Pays Bas, 188(;, vol. i.. p. 54—62. 

265 Haupt, Dir nliy. Sclttrn, etc., p. 26, and Drr irald Urspnuuj, etc.. 
appendi.x: Xo. 4. Flacius Illyricus names still more in his Catalogux, p. 660. 

266 GoU. Qurllrit, n Untrrsucliun'irn, etc., i. p. 121, et seq. 

267 From <v/Z/r, cup. Also called Ulfraqnixfs.hi-cause they celebrated the 
Holy Conununion in two kinds : -sub utraiiut. 

226* 26S ]\I. Schmidt in his I'rrcis, etc., remarks that Tahor in the Slavonic 
dialects signifies a tent. Being compelled to lead a rather nomadic life, ou 
account of the persecution, they finally got that name applied to their sect, called 
the Talov. 

2()9 " 1 no longer doubt now but that Peter Chelcicky was acquainted with 
the doctrine of the Waldenses, from an early age, and found pleasure in it — u. 
daran Gefallen fand." Palacky, Urhrr die Brzh-lninycr drr Wald zu dm Sccten 
ill Bull mm. 1870. He adds, it is true, that he says not a word about it. M. Goll 
agrees in admitting that, when Chelcicky came to Prague from the South of 
France, he adhered to the views of the Waldenses, and that he continued therein 
— *• u. habe in der Folge imnier au ihr festgehalten." Qurllm, ii., 42, n. 2. 

270 M. Preger even thinks that they were numerous in Bohemia, on the eve 
of J. Huss's appearance. Britr'dyr, etc., p. 51. 

271 Thus far the existence of any community had not been verified. 
Palacky, ihid., Zezschwitz, Dir Katrchisnicn, p. 154 ; Goll., op. cit.. p. 37, n. 1. 

272 Preger comes to the conclusion in his work, Urhrr d(ix Vcrhaltuiss, etc.^ 
p. 110, that •• that the Taborites are the spiritual ofi'spring of tlie Waldenses." 
Lechler thinks this is an extreme conclusion. See Tlu-ot. Litrratur hlatt^WXh. 
November, 1887. Gf. Haupt, Ilnsitischc Propaganda in Drutschlaud {Hi-^t. 
Taschenbuch, sixth series, vol. vii., 1888, p. 235). 

273 '• Frederick, by the Grace of God, bishop of believers in the Romish 
Church, who reject the donation of Constantine." Haupt, oy. cit., p. 46. 

274 " U cuore, non la fibra."' This expression is taken from Gino Capponi. 
who applies it to Savonarola, in his St. di Firmzr. 

275 Consult authorities up. lung and Boehm. This account is given herr 
from Haupt. (7>. cit., p. 44—46. 

276 Wattenbach. p. 9—11. 

277 Bcpli'jxc a Buhyriina, ap. Gull. <JurUm,tiic., ii., 42, n. 4. 

278 •■ We h;ive a]>o heard from those who trace their origin back to the 
primitive Church, how even then, when Sylvester accepted those gifts his col- 
league Peter did nut yield, but said : It is not in accordance with the doctrine 
and. the example that Christ and our fathers, the Apostles gave us." Gregorj-, 
Traitr dr VEgU.<<r. ap. GoU., ojk cit., i., 10, 23. Cf. treatise Wie die Mcn-whcn. 
etc.. ap., Goll. i., Brilagc. 

279 A bishop of the Brethren went so far as to believe that Waldo was the 
first founder of their opposition, and he was not the only one of that opinion. 
Goll., op. cit., i., 49, n. 2. 

280 F. S. Hark, Dir Entatrlnimi d alien Bruder Unitat u Hires Bistlmms, in 
the Brudrr-Bote, April and May, 1S83. 

281 '• He performed the services secretly for the Waldenses among the Ger- 
mans, and on that account he was burnt at the stake." " TI7/ .sie die Mensclien,. 
etc., ap. Goll. 

282 This is the thesis now maintained by 31. Haujit, and to which we shall 
have to come back. 

283 '• Than has been recognised imtil now." Preger. Bcitrag( , p. 3. 

814 The Waldenses of Italy. 

284 " The history of the Waldenses has until now by no means received the 
iittention which it deserves." Keller, oj). alt., p. 20, n. 1. 

285 It is the watchword given to every departing missionary. Thus, 
Matthew Hagen confesses to his judges that his Bishop Keiser sent hhn " in 
order that he should proclaim the four Gospels, as the Apostles did, when Christ 
said to them : Go, etc." Wattenbach, /hid. 

286 "Fere enim nulla est terra in qua haec secta non sit," Ing. of Passau, 
op. cit., ap. Bibl. Max, Patr., c. 4. 

281* 287 " Like a fire on the point of going out." These words are attri- 
buted to F. Reiser. Haupt, ojj. cit., p. 40. 

282* 288 Edgnr Quintet, Melamjcs, chapter on the Aceim de la religion, and 
pa.^-siin in his book on the ff&m'e dr-s rdii/ions. 

283* 289 According to Perrin, who had the advantage of consulting docu- 
ments collected for him in the valley of Luserna and especially in Angrogna by 
Vignaux and other pastors of the Valleys (see Gilles, ch. li.), "it is believed by 
certain among them that they (the Waldenses) are sprung from the Waldenses 
of Dauphiny, Pragela, Fraissinieres, etc." Ifist. {des Vandois, -pari i, p. 1.50.' 
i.hid. p. 5 — (54. 

284* 290 It is the chronicle called the Tranjetons de Molmes. These words 
are ([uoted after A. Muston. See Le Temoie, echo des vallees vaudoises, year ix., 
n. 47. The chronicle quoted by Muston, and which he dates back to the XV. 
(;entury, is dated 14th February, 1816. The author was the person who founded 
the village of Font Gillarde. The copy of it which is preserved, presents, in the 
few lines that are known, some gross errors. Berger, Mav. Hist., xxxvi. 

285* 291 Muston. ih/d.. n. 49. Another village of the name of Villar is found 
further north, below 4>i-ian(on. 

286* 292 A MS. of Cambridge, entitled Orif/o Valdrtmum, by an Inquisitor 
of the XV. century, contains the following words, concerning our fugitives : 
•' Lugduno fugientes ad ultimas Delphinatus partes, se transferentes in Ebred- 
nnensi et Taurinensi dioecesibus in Alpibus et intra concava montium accessu 
(lifficilia, plures ibi ex ipsis habitaverunt." Allix, Some Remarhs, etc., at the 

287*293 "Minor Deo, major ho mine . . . Sicut luna lumen saum a sole 
sortitur, sic," etc. Inn. III., Ej). 401, ?in(\, ap. Baluz. i. 

294 " Pejores sunt illis." Ep. 28, Hid., xi. 

289* 295 " Ad capiendas vulpeculas," writes Innocent, Ep. 149, ibid. x. 

290* 296 Fauriel, Croimde coiitre les AlMfjeois, par un trouoadoiir, p. 37. 
Peter Vallis Cernaii says the same thing. 

291* 297 " Caedite eos, novit, enim Donimus qui sunt ejus." This expres- 
sion is contested. See, for instance, la Science CatlioUqiw, rev. des questions 
relig.. 1st year, p. 224. But, " if the letter be incorrect, the fact is strictly true," 
we still say with Duverger, op, cit. p. 9. Moreover, it does not contradict the 
report written to the Pope by the same Arnaud, in which he relates this massacre 
of 20,0ro persons, with the unction of a Mahdi. and closes by saying : " Factji 
hostium strage permaxima, spoliata est tota civitas et succensa, ultione divina in 
eam mirabiliter saeviente." Ep). of Inn., b. xii., 18. 

292* 298 A. Muston, ihid., n. 49. Thus far we agree with our poet. But 
from this to admitting "the Italian origin of the Waldenses of Piedmont," there 
is what is called SuJtux in itrolxnitlo, a verv long stride. 

293* 299 Hist. Vcritahh; etc., MS., of Turin. Cf. De Rubeis, after Perrin, 
op. cit., b. i., ch. 3. 

294* 300 Gilles, op. cit., ch. i. 

295* 301 Les Vallees Vaudoises, etude de topograjiUie et dleistoire militaires, 
by A. de Rochas d'Aiglun. ehef de bataillon du Genie, Paris, 1880. 

296* 302 1 Kiim^s. xx.. 23. 

297* 303 Hudry-ileuos, V Israel des Aljjes, Rev. des D.M., Nov. 15, 1867. 
However, some attention is occasionally paid to this. Monastier, for instance, 
admits that Pre du Tour is "unassailable," and that to attempt to attack 
Angrogna on a certain side, " is folly." Hist, de rEjlise Vaudoise, i., p. 181. 

298* 304 MS. of D. L. Garola in the archives of Count Emmanuel of 
Luserna, p. 19 — 23. 

299* 305 Hist. Gen., b. i.. ch. 1. Cf. Rer. xii. 

300* 306 Gilles, ihid. 

301* 307 The documents of the house of Luserna are in manuscript, private, 
but accessible, thanks to the courtesy of Count Emmanuel. Moreover, their 
importance is infinitesimal, as regards this history. With respect to the act of 
<lonation of Adelaide, see I\Lm. Hist. Patriae, vol. i., p. 607. 

302* 308 A. de Rochas d'Aiglun, I.e. 

The ^^'ALDEXSES OF Italy. 315 

Hu3* H0'.» Tri>ii, op. cit.. ch. xii. 
H()4* 810 Hudrv-Menos. /.<•. 
80.-,* 811 The same. /7//V/. 
8(it!* 812 Gilles;, I.e. 

8(»r* 318 Ul-tiined, we .-iay, fur that testiinuiiy iiarratcil in an inexact manner, 
is not a real testimonj- ; .-iuch as it is, it weakens instead of justifyini; its own 

8tt8* 314 Keeently it has again been advanced by Tron. op. rif.. ch. xii. 
31.) These tales are taken from Jacques Brezzi, Timoleou, and J. R. Peyran. 
Pierre, Bert. etc. 

81fi Brezzi, f/tn Vaudois, preface. Cf. eh. ii., p. 4(). 
317 " Quandn importava ai Valdesi di fare, per dir cosi. Tapoloiria dclla loio 
evanirelica imniobilitn." A. Bert, / Valt/i.s/, etc.. p. 82. 
812* 818 Lei;er. Il/.^-f. Grn., etc.. li.. p. 181. 
318* 31'.l Iflst. (?>■»■ Vaudois, 1884. p'. ICO. 
314* 32U Ihld.. p. 19(1. 
321 Op-, at., p. 187. 

31()* 322 -Xon sectam doceo (lui unitatcni tenco. . . . 8ectas et schis- 
mata atque haereses in quantum valui compressi, contrivi et pugnavi et expug- 
navi. et expugnare in quantum valeo prorsus Deo adiuvante non cesso." Avid, 

817* 328 '* Quod homines colebant, ego destrui solus coepi." Ihid. 
318* 324 Artiaco, Fra Bolcino e la tradi:tonr, ap. Uiv Criat., v. 146. 
819* 82.') •• It is possible," wrote Charles Hase, not long since, " that, since 
the time of Claude of Turin, a tendency, which anticipated the mission of the 
Waldenses, and assumed a definite form in consequence of its influence, Avas 
maintaine<l among the labouring congregations of the valleys of the Alps." See 
his Ilisf. de VEijlixi', x. edit., year 1877, p. 276. But when we asked the cele- 
brated historian' whether he had any evidence to give in support of his assertion, 
he confessed that those words expressed a timid hypothesis, to which he attached 
no spi-cial imi)ortance. 

82(1* 82r. Ex. (4illv in his TFflZrZ. i^rseajr/t^-*, Hudry-Menosin his I.srarl dr.\ 
Alprs, ap. Itcv. dcs B. J/., etc. 

821* 827 Efttdr .siir raru/hiP de-s- Vuuduis du Piemont, Geneva, 1871. 
322* 82S •• Xon vi ha alciui cenno che in quel luoghi vi fossero eretici." Uit 
Api.fodio ddUi Sti'i-id drl PIt'wonte lu-l sccolo xiv., etc., 1874, p. 10—11. 
323* 829 IH'<t. dr VEqllv Vaudoi.w, ch. iv. 

324* 880 Ii. Petri Dn'in. Epht. 1606, b. vii., ep. 16, ad Adclaidom ducissam et 
marcli'wni.'i.sam Alpiimi Cotiaruni. 

32.)* 831 '• Permittisenim ut Ecclesiae tuae clerici . . . velut jure matrimonii 
confederentur uxoribus." Ihid.,h.'\\..e-p.'6,ad Cunibertuvi einsco2)'um taurin- 

326* 332 See his Is. de.t Alpes in the Eer. des I). M. 

327* 333 Gull. Christ, iii., p. 178. Cf. Reeherehes hist, sirr hs Iluutes Alpes 
bv the Abbot Guillaume. p. 108. 
■ 328* 334 B: de.s Alpe.s. p. xxxii., n. 2. 
329* 335 The verification is founded upon tlie very indications furnished by 
Mustoa. The inaccuracy was established by F. Albert of Grenoble and F. Guill- 
aume of Gap, to whom we hereby express our gratitude. The Bull alluded to by 
Muston "savs not a wortl about heresj- or heretics."' 

330* 836" .Mcinastier. op. eit., ch. 4. That is repeated by H. Martin, A. Bert, 
and others to the present day. 

331* 387 These ^\•ords are from the Temoin, eeho des Vallees Vavdoises, anno 
1881. in the course of a discussion upon the origin of the Waldenses. 
332* 88S Pertz. Mon. Germ., xii. 
333* 389 Op. cit., p. 824. 

384* 3iU Ag. de Gasparin. Le Christiani.-<iiie au JIoi/en-Aqe, 1839, p. 141. 
885* 841 Leftre a A. Lmnhard. July 12, 1865. The 'latter 'published it in the 
appendix of his book upon ./. L. Pu.seale et le.i Martijr.f de la Cahihre. 

386* 842 Landulphi senioris, Hist. Mediolani, ii.. 27, ap. Muratori, Iter. Ital. 
Script, iv. 

387* 843 I allude to the house of Count of Foix. 

388* 844 '• Si)ecialiter praedicat contra incarnationem Filii Dei," etc. Brief 
dated Avignon. July 8, 1332. 

339* 845 Proee.\xi/.i contra Vuldenses in Lomhardia siiperiori, ap. Bibl 
Ca.san., Rome, D. iii., 18. The notes of this trial appeared in the Arch St. Ital. 

340* 846 •• Quam plures conveni valles haereticorum turn \\'aldensium quam 

316 The Waldenses of Italy. 

G-azarorum perversorum."' Vine. Ferr. ap. llayiuild cimtin, ann. Baron., an. 1403. 
n. 24. 

341* 347 " Quando veniebant ad dictas partes, pro majori parte teniporis 
veniehant ad ipsum exponentum. et qnando recedebant alkiuantulnni cont^titue- 
baut eum eorum Locumtenenteni." State of Arch, Turin, Mat. EecL, In<iui- 
sizione, mazzo i., categ. 9. This document was published in the Rivista Crist inna, 
October, 1881. 

342* 348 Schmidt, Hist, dc Cathare.s, etc., vol. i., p. 186—188. 

343* 349 The Albigenses and the Poor of Lyons retired thither, says the MS. 
of D. L. Garola, which, moreover, is of a later date than Rorengo and Th. 

344* 350 The existence of a Catharin current of emigration about 12o0 has 
been ascertained. See Ch. Molinier, V Incjiiisition dans le midi de la France, 
1881, p. 253—257. 

34.0* 351 Costa de Beauregard held that the Cathari in Italy " rejoined their 
co-religionaries of the Valleys of the Pignerol." Mem. kist., quoted by Monastier. 
i,. 42. 

346* 352 " Me exinde foris expuli. absentem me feci," says the Duchess, in 
one of the acts of donation. Croset Mouchet, Ahhaycdc Ste 3Iarie dc Phjnerol, 
1845, Notes and Documents. G-illes {oj). cit., ch. xiv.) claims that the' abbey 
" was founded in the year 606, by Adelaide, daughter of the last Marquis of 
Susa." This error, repeated by Muston {Ili-^t. d. Vaud., p. 7), is rectified by him 
{Is. des Aljn-s, i, 253). 

347* 353 Among other privileges, the monastery had that of being classed 
among the abbeys, called nnllius diceecsis, which are held directly from the 

348* 354 "I A^ecchi conti di Luserna hanno avuto principio dai primi 
castellani che furono deputati assistenti ai marchesi di Susa alia custodia de 
passi dell Alpi." Delia Chiesa, Corona Eeale, part i. 

349* 355 MS. of Garola, passim. We heard this last point from the mouth 
of Count Emmanuel of Luserna. 

350* 3.-;6 It is represented by Alexander, Marquis of Angrogna, and 
Emmanuel, Count of Luserna. 

351* 357 Garola claims to have kept the imprint of the seal of Count Man- 
fredi, of the year 1256, and remarks as follows : " There was a small light 
surrounded by darkness," and the motto ran : Sigilhim WTielmi Manfrcdi dc 

352* 358 From these coats-of-arms, L§ger and Monastier go so far as to con- 
clude that the Waldensian Church existed, nh anfiquo. But the middle ages are 
full of such. We know that the coat-of-arms of the city of Geneva, before the 
Reformation, had for its motto : Post tcncbras sjjcro lucem. The sequins of 
Venice, as late as the XVI. century, had on one side the likeness of the Doge 
kneeling at the feet of Christ, with the inscription: Uffo smn ln,r mundi. And 
does not the coat-of-arms of Leo XIII. bear a star with the words : Lumen de 
Ccclo ? So true is it that the name and the thing do not necessarily go together. 

353* 359 They were, moreover, rather whimsical. Here is an example : 
Lucid a lucenti lucacit, lu.rque. Lucer/ia, tua. 

354* 360 Besides the fact that the Waldenses have restored its true sense to 
this symbol, one might further question whether without theni the coat-of-arms 
of Luserna would not be absolutely forgotttenas that of Leo XIII. At any rate, 
we may be permitted to believe that the Waldensian name reflected credit upon 
it, when we hear the abbot Botero of St. Michael singing 

i Manfredi 
La cui virtu I'alta Lucerna ammanta 
Di Valdo e di Calvin contro gli eredi. 

355* 361 •• Angroniam . . . jam ad Delphmatus principe sollicitantibus 
Valdensibus praeoccupatum Ughelli, Italia Sacra, iv., 1051. If it were speaking 
of Pragelas, we might understand it more easily. 

356* 362 Croset-Mouchet, oj). cit., p. 13. 

357* 363 "Con gran disgusto dell Abate," says Cibrario, cited by Croset- 
Mouchet, ibid. 

35S* 364 " Territi monachi." says Ughelli, I.e. 

359* 365 Such is the opinion of the author of the MS. of the Ht-^tou-e 
Veritable des Vaudo/s, that of Garola, Monastier, and A. Bert ; but there is 
Tibsolutelv nothing to justifv it. 

360* .366 -In quella valle non vi furono gentilhnomini ch'opponessers 
airintroduttione dell'heresie ma ben i monafi dell'Abbazia." Rorengo, J/ir'w. ///•''/'., 
■ch. vi. 

The Waldexses of Italy. 317 

HC.l* 3(i7 MS. of the IHst. Yerltnhh. 

M\2* 8(!S See Croset-Mouchet, /Zi/V/.p. 17— 11», and tin- Tmnxazhini fattvtm II 
sUjitori prcdccixxdrl dcUa xercnisxiiiia Cam, di Sitrnia c Ji Ikir. mi'Afihati ed 
no mini del Mondxtrro di S. Marin in Pinrrolo, Turin. 1()22. 
^ 3(53* 3(19 That does not make it necessary to represent tlie author of Origo 
Valdrnxiuin as siiyinj;' that the Waldenses, who took refujre from Lyons, in the 
Alps, were '" more than lifty thousand "' (Lejr. "Jh cit. ii., p. 32). This expression 
is not found in tlie text, as reproduced by Allix. 

3(J4* 370 Accordinu- to Camerarius the date of the foundation of this colony 
must be brought back to the middle of the XIV. century ; accordiui,' to De 
Thou, to the middle of the XIIT. 

3(55* 371 The orii;in of the emigration into Calabria dates, according to 
Gilles. f rom about the vear 131.'); accordiiiL,' to I'errin, about 1370; Muston, about 
1340. Witli Vei;ezzi-ltuscalla we incline towards the date indicated by Gilles. 
See Hiv. f'(infr)iij)., Nov., 18(12. p. Kil, rt v/vy., art., entitled : Colonia jjicnmntcsc 
in Calabria. 

3()(i* 372 Rorengo claims that he heard this detail from the lips of Gilles, 
who, by his family traditions, seems to us to be the best informed writer on this 
point. However, Rorengo is far from doing him justice {Mmi. Hint., ch. xvi.) ; 
still his criticism is quite insignificant, and Vegezzi-Ruscalla alludes to it only 
to reject it. 

3()7* 373 Gilles, oj). rif.. ch. iii. 

374 Comprising t lie natives. See Jerome '/.anchi, Ej>. ad ./nJi. dc L//xrii,h. 
ii., p. 3()0. 

37.5 See the two edicts of the year 12()9, mentioned by Vegezzi-Ruscalla, ibid., 
at the end, and by De Boni. the In/jiuxizinnr ed / Calabro-Valdesi, in the 
appendix. The second of these decrees gives the names of about 70 heretics 
denounced by the In(pnsition. 

37(5 •• Eodeni anno (1210) Otho IV. Imp. Taurini aliquot diebus resedit, 
plurima i)rivilegia ecelesiis concessit, maxime Ripaltae Abbatiae," Ughelli, 

377 " Haereticos valdelsesi(sic) ... a toto Taurinensi episcopatu im- 
periali auctoritate expellas." See Man. Hist. Pat via' Serij)f.. vol.ii., 1839, col. 488, 
by P. Gioftredo. according to the archives of the arehlii.<hi)iiric of' Turin, categ. 
i., mazzo i., n. 17. The reading has been corrected by Manuel de S. Giovanni, 
[In Epixodiii drlla St. del Piemonte, p. 11 — 1(>. aj) Mi.<!r di SLoria Ital.. vol. xv. 
(1S74). Cf. as to the authenticity of the edict, Winkelmann. Philip of Swabia 
and Otto IV. Leipzig (Jahrb. d. deutsch. Ge.sch., vol. ii., 1878, p. 221) and T. 
Ficker. Die Begenten des Kaimrrcirh.'i, number 2, Othon iv., n. 3(53. M. Manuel 
de S. Giovanni contests the authenticity of it ; Winkelmann hesitates to admit 
it ; Ficker accepts it, but without any proof ; Berger supports his view by the 
conclusions of these two last writers, whilst mixing them up together. Rev. 
Hixt., xxxvi., part 6. 

■^78 " Statutum est quod si quis vel si que hospitaretur aliquem vel aliquam 
a'i '•sem vel Valdensam se sciente in posse Pinerolu dabit bannum solidorum 
aece-i quotiescumque hospitabitur." Liher Statutornni eir. Pinerolu, Aug. Taur 
ir,02, c. 84. 

379 Vegezzi-Ruscalla, Mixcell. Patria, vol. 122. 

380 The collection of statutes bears the date of 1220, indicating the year in 
which the compilation was begun, by order of Thomas I. This date does not 
refer to all the statutes indiscriminately. A note at the end of the first book, 
p. TA. tells the reader that the different chapters were modified and sanctioned 
per domlntim in eoncione, March 31, 1280. On this point Cf. librario St. della 
Man. di. Savoia, 1st ed., i., 2(i3, ^ith Manuel di S. Giovanni, ^y;. eit., p. 16. From 
this decree, especially from the expression •• Valdensem vel Valdensam," Herzog 
draws two conclusions : 1st, that the Waldfu-i- \vrn' isolated; 2ud, that the 
women still accompanied their preachers, llom. \Val<l., p. 272 — ^3. 

381 "Adjicimus insuper ut quilibet Archiepiscopus vel Episcopus, etc." 
Cone. Lat. iv., c. iii., § 7. 

382 Tocco recognizes it very clearly. Op. cit., p. 170. 

383 Thomas Aquinas, the angelic doctor, subsequently defined this point in 
unequivocal terms. " Non solum ab ecclesia per excommunicationem separari, sed 
etiam per mortem a mundo excludi . . . Fossunt non solum excommunicari, 
sed et juste occidi." Summa ii., 2, 9, xi., art. 3. 

384 " Quod hostilis invaleat haeresis, proh pudor ! in partibus Lombardiae. 
quae plures inficiat." Message, dated March, 1224. 

3,^.5 Raynaldi. ad an. 122(5. n. 26. 

38 J '• Hancconstitutionem nostraii pertotam Loinbardiam facias publicari." 
Message quoted above. 

318 The Waldenses of Italy. 

387 " Viiior debet ecelesiasticus exeitari," wrote Barbarossa, during the same 
year as the Waldenses were condemned at the Council of Verona. Frederick 1 1, 
follows the same path, and says more resolutely : "A viris ecclesiasticis et 
praelatis examinari jubemus." 

388 " Eogamus beatitudinem vestram . . . diligentem operam assumatis." 
Letter of Messine to Greo'ory IX. 

389 See his Sicilian Constitutions, and Cantii, Eretici, discourse v. 

390 That is to say : " Cut the head off a hundred thousand men placed in 
line." Verse of Guisti. 

391 Vide Ante. 

392 He was named Henry of Settala. His epitaph bears the words •.jvgulacU 

393 Corio, Storid di 3IilaHii, part ii., f. 7oG et seq. ; according to Schmidt, 
op. cit, i., 156. 

394 Cantu, Stoi'ia Univ., Documenti ii., n. xviii. Qf. K.'Lovaha.xd., Paulieiens, 
etc., appendix, letter L. 

395 That is to say : Thou who ascendest the royal steps of the great 
throne of the citizen of Lodi, protector and sword of faith, always call to 
mind on this spot the honours of Governor Oldrado, who raised this throne and 
burned the Cathari as it was right to do." Muratori, Antiq. Ital. v., 90. 
Guilini, Mem. della Htta e campar/na di Mllano, vol. iv. Cf. Lombard, op. cit., 
p. 210. This equestrian statue is not in the best taste. Galvano Flamma, 
although a monk, says, concerning it : " In marmore super equum residens 
sculptus fuit, quod magnum vituperium fuit." Cantu, Eretici, V disc. 

396 " Mediolanensmm civitatem, quae pro maxima parte inhabitatur 
haereticis, contra, nos et Imperium manifesto favore tuetur." Pet, de Vineis, b. 
i., ep. 21. 

397 " Mediolanenses autem, tunc tempons, formidine poenae potius quam 
virtutis amore, haereticos, qui civitatem suam pro magna parte inhabitabant, ut 
faman isuam redimerent, et accusationi imperiali liberius responderent, com- 
busserunt." Matth. Paris, H. A., p. 366. Cf. Ripoll., Bull,, i., 6."). 
See Schmidt, op. cH., i., 162. 

398 Anon, de Passau, ap. F. Illyr, pp. 540 and 547. 

399 The Counts of Luserna submitted to the Prince of Savoy that year, "A 
condizione d'esser mantenuti ne'loro privileggi, libero esercizio del culto a' Val- 
desi, oltre la confermazione senza dubbio delle loro proprieta ed immunita velle 
Valli." We give this quotation on the good faith of Sieur Gaston de Bez, who 
states that he read it in the MS. of Garola, entitled Documenti Storici di Limn-mi 
e Valle (January 5, 1831). We have had this MS. before us, but it seems that 
these lines escaped our notice, as was the case with Count Emmanuel and otlier.-<. 
Monastier, who has not been in a position to see them, reads them in antieipn- 
tion, as it were. See his Histoire, vol. i., p. 92, 170, and 186. 

400 "1297. Philippus libravit inquisitori Vaudensium pro medietate ex- 
pensarum per eundem inquirendo Valdenses in valle Peruxie." Cibrario ap. 
Kromer, Fra Dolcino u. die Patarener, Leipzig, 1884, p. 22. 

401 Patenti di nomina, etc. State of Arch., Turin, Mat. Eccles., categ. ix., 
mazzo i. 

402 " Recepit de xvii. sold, pro quodam parvo casali dirupto, sibi vendit( > 
pro parte domini, quod acquisitum propter valdesiam cujusdam valdesie com- 
busti." Cibrario ap. Kromer, I.e. 

403 " Quadam die quondam Gulielmum rectorem parochialis ecclesiae de 
Engravia Taurin diocesis celebrata missa per eum in platca ilittae Villae nequi- 
ter occiderunt suspicantes quod dictus rector eos penes luquisitorem praefatum 
de ipsorum haeresibus detulisset." Brief of John XXII., in the year 1332, ap. 
Kaynaldus, ad. an. 1332, n. 31. Engravia is evidently an erratum which should 
read Enf/ronia. With regard to villa, we do not see why Monastier wants to 
make a proper name of it, in order to read Villar. 

404 " Praenominati haeretici ipsum Inquisitorem in quodam castello patenter 
et publice obsederunt, sic quod oportuit eum inde recedere inquisitionis hujus- 
modi officio relicto totaliter imperfecto." Ibid. Muston arbitrarily attributes 
this fact to the Waldenses of the Valley of the Po. Is. des Alpes, i., 254. 

405 Rorenso. Jleiii. Hint., p. 17. We there read that Jacques dAcha'ie, at 
the request of the Inquisitor, Pierre de Ruffia, gave orders in 1354 to different 
personages of the house of Luserna to cause the Waldenses in their valley to be 

406 See "upon this subject a letter of Gregory XI. to Amedeus VI., as given 
by Raynaldus, ad. an. 1375, n. .56. Cf. Eorengo, iMd., p. 17. The two reports do 
not entirely agree in the details. This incident is mentioned in the Processus 

The \\'aldenses of Italy. 819 

contra V(iJdrnxe.% up. An-h. St. 7^. :ui. ISfi."). p. l'!»— SI. ami so as to leave! the 
impression that the murderer was not a Wakleiislan, liut prohably one of the 

407 See airain the above-mentioned letter of Gregory XI. Cf. Uorentco, ibid. 

408 Letter of Gregory XI., at the end. 
AVfd Perrin, Leger, etc. 

410 Science CuthoJiquc revue, etc., 15 March, 1888. Cf. Ch. Molinier. Ulri- 
tjHisition flanK le midi dc la France au XIII. et XIV. -uecle, part ii., ch. v. 

411 Ex. Arnaud, Pons, Jourdan, Bonet, Maurel, Boer, Pascal, Maraude, 
Soulier, etc. Ihid., passim. 

412 Eyemi)li gratia., the priest Jean Philibert, ihid., p. 10. 

413 " Vidit etadoravit pluries haereticos et in pluribus locis praedicationes 
eorum andivit. pluries recepit eos, dedit elemosinas Valdensibus . . . Includatur 
infra septa moiiasterii, etc." Ihid.. p. 71. 

414 See Schmidt, Hist, dr.s Catharcs/SrA period, ch. iii. Cf: Molinier, op.cit., 
part ii., 

41.") The Dominicans were fond of having the double meaning, of which it 
is susceptible, attached to their name. Domini cani and Domini canes. 

410 "Ad quos abolendos a Benedicto episcopus Valentinus excitatus, cen- 
se ires tidei zelum explicare jussi, deniiiue Humbertus delphinus Viennensis.'" 
Ilaynaldi. ad. an. 188.), n. (i8. 

417 ■• Qui vocantur Waldenses, maxima umltitudo, et quod quidam officiales 
cui dilectos filios imiuisitores, non solum non juvant, ut deberent, in suo inquisi- 
tionis otticio, immo multa impedimenta contra ipsos praestare presumunt." 
These obstacles are afterwards indicated. Raynaldi, ad. an. 1373, n. 20. The 
reproach is renewed two years later. See ihid., ad. an. 137.5, n. 2.5. 

418 •• Audivimus quod in eis (provinciis) haereticorum multitudo moratur 
etiam ab antiiiuo. contra quos vos et praedecessores vestri negligenter omisistiB 
vestrum exercitium exercere; unde tit quod multiplicantur execrabiles haereses, 
et haereticorum numerus, proh dolor ! adaugetur." Rayn., ad'an. 1375, n. 25. 

419 Perrin. i.. 113. 
42(1 Ibid., p. 114. 

421 Perrin, op. cit.. p. 118—124. 
402* 422 Perrin, i., 126. 

423 " Vallem ipsam ecclesiastico supposueris interdicto." The papal brief, 
dated August 17th, is addressed to the Bishops of Turin and Nice ; to the Arch- 
deacon of V'ercelli ; and to James of Buronzo, a monk of the Order of St. 
Dominic, Inquisitor in Piedmont. Piorengo, oj). cit., p. 19. The absolution 
extends to all the heretics of the Valley of Luserna and especially to the 
Waldenses — " in Valle Lucernae Taurinensis dioecesis commorantes diversarum 
haeresum, et praesertiui Valdensium sen Pauperum de Lugduno labe infecti." 
It is applicable to all the heretics scattered in the different dioceses hereabove- 
mentioned, even to those who had experienced more than one relapse — " pluries 
relapsi fuerint." What is most clearly shown by this brief, is not so much that 
the heretics are being converted, as he claims, but that they are numerous. 

424 " Proclamari . . . alta et iutelligibili voce faciatis." This decree, 
dated November 28th, 1475, was given at Luserna, "in ecclesia dicti loci, 
praesentibus testibus notaris . . . coram spectabilibus cum Dominis 
Lucernae videlicet Ugeta de Rorengis, Joanne de Giannoto, Gulielmo de Laia. 
Damiano de Nicia, Filipo de Bobio, Antonio de Campiliono potestate Lucernae, 
Jacobo de Beneitinis, ac Domina Catherina tutrix tiliorum suorumcondominorum 
ut supra." Rorengo, ibid., p. 22 — 24. 

425 Perrin. i., 151. It does not appear that all those names are there indicated 
in any order, the more so as Perrin makes mention of Catelan Girard. Gilles is 
silent ; Leger names only the tirst three ; Brezzi follows Perrin, and is followed 
by Monastier. 

426 •• V'obis sic omnino tieri volentes, ut potissime hi de Valle Lucernae ad 
gremium Somctae Matris Ecclesiae venire possint." This word trnire has 
excited the imagination of two writers ; they twist it to make it mean that it 
was not for the Waldenses a question of re-cntrrimj but of entering into the 
Church of Rome, and that, consequently, according to one, " the Ducliess openly 
recognizes the antiquity of our origin, I had almost said our apostolic succes- 
sion ;" according to the other, " at that time there was as yet no idea of calling 
in question the simultaneous and anterior existence of the Waldensian Church 
to that of the Romish Church."' Cf. Brezzi, Hi.'it. det Vaiidoi.i. part ii.. p. 19, and 
Monastier. op. cit., i., 174. 

427 RarcoJta degli editti, etc. Turin, 1678, p. i. Four pages further on, 
mention is made of four former edicts concerning the Waldenses ; two are by 

320 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Duke Louis, auui) 1448 and 14:52 ; the third by Duke Amedeus IX., anno 144() ; 
tlie fourth bj' Duchess lolante, anno 1473. Tliose edicts did nothing more than 
confirm existin,;i' privileges, relating to the valley of Luserna and the localtie.-* 
near Bubiane, Fenil, Campillou, etc. There is no question of religious liberty. 

428 "Et ([uia tu Potestas Luceruae . . . ilia ut supplicatur exequutioui 
demandare renuisti, imo illas retinuisti." Ibid. This podesta was Antonio di 

429 " Perch^ alcuni official! e niassime Antonio di Campiglione pedesta di 
Lucerna non procedeva con quel calore che richiedeva la causa," etc. Rorengo, 
02). cif., p. 24. 

430 Here is a request of the Lords of Luserna to the Duke of Savoy. The 
date is unknown. " Vobis illustrissimae, D.D., nostro Duci Sabaudiae, reverenter 
et devote exponitur parte spectabilium et generosorum Dominorum Lucernae 
et Vallis eius. Quod ipsi Domini exponentes, tanquam veri ac fidelis orthodoxi 
Christiani, conati saepe, et saepius fuerunt, omnem rabian, mamillam et labem 
heresial Gazariae et Apostasiae, de et a locis Kngroniae, Sancti Joannis, Vilarii 
et Bobii praefatae eorum Vallis, abstergere, expellere et exterminari facere, qua 
labe homines et personae ipsorum locorum erant et sunt infecti et infecta ; ipsis 
autem Dominis exponentibus, hanc materiam in honorem Dei soUieitantibus, 
homines et personae ipsorum quatuor locorum contra ipsos exponentes eoriim 
immediatos Dominos et Superiores insurrexerunt, et arma acceperunt belluuKiue 
moverunt, etc." Eorengo. I.e., p. 18. Is it not remarkable that heresy should 
there be designated as Gazaria or Ajjostas/a, and the name of Waldenses not 
even hinted at .' Rorengo concludes that his ancestors took " Gazari per Valdesi 
e Valdesi per Gazari." 1 do not believe them to have been as foolish as that. I 
am rather inclined to infer this : that the Cathari, _ as_ compared with the 
Waldenses, seemed to them more turbulent, and that it is the former who, in 
their opinion, deserve to be signalized as revolutionists. 

431 " Ho avuta notizia d'altro ordine del Duca Carlo I. dell'anno 1484, col 
quale deputo alcuni delegati a conoscere sopra le violenze commesse ad 
Angrogna, Villaro e Bobbio, perch5 i loro signori s'opponevano alle loro heresie, 
registrato nel protocollo del Bessone nell archivio di Chiamberi." Rorengo, 
p. 25. 

432 It is not necessary to be a Waldensian to feel this repugnance and to 
confess it. "I am happy," said a Catholic historian, " not to be obliged to 
recount the history of his reign." Cantu, Eretici, etc., xi. disc. 

433 " Innocent was eight times father, without counting his eight daughters. 
By calling him father, Rome will only do him justice." 

434 It is the Bull Sunnuis desiderantes, of December 5, 1484. 

435 Leger, who reproduces that Bull, gives by mistake the date of 1477. Oj). 
cit., part ii.'; p. 8—20. 

43<J " NonnuUi iniquitatis filii, incolae Provinciae Ebredunensis, sectatores 
illius perniciosissimae et abominabilis sectae hominum malignorum Pauperum 
de Lugduno sen Valdensiuna nuncupatorum, quae dudum in partibus Pedemon- 
tanis et aliis circumvicinis . . . damnabiliter insurrexit." 

437 " Adversus Valdenses praedictos . . . insurgant, eosque veluti 
aspides venenosos conculcent ; et ad eorumdem haereticorum tam sanctam 
tamque pernecessariam exterminationem et dissipationem adhibeant omnes 

438 This is what he says in his memoirs : " Simul ac Pontificis litterae ad 
eum perlatae sunt, presidibus Delphinatus mandavit, ne qua in re Alberto archi- 
diacono ad negotium ex sententia conticiendum deessent." Godefroy Ilistoiredr 
Charles VIII., Paris, 1684, p. 277, et seq. The MS. there cited is in the Paris 
Bibliothique Nationale. 

439 " Omnia enim juris ordine agebantur." Ihid. 

440 "I miei, i miei faranno la passada." This saying is related by Perrin 
{l,c. 158). He quotes it undoubtedly from the memoirs of Vignaux which he had 
before him ; and he adds : " Voulant dire que ces soldats crioyent a eux pour les 
mettre a mort." This explanation seems to us the true one, because jjussaa is 
used in the Piedmontese dialect to signify death ; moreover, how could Perrin 
give it, who was ignorant of this dialect, if he did not take it from a competent 
author ? 

441 " Women and children, on their knees, crying out in their language : 
Bio, amtaci." Perrin, ibid. 

442 Gilles, op. cit., ch. iv. Those are _ recollections derived from that 
traditon " which continually runs side by side with Waldensian history," as 
Hudy-Menos says on this subject. Perrin and Gilles do not agree in the details. 
Thus, according to Perrin, the Black of Mondovi fell in the last attack, from an 

The Waldenses of Italy. 321 

arrow which hit liiiu '-in the throat,"" whibt, accordinu: to Gilles, he fell in the 
tir^t assault, near Kocciamaiieout. from an arrow that wounded hini '■ between 
the ej-es." If Perrin is correct, we might ask whether the pool called Toumjyi. 
Ner i's not connected with the fate of the Black of Mondovi. Still, although 
Perrin had the memoirs of Viguaux before him, he may easily have made a 
mistake, lie lacked in his inter])retation the check of livini^ tradition. Gilles 
wrote a little later, but upon the spot. The reminiscences attaching,' to the pool 
in which .Sa<iuet perished, have lived to this day. or very nearly. I observe 
further, concerning these Captains, that only one of them is named ; they came 
from the same province : they fell, according to the first narrator, "at the same 
time."' both, according to the second historian, imitated Goliath of Gath. But 
these data are far from sufficient to make us admit that it is simply a question 
of a single individual nuiltijilied by the legend into two. 

44H If the accusation made by the Nuncio be correct, wecaunot conceive 
how 20 of those prisoners were spared. 

4i4 Omnes incolaj Pratigelati et circumvicinorum locorum .... veniam 
petiere."" ihUl. 

44") These words, so sublime in their simplicity, are handed down to us by 
the leader of the Crusade: they are ui\(lniihtcdly authentic, and deserve to be 
quoted, even in the Nuncio's Latin : " Itcgi tiildi-s (ibe(lifntr>(|iic suinus et veri 
Christiani dici possumus. Pra^sti criuit Ii'uis imstni' ,M:rj:i.-tii — ■ Barbas ipsi 
vocant ' — vita- merito et doctriua insi- nrs. (jui Aw in i,'cii.t;iIi1)1h .-ive synodali- 
bus conciliis. luce clarius novi et vetiM'i.- Tfst;muMiTi :nii-t(jritalihiis probabunt 
nose recte de Christiana tide sentire, nee iusectatitiUf ;ed laude di,L;nos esse. Quia 
transgressores evangelica' legis, longeque ab Apostolorum traditione recedente 
sequi volumus, et eorum pravis institutionibus obedire; sed paupertate ao inno- 
centia delectamur (luibus orthodoxa fides et fundata fuit et crevit. Divitias 
autem et luxum ac dominandi sitim, quibus nostri persecutores inhiant, asperna- 
mur. NanKiuod vobis statutum esse dicitis legem et sectam nostram extinguere, 
videte ne deo iuimici sitis. neve eius iram in vos provocetis et, sub specie 
boni. ingens piacuium admittatis, ut Paulus quondam fecisse dicitur. Nos 
in Deo speramus, magis(iue ei quam honiinibus placere studemus, nee timemus 
eos (jui corpus occidunt, animam autem nonpossunt occidere. Et tamen scitote 
tjuod si Deus voluerit. uihil contra nos vires valebunt vestra\" 

446 "' Se vera se/ttin; illos sed net oris es-u^ \ocifevsLutes." Ihid. Catan^e 
adds that they were even beaten. Is the Nuncio always well-informed, and does 
he always speak nothing but the truth ? ^Ve beg leave to doubt the fact. 

447 '• Omnia prius juris ordine expertus." Ibid. 

448 '• Ha'retici naturaloci tuti. per pronamontiumingentia saxadevoluentes, 
Christianos repulerunt, ac nonuuUis cassis, multis vero vulneratis, ex rupe de- 
jecerunt. Pugnatum tamen est summo nunc usquo ad vesperam magna conten- 
tione animorum." Ibid. 

449 "Nova conpersio facti, unitati Catholicorum sunt restifuti." Ibid. 
Muston attaches no importance to this fact, and, for this reason, Manuel of 
S. Giovanni handles him somewhat roughlj', as may be seen in his Memorie 
Storiche di Draiiero rt ddla valle di Maira, 1868, part ii., p. 40, n. 2. 

4.j0 " De montibus descendentibus Archidiaconi misericordiaj se submiser- 
int: cujus jussu ad veniam peteudam misericordiamque consequendam Ebre- 
dunum petiere." Ibid. Chorier, Illst. dii Dauphiiie, vol. ii., p. 502, says the 
same thing. 

4.51 ''Archidiaconi nuntiis rupis altitudinera metiri jussis se iuexpugnabiles 
esse, et pro secta sua mori decrevisse respondissent." Ibid. 

4.')2 " Sui)er parvula (piadam rupe, qua- tumulo Valdensium imminebat. 
vicissim se magno discrinane diusisere. Quod Valdenses qui .... aliquibus 
semper levibus prteliis inferius tentabantur. et ad eos repellendos intenti erant. 
non animadverterunt." Ibid. If Muston had noticed this detail he would not 
have said that "nothing could have been more simple and natural than to have 
cut the ropes by which theij x<in- their enemies descending." Uj). cif., i., 64. 

458 "Ca'teris venia concessa est." Ibid. "Ipsi vero," repeats another 
Inquisitor, " tunc quasi omnes .... ad gratiam benigne recepti fuerunt." 
Scrijituin Inquixitori.s, Cambridge MS. 

4.")4 Catauee is nearer right than he thinks, when he uses the word \tuiinilitx 
to signify the cave. 

4.5.5 This is Perrin's version, followed by Chorier and Muston. 

4o6 An anonymous writing, quoted in the Bullitin de V Academic Delphi u- 
ale, vol. i.. Grenoble, 1846. p. 4.5.5. 

451* 457 Bulletin, etc.. ibid. 

458 Ojj. cit., i., 65. 


322 The Waluenses of Italy. 

459 Perrin, op. cit.. i., 131. Of. Scri])t. Inq. anon., ap. Morland and Allix. and 
Chabrand, Vaiuiuls et Protc^tanU de.9 AljU'-t. Grenoble, ISSfi. 

4(50 According to Monastier (i.. 1S(I). the soldiers came up from Bobi and 
were "detached from the papal iiriny whirli (wniiiiiMl tlie Luserna." He does 
not follow Gilles' version, to which Mnstnu hrlm^s u-< hack. 

4<51 Gilles. The date of this inroad cannot be tixed. 

462 See Perrin (i., 129, 152). ; Gilles (i., 39) ; Monastier (i., 176, 186) ; 
Muston (i., 61). • Leger, who assigns no date, enables the reader to fix it more 

463 Leger, ii., 20. Innocent V [II. had succeeded to the pontifical See, 24th 
August, 1484. It is true that Leger prints 1477. instead of 1487 ; but that is a which he himself corrects in the lines which precede the Bull. See ibid., 
p. 7—8. 

464 See on this point Chabrand, op. cit., p. 45—64. He concludes that the 
Crusade nrust have raged against the Waldenses of Piedmont in 1487 .' against 
those of Dauphiny, in 1488 ; and that it was brought to a close by the massacre 
of April, 1489, in the Val Louise. 

465 According to Perrin and Gilles. this should be Philip of Savoy. How 
shall we explain this qui 2»'o quo ? Philip, imaternal uncle of King Charles 
VIII., was then "Governor of Dauphiny." according to the GcniaUfjic, etc., 
before quoted. Now Dauphiny included Val Pragelas. Later, in 1496, he 
ascended the Ducal throne, after the death of Charles II. He died in 1497. 
Monastier tries to correct Perrin and Gilles : but he also makes a mistake ; for 
he states that it is here a question of Charles II. This prince was born 24th 
June, 1489 ; hence, rather late to receive the deputation, and he died in child- 
hood, 6th April, 1496. See Cibrario Storia clella MonarcMa in the Specchio 

466 ' Gilles, Z.c. Ricotti tells us of a compromise. " On the intercession of 
the Bishop of Turin an agreement was come to between the Waldenses and the 
Duke of Savoy ; binding the former to lay down their arms, to defray the 
expenses of the war, not to erect Churches nor make any outward show of their 
form of worship, and moreover, to attend mass. But this compact did not 
satisfy either party ; not the Catholics— because, under it heresy remained un- 
touched—any more than the Waldenses, because, it involved the practice of 
degrading dissimulation. Sforia dtila Jlon. Picm.. 1861, ii., p. 173. The sources 
of information indicated by M. Ricotti do not bear out his opinion ; but the 
probabilities are sufficiently in its favour, and we should not be surprised to find 
it proved and established one of these days. 

467 Gilles and Hudry-Menos, I.e. 

468 " Con sospetto di veleno," says Cibrario, Specchio cronoJ, I.e. 

469 Bulletin de VAcad. Bclphi/ialr. p. 454. On the following page is 
inserted an extract of manuscript forwarded by the Mayor of Vallouise, according 
to which the Crusade took place in 1487, as the royal decree already infers. It is 
true that the writing of this manuscript, whose author is unknown, is not con- 
temporaneous with the event. 

470 " Sine prejudicio causffi principalis et juri cuicunque acquisiti." 

471 Perrin i., 137 a 144. 

472 Ibid., p. 145. 

473 Perrin confines himself to stating that the Waldenses obtained a Bull, 
nay, a double apostolic Bull, through the mediation of Cardinal George of S. 
Sixt, then in France (i., 147). Muston adds, but without proof, that the Bull 
was issued by Cesar Borgia, who had just received from the King of France, 
" with the title of Duke of Valentine, that part of Dauphiny which precisely 
comprised the valley of Freyssini^re " (i., 76). We hold to Perrin's version. 

474 " Alexander sells crosses, altars, Christ. Why should he not, since he 
first bought them .' " 

475 Ricotti, who is not a fanciful writer, takes the liberty of asserting upon 
this point, what no authority indicated by him warrants him in sayiug, namely, 
that Crusaders were beaten in the valley of the Po as elsewhere. See his St. 
drlla Mon. jnrm., 1. iii., ch. iii. Cf. with Manuel of S. Giovanni, Mem. St. di 
Dnmero, p. 40. Gilles (ch. iv.) and L^ger (ii. 26) hardly say a word concerning 
the Crusade in that valley ; but it is an unfounded rumour, from which nothing 
can be inferred. 

476 Baron Manuel of S. Giovanni imagines that this is not proved. Mem. 
St. di Dromero, p. 39, et seq. We refer him to Molinier, op. cit., ch. vi., where 
mention is made of the Register of the Inquisition in Toulouse. See especially 
the travels of Fournier, the Cathari. Conclusive data are therein found, which 
justify the opinion of Ricotti on this point, and not the denials of his critic. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 323 

477 '• In nonnullio partibiis dicti marduonatiis Salutiarum sunt multi 
heretici."" Li'tter of the Inquisitor monks of Asti and of Turin, dated 8th May, 
1417, to the lu'trent Valerian of Saluce.-*. Mnletti. Mrmoric storlco-dijdoviatiehf' 
appartcmnti alia citfa cd iii vinrrhi'xi di Saluzzo, 1831, v. 6. 

478 Mnletti, ojk r!f.. vi., 2S. 

47'.t Anno 144(i— Uti"). The Marquisate of Saluces. dated back almost to the 
time of Adelaide of Snsa, and it was still a dependency of the house of Savoy. 

480 Roreiiiio. oj>. cit., p. IH. Cf. Fr. Arcangelo di Salto, Idea di i-cligioKo 
•ajico rappresintata nelta vita del B. AiKjdo di Chirasxo, l()rt4, p. 103. 

481 Such is the theory set up by Manuel of S. Giovanni. Un Upigodin, etc., 

p. 17—21. 

482 Aceordini? to Gilles, the persecution of Margaret of Foix began in 15<X). 
according to Muston in 149!(. I do not tind any reason for this discrepancy. 
Muletti. whose testimony Muston adduces, says expressly: "Le persecuzioni 
contro i Valdesi deila valle del Po ebbero priucipio tin dal novembredell' anno 
loOil, come imparo dal manoscritto che attentamente io svolgo." Op. cit., vi., 
HSl. Moreover, Muston wanders here more than once from the sources he 
alleges, and others before us have remarked it. See Manuel of S. Giovanni. 
Mrm. di DniH-ro. p. M) — 12. note 2. 

4S8 •■ iuvenis delicata, tota tristis ac languens." Muletti, v., 329. " Madama 
nostra era tut-.i del papa, et madama mandava ogni anno a dito papa (Jules II.) 
una trantena de botalli de vino de Pagno et del Cliastellaro, perch^ el bon vin 
gli piasia." Ihid., vi., 388. 

484 Muston, i.. 25.5. 

48.5 " Furono liberati d' ogni spesa di commissarii, di fanti e perfino de lo 
bnrclo et dr lofaeinero.'' Muletti, vi., 381. 

48ti •• Uomo per assai vici che in lui regnaveno infamissimo," says the MS. of 
Giov. Andrea del Castellaro, quoted by Muletti, ihid., p. 382. This MS. is the 
more interesting to us, in that we owe it to the pen of the "consignore" of 
Poesane and Castellar. 

487 ■■ Incontinente senza martirio confessarono esser Valdesi." Ibitl. 

488 •• Gienet Julian, Gienet Maria," says Muletti. Muston reads " Maria 
and Julia Gienet." Julian and Maria are family names, whilst Gienet is a 
baptismal name. 

489 ■• Perche li altri fusiteno volseno pura fare qualche iusticia . . . et gli fu 
rotta pereo inquisitore la fede, et per Francesco Arnaudo che sedesia proquorore 
de la fede, et fu mal fato a mancargli alia promessa da poi che avianochonfessato 
liberamente." MS. ibid., p. 383. 

490 "Chrossati et bandesati." Ibid. 

491 '• La chossa donda li Valdesi fasiano loro sinagoga era chossa bella a 
vedere, et era fata como esquasi un lanbarinto." Ibid., p. 384. Muston sees in 
this house "the temple of the Waldenses;" whereupon Hudry-Menos speaks of 
it as "the first VValdenstan temple mentioned in the annals of the sect," and 
thinks that "this innovation" provoked the razzia we are narrating. 

491* 492 Our MS. records that the nuns of Rifredo were also benefited by 
this windfall. Their monastery inherited the propert.v of Jean Motos, con- 
demned to perpetual isnprisonment on account of heresy. 

493 Gilles. op. rit., ch. iv. 

494 Muletti sums it up as follows : " Nel correre del 1.512 non pochi di queqli 
alpigiani banditi dal marchesato, che si erano rifuggiti nella valle di Lucerna, 
vennero piu volte alle loro case, e trovandone alcune in possessodeinuovi aoqui- 
sitori ne potendo riaverle. per dispetto le incendiavano. Nelle loro scorrerie 
uccisero cinque uomini e i>iii di cento bestie ; terribili conseguenze di piii terri- 
bili persecuzioni." Ibid., p. 385. 

495 " Madama avendo veduto la perdonansa et absolucione que avia fato el 
papa Lione a li homeni de Pravigliermo, etc." Ibid. 

49t> Muletti, ibid., p. 38f;. These agreements were owing principally to the 
good work of Francois Violi of Saluces and Bernardin de Biandrata of Saint- 

497 " If God be for us. who can be against us ?" Rom. viii., 31. The medal 
bears on one siile this inscription : Ludovicus mareliio et Margareta D., Fois, 
1503 ; on the other, an eagle with outspread Winers, with the arms of Saluces and 
Foix, and the above-quoted biblical passage. Muletti, v., 381. 

498 1 allude especially to the prior Rorengo, who cannot find sarcasms suffi- 
ciently biting when speaking of the man with the long sword whom Gilles 
mentions. Mem. Hist., p. 91. We can but say, everyone to his taste. We leave 
to others thi- relish for large battalions — for the NuiM-ios and the cai)tains, .sati- 
ated with their easilj- acquired glory. When the Prior reproaches Gilles with 

M 2 

324 The Waldenses of Italy. 

the fact that the Waldenses re-establish reform by the use of the " spadone." he 
forgets, in the first place, that such was not the purpose for which the Waldenses 
re-entered the valley of the Po ; moreover, he fails to observe that his argument 
strikes at the heart of the theology of the Church and her angelic Doctor, 
smiting at one blow the intolerance of the Popes, the feats of the Inquisition, 
and the Crusaders. 

49'.! From the Latin Mrhanv.i, a word used in the middle ages with the idea 
of juih-ii ux, ti n/ /inihix, uncle. Adelaide of Susa mentions two hM-ba?ii in the act of 
donation before cited, in relation to the Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol* 
Ducange adduces still further examples. See his (rlossarium. Menage remarks 
in his Or/t/. Ifnl., that harhanus was derived from harha, "because they mostly 
wear beards, i. zii." It has also been observed, with greater humour than 
reason, that the Barbes preserved their beards when the priests began to shave. 
Barlanua was hardly employed anywhere except in Lombardy ; we know that 
the word harha is used in the Waldensian Valleys of Piedmont and in Venetia. 
Do not tile modern Greeks designate the maternal imcle by the name, Barha 
avuncuJ'u^ ? Again, it is Menage who tells us this. 

500 Patruus, according to the classics, meant uncle, censor, tutor, a grave 
and sober man. " Ne sis patruus mihi," says Horace. Most of those meanings 
are found also in the word harha. 

501 Prexhytt/ros indicated both the age and the gravity which render a man 
venerable, without the least particle of the real clerical notion of its derivative 
prc.^htri-. Now harha. preserves the same idea. 

502 Father, abbot, pape, pope, etc., are so many synonymous titles, with 
which that of Barhc has no identity. 

503 The Inquisition calls them harha, pi. harhae, or magistri. See e.g. 
the interrogatory of Regis, already cited, or further, Seyssel, adv. crrorcs et 
xcctain Valdensium. 

50-1 Leger gives the list of the principal Barbes. It is not long, and, never- 
theless, with the names of Pierre de Bruys, Henri de Lnusanne, and Waldo, it 
includes those of several leaders of the Catharin communities, op. cit., i., 202. 
Cf. Perrin, op. cit., and Chabrand, Vauflois et Protc-staiits des Aljws. 1886 
p. 277. 

505 Ihid., p. 203. 

506 This di Ave owe to the pen of Leger. 

507 "We give the letter here textually, as follows : "La present es per ad- 
vertir la vostra fraternita, pagant lo meo debit, de mi a vos, de la part de Dio, 
maximament sobra la cura de la salu de las vostras armas, segond lo lume de 
A'erit^ departi a nos del Altissime, que la plaza a un chascun de lo mantenir, 
acreisser et favorir segond possibilita, et non venir a mens de tot bon priucipi, 
uzangas et costumas donAs de li nostres Antecessors, et a nos non degnes. Car 
poc profeitaria a nos esser muda de rinstautia i)aternal et dal lume dona de Dio 
a nos, per donar nos a la mundana et diabolica et carnal conversation, abandon- 
au lo principal, que es Dio. et la salii de las armas, per la breo vita temporal. 
Car loSeignor di en FEvangeli : Qual cosa pro/eita a Vliome si el gaigna tot lo 
mond, ct suffre'iivwnt a la sua arma ; car meil seria a nos non aver cuno- 
issii la via dejvstitia, que acent la conoissua far lo contrari. Car al judici de 
Dio nos saren non escusivols e damna plus profondament, car plus fort torment 
sere donna a li plus fort e a li plus conoissent. Per la qual cosa yo prego vos per 
la carita de Dio, non voilla diminuir, ma accreisser la carita la temor et I'obedi- 
entia degna a Dio, et a vos entre vos, et totas bonas costumas apparterent et 
auvias et entenduas de la part de dio et nostra, et ostra et purgar d'entre vos tot 
deffect et mancament conturbant la paaz, I'amor, et la concordia et tota causa de 
vos ostar la liberta de servici de Dio, et hi vostra salu ; et de I'administration de 
la verita, si vos desira que Dio vos pfospere li ben temporals e spirituals." (Here 
Leger inadvertently omits a few Avords, Avhich he translates thus : " CarA'Ous ne 
l>ouA-ez faire chose aucune sans luy." Op. cit., i., 200). Et si cubita esser 
lieritiers de la soa gloria, fa^a 90 quel di : Si tu voles e7itrar a vita, garda li 
iiico commandamcnt. Item : Faze que entre vos non .ic musse juoc ni gour- 
iiiaiid arias, ni rihauderias, ni hal, »i ai/tras dcsordonnangas, ni questions, ni 
Vengan, ni barat, ni usura, ni malrii/c/trti-'<. ni disiuirdias. Ni A'oilla supportar 
entre vos, ni sostenir personas de uialn wXw ni >\\\v ilmie scandol et mal example 
entre vos : ma carita et fidelittl regue entre vus et tot bon exemple, tractant I'un 

1 'autre enaima un chascun volera esser faict per si meseime. Car autrament non es 
possible alcon poer esser salva, ni haver la gratia de Dio ni de home en a quest 
mond, ni en I'autre la gloria. Et tot ai^o s'apparten principalment mantenir et 
favorir a li regidors et gouveruadors. Car quand li cap son enferm, tuit li 
membres ensemp se dolon. Pertant si vos spen\ et desira possessir vita eterna, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 325 

ft bona voouz. et bona fama et bon credit, etpi'osperar en aqiiest mond en li ben 
spiritnal et temporal, purga de tota vita desordonna entre vos, kxinal non aban- 
donna nnqna li sperant eu si. ilas sapia ai?^ per sort que Dio non exancis, ni 
habita com 11 peccador, ni en larma malvolent, ni a I'home sotmes a li i)ecci. 
Bertant un chascun pause In si'o cor sobrc la soa via, et fugia li i)erill si el non 
vol perir en lor. Non imtn- ]» r ]n ]iii>riit, sinon que vos mettas en effect 
acque.<tas cosas. et Dio di |in;i7. >ia 'cun tiiit vos et accompagne nos a las vrayas 
devotas ct humils oration.-, .-alulaul tiiit li fulcl et ania de Christ. Totus vester 
Bartholomcus Tertianus. ad oumia scctmdum I'lum juissibilia paratus." 

508 i^w the l'nin.s-,'^u.'< contni I V/Wc«.vr.v of i;iS7. ii;is>im. Thus on page 40 it 
says: — "Magistris valdensibus missis a summo poiititicc eorum de Pulia . . . 
Promisit servare ritum et omnia (lui magistri valdeuses predicant in manibus 
predicti Johannis Baridon de Pulia missi in partibus istis (a Barge) a papa 
eorum de Pulia." From this to deriving the Waldenses from the Pauliciens is 
but a step, according to A. Lombard. See his art. Martyrs dc Ctdahrr inserted 
in Chases rieillcs ct chases naurclles, Lausanne, 1865, and his book entitled 
Pauliciens, Bulgares et Bans-Hammes en Orient et en Occident, Geneva, 

509 Vincent Ferreri, after his visit to the Valleys, writes : •' Nullus 
prwdicaverat nisi Waldenses h<T?retici, qui ad eos consuetudine veniebant de 
Apulia bis in anno." Raynald., an. 14U3, n. 24. 

510 Op. cit., ch. iii. Cf. Perrin, Leger, etc. 

511 We should not be the first to make this supposition. V. Herzog, art. 
Waldenser in the Real-Encijcl., 1st edit., p_. 518. 

512 The Pracessus contra Valdenxes invariably mentions the meetings as 
taking place in the house of one or another of the accused ; several are spoken of 
in the Valleys of St. Martin and Pragelas. Such an assembly would be excep- 
tionally numerous. Thus we read on page 34 : " Martinus Carbonarius vidit 
moelicum super Perruxiam unam congregationem valdensium numero ccxi., et 
unus magister sedebat super cathedram et prredicabat omnibus." There Jean 
Borelli is mentioned as the preacher, " filius condam Antonii Borrelli de Villari 
Pyonasche, cui pater fuit combustus." Pierre Pascal of Val St. Martin, Fran90is 
Zapella of Piossasque, Turin of Angrogne, etc. In the interrogatory of Regis, 
mention is made of •' Co grosAmchel de Fraissinier^," of other Barbes of Meane, 
of Puglia, etc. 

513 One of the.<e contributions is noticed in the year 1431, with these 
words: '■ Nonne etiam in Delphinatu est (luaidam portio inter montes inclusa. 
quie erroribus adhasrens pr;eilictis Buhemorum, jam tributum imposuit, levavit 
et misit eisdem Bohemis, in (juibus fautoria manifesta hreresis pra3dicta3 debet 
judicari.'" Mansi, Cane. Coll., t. xxix., p. 402. Cf. Palacky, Las Verhiiltniss 
der }Valdenser zu den ehemaligcn Sekten in JBohmen. 

514 Oj>. cit., ch. ii. 

515 See ch. iii., p. 92. To the examples indicated might be added the fact 
related by Heisterbach. This writer tells us that on the occasion of Emperor 
Otho's entrance into Rome, two ecclesiastics of his suite found a public meeting 
presided over by a heretic, and this is the way he expresses himself : "Sinud in 
gressi sunt (Miiusdaiii li;iTr>i;irch,i' scIkiIhs. i.dcuin ciurni tunc legebat is erat : 
./am judicium i/nnn/i niiit: jn iii jiri iici /ix in ii inli Iiii ins (jicii fur faras. Quern 
locum ita glii.-snvit : Hccc C'liristiis diabolum ii;incij)t'in 'hiiius mundi vocavit, 
<iuia hunc mundum creavit. Cum quo . . . satis din disputavit." III. Mir., 
1. v., ch. 2fi. It is evident, however, that this was a meeting of Cathari. 

516 ■' De scholis Waldensium, quas inveni in valle quie dicitur Engroiia 
(sic), et earum destructione . . . taceo de pra;senti." L.c. 

517 "Fuerunt enim in Longobardia veluti Scholre sen Academia; qujodem 
hujus verffi Christi theologian . . . Habeo inciuisitionem in Bohemia et 
Polonia, contra Walileusi-s suli Rcge Johanne circa 1330 Domini luiiiinii fiictam, 
ubi inter alia disertc lit mcntiu collcctaruni. (pios fratribiis rt I'r.i ccptuii l.u- >uis 
in Londiardiaiu soliti sunt mittcrc, et in alia iucjuisitione invfuio co- c--c Milito 
sex P.oheniia can?a di.-cendi i'heologiam, ad suos Pricceptores Waldcu.-es in 
Lombardiam proficisci, velut ad Scholam sen Academiam quandam." Matt. Fl. 
lllyr.. Catal. Te.^t. Ver., Francof. 16t;6, p. 638 et 639. 

518 Tron .<ees but one. Oj). cit., p. 63. 

519 "This school was nothing else than the College of Barbes," wrote a 
Professor of Torre-Pellice, in June, 1866, in the Echa des Vallees, art., Eccle des 
Jiarhes. ■• Questo istituto era la scuola de'Barbi Valdesi." repeated another pro- 
fessor in Florence, in 1872, according to the Resacauta Stenat/. del Canf. Eran- 
fielichc, p. 43. Both based their assertions upon an incomplete quotation of the 
words of M. Fl. lUyricug. 

326 The Waldenses of Italy. 

520 " Nauclerus narrat eodem tempore (1212) etiam Mediolani et circa fuisse 
ejusdem sententias ac doctrine homines, misisseque Alsatos Mediolanensibus, 
tanquam Praeceptoribus suas collectas, sive eleemosynas. Unde licet conjicere 
utrosque fuisse Waldenses." Catal. p. 639. 

521 "Quod bene erant octodecim anni qnod ab ilia terra recesserat, causa 
heresis addisceude. Qui. ut ipse recognovit nobis, per totum dictuin spacium 
apud Mediolanum studuerat in secta hereticorum Valdensium." De Scpfmn 
domsi Sp. Sanrfi. V. D'Argentre, i., 86. Cf. with the new edition of A. Lecoy de la 
Marc lie, Paris. 1877. 

522 Lc Zcnioin. Dec. 22, 1876, art. entitled : Z^nc picm jyrecinisc in fonne de 
Table, signed E. Bonnet, pastor. 

523 Perriii, op. fit., p. 12. 

.524 See Trull. ('//. (v7.. the chapter on the School. 

.525 It is calli^il /ii;/ (■(ilhy/p, i.e., the collect'. Those who visit Pra du Tour 
hear sometimes sich language as this : As-fit ri Jiiaun fiijl ? Si Vai ri pa-tsa a 
niimnt ver Ion ('imlenf. Dmuit .snu/i 1/ tci iiinovtoun? I^ouu lai dlai dar 
Couli'iip. The term therefore ili'si-natfs a well-known locality. 

.")2('; liiid. When M. Bonnet put his luiml iij)! m that table and had it transported 
by •• twenty of the strongest men " to the iiluce destineil toi- it. namely, to a room 
adjoining the Waldensian chapel, it was covered with adamp dust, and evidently 
indicated the use made of it by its former owners. Jlm-rcxro r/;/V';v'M.>f, "they 
placed upon it their pans of milk." Must we conclude from tliis that such was 
tlie original purpose for which it was designed.' M. Bonnet answers: "They 
would not have taken so much trouble to iirepare a place upon which merely to set 
milk pans, which are ordinarily jilaced simply upon a board that is not even planed." 
As to the idea that this table was used at the meetings of our Church Board, 
"which, from this fact, perhaps, may hsive borne from ancient times the name of 
Waldensian table." it is simply ridiculous, notwithstanding M. Bonnet, in whose 
eyes historical ])robity is suspicious. For an instance of his lucubrations, ex- 
hibiting such bad taste, see an article signed Barbet in the Zemoin, anno 1881, 
and certain bibliographic reviews on the occasion of M. Worsfold writing on 
Waldo and the Waldenses. Ihld. 

.527 The letter uf Morel exi^-ts in a two-fold reading, namely, in Waldensian 
dialect and in Latin, but with more than one variation. 

528 " Cum genolh plega," or, " genibus curbis." 

529 "S'ilh son de mauier as covenivolo e agradivols," or, "Si cougrius 
praestent moribus." 

.530 "Hoc modo instructi ac edocti ad evangelizandum bini emittuntur."" 
For the Latin text see Scultetus, Amialium Era/u/i'Iii, etc., p. 294 — 316, or Dieck- 
hotf, die Wald., app. n. 1 ; for the Waldensian text, the MS. of Dublin, entitled : 
Epi-stola ad Oecolanqjadinm. 

.531 See art. quoted : L^Ecole dcs Barhrs. 

532 Ov. cit., ch. ii. 

533 This last is mentioned as " indoctus," and also under the name of Thomas 
of Landskron. He had already visited the Waldenses of Brandeburg, who had 
finally taken refuge with the Brethren of the Unity. 

534 " Vulg:o ignotos," dit Lasitius, a]). Coiiieiiius, /7./Y-. ix. " Hi passim in- 
venere in Italia, Roma quoque, aliquos veia jiietate et religione Deum colentes, 
in profana atque superstitiosa gente, cum in'iiculo et variis difiticultatibus degen- 
tes, et clandestinis congressibus exercentes religionis studium." Camerarius, 
Hintoiica Narratio, etc., p. 120. 

535 " Hoc ipsum cernens et clara voce : Kon sic Petrus dicens, sacco 
protinus inclusus aquam Tiberisbibit." Lasitius, ibid., ou. ap. Goll. i., Beilage P. 

536 " Malle se ita bestiam devorare, quam ab ea devorari." Ibid. 

537 " Tuebatur suam opinionem illo Joseph! et Nicodemi, occultorum Christi 
discipulorum exemplo." Ibid. 

538 " Quod quidem sinceris Fratribus displicuit." This word of comment 
and that which follows is from the pen of Comenius. 

539 " Inciderunt et in Gallia in Waldenses," remarks Lasitius. But Camer- 
arius says : " in Gallia togata," otherwise called Cisalpine ; hence, in Piedmont. 
Thereupon, discussion still continues, but without profit, for it is not necessary 
to pass our frontier to find one's self in communication with the Waldenses, both 
of Dauphiny and Piedmont. 

540 " A quibus hospitaliter accepti sunt atque tractati." Lasitius, ibid. 

541 " Plurimi tunc sunt reperti. Cum quibus gratulantibus tantam veritatis. 
scientiam Fratribus, et gaudentibus colloquio ipsorum." Camerarius, ibid. 

.542 " Multum versati, et de religionis negotio sententias contulerunt, et 
admonitione alicubi sua eos adiuverunt." Ibid. 

The Waldenses of Ital?. 327 

543 •' QuaMlam alifiuando aiulacius importuniiisque dissfrnntur. riuani rei 
temporique conveniehat." Lasitius thinks we shall havr tn ntuni to this a«ain. 
A MS. of Dublin, which we an- iisiu,",', contains a considcialilr iia-iiii^nt of the 
Waklensian text of this letter, bejrinninir as follows : " Al Siii-nis-iino princi Rey 

544 " Car entre las autras cosas ilh predican enayma cans molestos, o renos, 
che nos haven per ley : dona te a tot demandant, che nos donen nostras deleic- 
tanozas per cavernas rescondiias, o scuras, cum (jual que qual nos occorra, o sia 
de mayre, o de tilha. o dc niollicr. o de seror, che e es de lor maniera. o costuma, 
e non de nos." KjiistoUi <ii Srr. lit tj Lnnvdau. 

.")45 " Dio (levant gardant e jierseverant nos d'40 an e de plus non es auvia 
fornicacion non punivol enayma entre nos." Ihid. 

546 " lid dyon, o mot bon Key, de gitta lor del vostre Regne aquilh pestil- 
lencials p. o. v. o. b., car petit de levan corromp tota la massa." Ces initiales se 
lisent ordinairement ainsi : " Ticards ou Vaudois ou Beguards." 

547 " Si alcun examine dreytament la nostra vita." 

548 "0 serenissime Rey . . . devant que nos habandonan la vcrita e 
segan lafalsita, nos sostenren cum laiutori divin. ligam, careers, exillianu-nt. per 
grant temp pacientissimament." 

54!) " Non monte sobre lo teyt de la gleysa." 

.550 '"Car de lome ilh han la natura, mas del demon las errors e li-ngan." 

551 "ilh benayczisson, e Dio maleiczis . . . Nos non intren en las 
gleisas de lor." 

552 '• Nos despreczen e f uye lor, car ilh son fait enayma stcrcora de la terra 
e enayma lo fum de la lucerna steincta, loqual manda neyror e pudor mortal." 

558 '-Nos haven conoissu per luoe de tota las cosas la dictas j)er las sacras 
scripturas. per li script human e per predicacions da moti de la part de 1' imita 
de li liociiiit'iic.'" Ai/czo ct la causa del dcpartinu-nt de la qh'u^d lloiiiuna. 
Dublin MS., p. 71. 

554 ■■ I'roditores . . . inter plebeculam saepicule pullulant." Ej). a 
EciilamjMidr, ap. Scultetns. It is true that these words were written later ; but 
they are referable as well to the generation preceding the Reformation as to the 
period when they were penned. 

555 •' Quantum vultis nobis dare, et in manus vestras Waldensium doctores 
trademus." Ibid. 

55(> "Sacramentorum signa plebeculfe nostrte non nos. sed Antichristi 
membra administrat." Ihid. 

557 Gilles, op. cit., ch. iv. 

558 Born in Savoy, he became Bishop of Marseilles, then Archbishop of 
Turin, where he spint lii< la<t years, i.e., from 1515 to 1520. 

559 " Sed et d i 1 1 1 i 1 1 ti 1 1 1 1 Hum peccatorum nullam sacerdotes nostros potestatem 
habere aperte pidtt .-tantur. et proinde neque illis contitendum esse affirmant, 
neque sacramenta reliquia ab his suscipienda." Adv. errores et scctai/i Valdoi,- 
siuiii, ed. 1520. 

5i;0 " C^uicnmque ab his barbis et hicreticis decepti estis." Ibid. 

5(;i '• Hortanuir et obsecramus ut ab istis falsis prophetis caveatis." Ihid. 

5ti2 " Salve mi Domine benedii'te (Ktolampadi . . . A longinqua regione 
animo vehementer exultanti ad te veminiis. spfrantes atque multum contidentes 
pro;dictum spiritum per te nos illumiuare.' Morel to Ecolampadius, ap. 
Scuttetus, ii/j. cit. 

563 •' We are completely ignorant," says Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., ii., p. 2, 
"whether any book of the Catharins escaped the fiames." We should now per- 
haps add, except the Ritual discovered by Cunitz ; and according to others a 
version of the N. T. 

564 Chabrand and Rochas d'Aiglun, Patois des Aljjcs Cottirnnr.s, 1877, 

565 Choi.r des poesies des troubadours, 1817, vol. ii., p. cxl. Let us notice in 
passing that Raynouard's opinion is in harmony with his theory of the early 
Romance Language, which need no longer be discussed, since we know it ha.^ 
been abandoned. 

566 Grtiwmaire des langurs 7-o»tanes, \o\. i., Tp. 100. I have compared this 
passage again with the original. 

.567 ■■ The Lyonnese," Fterster writes, " is a dialect with a Provencal basis as 
regards the rules of sounds and the formation of verbs and substantives, as well 
as from its vocabulary. But to confine ourselves to a point that is quite 
elementary, the Latin a is transformed according to a phonetic proceeding 
peculiar to the French, and becomes i or c under the influence of the palatals. 
Its strong verbs also assume the French appearance. The Waldensian tlialect. 

328 The Waldenses of Italy. 

on the coutniry, does not know tliat kind of transformation; it preserves its 
Provencal type even in thn strong- verbs. 

5fi8 It was Griizninclii'r's opinion, according to his article upon the 
Waldensian Bible, v. Yulirhiirli f. roui. ii. eiKjl. Lifcratur, 1862, p. 398. Diez 
accepted it, but with sonu^ nttfiiuations. . 

.'jtiD Jhid., p. 101. Diez notes here that Biondelli {Snr/gi, etc., p. 481) " refers 
it, without hesitation to the Pieduiontese." But Biondelli has read our dialect 
in a bad version, nui ffm/'?-^, neither Waldensian nor Piedmontese, of the 
Gospels of SS. Luke and John, by Pierre Bert (London, 1832). Moreover, more 
than one master of the Neo-Latin languag'es has not yet gone beyond that 
point ; even Diez's grammar is not exempt from inaccuracies. For instance, he 
states that '" the letter 7, after a consonant, becomes /, as in Italian." The words 
he (luotes show that upon this point his researches >tup])e(l at La 'I'our. The 
Waldenses of the Valleys of Perouse and St. Martin, do not say /////f'.sm, /iia?-, 
2)/iix.s/i. hnt tjlei-su ov ghiisn, chir, or ^iJaaim. The affirmative particle is 
not .si but Old in the Valley of St. Martin, and both out and si in that of 

oTO Waldcnsisclic Sj^raclw, in the Archie of Herrig, 1854, vol. xvi., 4th book, 
p. 400. 

571 Horn. Wahl. p. 31, and Die Wal'l. im JllttelaUrr, 1851, p. 37, n. 1. 

572 The examples taken by Montet from Diez, are precisely those we called 
attention to as beinii- erroneous. Hist. lift, drx V/i/n/ois dn Picinont, Paris, 
1885, p. 11 and 12. Page 203. 

573 IhiiL. p. 11. Montet has recently written some new remarks on the 
Waldensian dialect in his work, La Noble Lego ii, texte original d'aijves Ic MSS. 
dc Camhrnlgc.^'U-., I'aris, 18b8. 

574 Ajiri-i-ii di' ]'iiHtii[nite dcs Vaudois dcs Aljtes d'apres leurs poevies en 
lunguc nniui'ir. rignerol. 1S81, p. 11. 

':>7.'> His aim is nianifest. He is fond of concluding: "The origin of the 
indigeuiiu.- Waldenses, is. therefore, anterior to that of "the Waldensians who 
imnugrated." l/iid., p. 2l). 

57ti See the article of W. Fcerster in the Riv. Cristlana, March, 1882. 

577 •• My demonstration might have been more conclusive," he confesses. 
See his E.vaimn, dc qiuelqucs observations sur V'idiome ct Ics mmmscrits vaudois. 
Pignerol, 1883, p. 8. There is a very simple way of convincing him. He pre- 
tends that the most characteristic writings of our ancient literature are the ripe 
fruit of the dialect of our valleys, which he derives from the Italian stock, 
rather than from that of Provence, and that they take us back to the time of 
Waldo's appearance. Very good, we shall now proceed to place before our 
readers a specimen of a dialect of the pure Piedmontese, as it was spoken in the 
XII. century. It is an extract from a manuscript containing some notes of hom- 
ilies delivered about that time. The subject is amusingly interesting ; the lan- 
guage is such that it was almost attributed to some Waldensian Barbe. The 
subject is the explanation of that passage of Scripture which speaks of our 
Saviour driving the money-changers out of the temple. " Aquesta seutenza e 
aquest llael dim Xrist catze eels qui vendean e acatavan el temple de so pare, oi 
en aiiuest iorn re-nen, zo son li hereti qui acaten e venden les maisnns de Deu. 
Zo sun las ceclesies y«i una . . . Si cum dit Salomun in vitiifici; : run- est 
columlia mm. va) c.-t gleisa. Aquesta columba sovent es vemlua. e acliataa a 
sqiuoniacis hcrrticis, qui son li mal volpil qui vasten e meten a vilta. It-sposa de 
Xrist . . . Capitc nobis ruljjcs 2M>'i'uhis que demoliuntur vineas, zo est preudi 
nos las petite volp qui catzun a mal nostre vigne . . . Lanzai lor las pere e cat- 
zai los de la vigna . . . Vos qui devez varder la vigna zo est sancta ecclesia, 
decatzai los heretis. E cum que los catzai-e ' Cum lo flael de resticuUs. Zo sun 
le parole de Xrist qui dis : La mia maisun si est maisun d'oraciun, mas vos en 
avez fait balma de lairuns. Lo premer maistre d'aquisti larun simoniay si fo 
un encantaorqui avea num Symon Magus . . . Enquora regna en la xrestianta 
a questa heresia qui confunt e destrui la gleisa qui est maisun e vigna de Deu, 
nmlt la peora e aflevolis. E li pastor, zo son li evesque e li prever, non tenent 
plai, mas il meesme o fan o consenten. Or que deven far cil qui son bon homes 
c an lor corage vers Deu / Dolent e corrozos en deven eser e preer Deu que el 
per la soa misericordia los fatza veuir aemendement queiil noseien dampnai . . . 
Or nos vardem que nos non abiam cum lor compaignis si nos volem aver la 
misericordia de Deu e aver part ab los saint apostoil, li quail foron car ami del 
nostre seignor Jhesu Xrist qui en la sancta cros sofri passiunper reemerl'umana 
generaciun." Between the above dialect and that of the Waldenses there is cer- 
tainly not that affinity which connects the latter Avith the Provencal ; there are 
some analogies, which would betraj^ contact, but not consanguinity. Galloital- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 329 

isclir rrciliqtcn iius Coil. wise. Jat. Tdnrim nxia 1). ri., lOfcii JitJirJiv/uJcrfs Jirr- 
avxi/ci/ifiei/ 'rii/i W. Foerster. a]>. Ilmu Studicti. vol. iv.. p. 1 : and the followinfr 
14th koniily. It woiihl be intrrestins to foinpare it with the Sermnns dii Xllmr 
■tievle en ricu.v pron ix^iil. published by Fr. Armita<re, Heilbronn. 18S4. Cliain- 
pollion Fiirt-ac had said: ''This collection of serinoiis seems to me to belong 
to the dialect and to the church of the Waldenses of rie<lmont."' 'J'he professor of 
Bonn is of adillVrcnt opinion. He demonstrates that the dialect of those -ermons 
does not present the characteristic type of tlie rroven(;'al. but the distinctive 
features of a Gallo-Italic dialect spoken in Piedmont, and tliat it is snfticient to 
compare these frasiments with our ancient writinjis and oin- modern patois, to see 
that the Waldensian dialect is not found therein'. Ih/f/.. p. 4H. However. I'reger, 
in his turn, from internal reasons — no loufrer linguistic, but liistorical — is brought 
to the same conclusion as the last witness : that those sermons are not Wal- 
densian, but undoubtedly of a churchman speaking to churchmen. See ihuf., 
p. W). 

578 Aj)frg7i.etc..\).U. That is the end of :\Iuston's first arjrument. The 
following page begins thus : ■• The Waldensian dialect is of an Italian and not a 
French formation." 

')'[) Our veuera])lepoetis now showing that French is "the chief of the lang- 
uageswhich emanated from the Xeo Latin;"" which, however. does not hinder him 
from statinu'. on the same pasre.that it is " ne du rap]irochement de la lantrue d'oc 
et dehilan;,'uedii."" He classifies the lu.inaii ilc la Rose witli I'rovencjal literature, 
and brin-s forward Italian \vnnl> tu ]n-(.ve the Idilian ..riLiii of the Waldensian 
dialect, without even asking himself wlietlier these \v(ird< do not belong to the 
Provencal as well. After that he quotes some Spanish, but at the same time 
Provenpal. to prove that '" the formation of the Waldensian dialect took place 
before the three languages (Italian. Provencal, and Spanish) became completely 
distinct."' As if it were possible to judge of the character of a language from a 
few words of its vocabulary ! See Ajwrgu, etc.. jja-taivi, particularly p. 2, o — 11 
and 30. 

r)80 That is what particularly explains the apparent, rather than real 
variations of Montet, who. however, after what we have read, admits that the 
ancient Waldensian is a " Proven(,-ar dialect," or " derived from the Provencal." 
Oj). cif., p. 13 and 17. 

581 Letter of a Professor to the College de France to A. Muston. JJ.nimen 
etc.. p. 5. 

5S2 Letter of P. Meyer to Muston. November 17, 1S81. Ihid., p. 7. We 
also wrote to Dr. P.Meyer. Here is what he had the kindness to answer: 
'• To tell you the truth. l' believe that the language of the Valleys, tends, in its 
development towards the Provencal and French, and that in its very forms it 
has a close connection with the idiom of Dauphiny ; but I do not know whether 
some lin,i,'uistic affinities could not be shown to exist on the Eastern side. The 
documents which I possess for that part of Piedmont, where;nerol and 
Saluces are situate, are not snfrtcient for me to decide." Moreover, he confessed 
to Muston that he had only looked at the MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin, "super- 
ficially and without taking' any interest in them." So that, up to this point, at 
least, the opinion of M. Meyer is neither decided nor certain. 

'ib2n Mention has been made to us of a discovery by Professor Ascoli of 
Milan. Some of his disciples in Italy support it warmly, and go so far as to 
imagine that it will soon bring about the ( lassitication of our dialect with a new 
group. The point is this. Ascoli affirms that he has observed near the Ali)s, but 
on the French and Swiss side, as far as the Jura, and the Vosges, an interesting 
family of dialects, containing, besides certain characteristics of their own, some 
features common to French and Proven(;'al. This family does not owe its 
formation to a tardy coucnurse of divers elements, but to its own historical and 
independent traditions, more or less like the Xeo-Latin languages, whose type is 
recognized. It was wiiitiui; it- turn to be established, and Ascoli has the^ merit 
of having described it. and e-^ m of assii^ning to it a name. It is called Franco- 
Provengal. Ascoli, Si'h/'::/ frKiirn-priirciigiiU, in the ArcJi-r/lotfol. itah, vol. iii., 
pp. «1— 120. Roehmer, nevertheless, continues to give it 'the name of " Bur- 
gundian," Roman. Sfiirlien. p/ixxini. But the description given by Ascoli, does 
not embrace the dialect of the Valleys ; it passes unite close to it, on the frontier. 
This is not mere chance ; for that .scholar could not be more explicit. Indeed, 
what is the distinguishing feature of the Franco-Provencjal family .' This, 
namely, that the atonic or privative a, which is preserved intact in Provencal, is 
changed here, as in French, and is transformed after a palatal into ie. /, or /\ 
That, says Ascoli, is one of the most characteristic phenomena of the Franco- 
Provencal patois. " L' antitesi piil decisiva tra F idioma proveuzale e 1' idioma 

330 The Waldenses of Italy. 

francese, si manifesta ne' riflessi dell' A latino, cosi in accento come fuori di 
accento. L' A tonico rimane incolume, anche uel francese, qiiando egli sia in 
posizione ; ma fuor di posizione vi si suole alterare, e si riduce di solito ad e. 
Cosi, arme arma, apre dspcr, quart quartus, quattre qiiattor ; ma aimer amdre, 
aimee amata, etc. Nel provenzale, all, incontro, e nell' antico in ispecie, 1' A 
tonico si rimane costantemente incolume : asprc, amar, ainada, etc. L' A 
essendo atouo nella sillaba finale, riducesi nel francese ad un' r muta ; nel pro- 
venzale rimane a (che ne' moderni dialetti h prevalentemente o). Cosi : fr. 
como7im, pr. corona; fr. aimer, pr. amada. Ora tra i fenomeui piii caratteristici 
de' vernacoli franco-provenzali, e^li ^ codesto dell' avervisi ie. i, e per 1' antico 
A' preceduto da suono palatile." Ibid., p. 70 etseq. Bver,y Waldensian maydraw 
the conclusion. We say couronnn and cnu rouno, aiiid, cantd or ciaiita,prijd, bucd, 
ml/Iff id, etc. Foerster, noticing this, holds, therefore, that the group indicated by 
Ascoli includes the Lyonese and excludes the Waldensian ; which is the out- 
come, after all, of the foregoing observations. A. Rosiger, speaking of a 
Waldensian colony in Germany, places the written Waldensian of the Valleys, 
and of Dauphiny, by the side of the Franco-Provenpal group, and explains 
its decadence by the intrusion of the French. Ncu-IIengstcdt (Bourset), 
GemliiehU u. Sijraclie einer Wald. Colonie in Wiirtfniih, rtj, Greisswald, 1S82, 
It is clear, then, that the Waldensian dialect — as, in this |i;ut"icular, it especially 
reproduces the Provengal type — could not be classed in tin; family described by 
Ascoli, so long at least as the distinctive trait which characterizes it remains 
such as he has described. Romania, anno 187o, p. 293—296. But is this detini- 
tion justifiable and immutable .' Some doubts have been entertained ; nay, more, 
it has been seriously contested ever since its appearance. Meyer held that the 
system of grouping set forth by Ascoli was erroneous in its foundation, and in 
this connection he adds an observation which it is well to recall. He says : 
" Does the new group proposed by Ascoli — one that ofl'ers no geographical unity 
— at least obviate the difficulty of grouping together very dissimilar dialects ? 
Not in the least. He brings together dialects which offer a very small number 
of facts, selected among many, as being particularly specific. It is very evident 
that the Dauphinois resembles the Provencal more than the Franc-comtois and 
the Lorrain ; still, the Lorrain, Franc-comtois, and Dauphinois are embraced by 
the new group, from which the Proven9al is excluded." IJ>id. M. Ascoli has 
replied to M. Meyer in an article entitled: P. Meyer e il Franco Prorengal, ap. 
Arch. Glott. Ital., ii., p. 38o — 395. In it he maintains his thesis touching the 
definition of the group which he has described, without, however, succeeding in 
proving that the doubt enunciated by his critic is an arbitrary one. Whether 
this definition of Ascoli's be right or wrong — which is a point we need not dis- 
cuss here — it is certain that the group characterized by it could not comprehend 
the dialect of the Valleys. Meanwhile, the fact that this dialect bears one of the 
most characteristic traces of the ProveuQal language is well proven ; whereas 
the new combinations cannot prevail against it, as has been seen by the example 
adduced. Professor Morosi, of the Florence Superior Institute, who is studying 
the Waldensian dialect, has agreed with this after the examination of a transla- 
tion of the \(d)la Leiczon into the principal patois of our Valleys and of Queyras 
which I have just submitted to him, and he permits me to record here" his 

583 It is his old thesis, already brought out in his Bibliograiyliie, p. 81—93, 
and p. 101. He there said that " our dialect, in which the ancient Waldensian 
books are written (XII. to the XIV. century), was not the common language of 
France," by which he meant the dialects of Provence, Dauphiny, and Lyons 
together. He added that it "approaches much more to the language used 
during the VIII. century, than to that of the XII." According to his latest 
writings, Muston is still at that point. Nevertheless, he admits that, compared 
with the actual dialect of the Valley of the Rhone, ours " presents the most 
similarities to the ancient Roman," from which it is not derived ! 

.584 " We must certainly admit the possibility of the unknown documents 
having been written in a more ancient language, which is already rendered 
sornevvhat unrecognisable in the oldest of the copies which have come down to 
us." Bom. Wald., p. lo. As an example of the application of this, see his study 
on the Cantica. 

585 Oi). cit. p. 13—17. It is true, Meyer observes, that this study " might, 
without harm, have been omitted." Romania, XIV., 319. But thus far the 
Romanists have given us nothing better. 

586 Strasburg is excepted ; the Waldensian MS. it contained having been 
destroyed by the burning of the library, August 23rd and 24th, 1870. 

587 See Leger, vol. i., oh. 3. The catalogue we read there had been given by 

The Waldenses of Italy. 331 

Sir Samuel ilorland in his history. See further, and especially Muston, 
liihliiiffraphh, at the end of the last volume of his /* des Alpcs ; Todd, Tlie 
Jioolix' of the Vaudois ; Herzog. Rom. Wald., p. 4G — 6(5; Montet, Hint litt., 
p. 1— 11. 

.5^!S Ch. Schmidt. (»y;. fvY., ii., p. 117 and 274. Cf. Reiiss Jlft: dr Th. et dr 
Phil. .-/(/vY., 18 2, p. 330. 

589 With thet^e words commences the learned book of S. Berger : La 
Jiiblcfrangaixcau inoijni dtje, Paris, 1884. Cf. Reuss, FvagvK lift, et critiques 
rdatifs a Vhistoirc de la Bihlefranqahc. ap. Rev. di- theol. et de phil 
chrct'iennr. 1851, page 322. 

590 Even Perrin recognised this. " The point of departure of the Walden- 
sian sect was the study of the bible," says this Jesuit at the HUh jiage of his 
pamphlet : T Valdcsi, etc., Turin, 1871. 

591 Tron, however, hesitates, oj). cit., p. 23. 

592 Ibid., p. 324. 

593 See ante. 

594 "Similiter multos libros Bibliae." This .v/;///^7<-/- seems to puzzle more 
than one reader. Berger, for instance, who translates it •' egalement," ojk cit., 
p. 37. 

595 Stephen of Borbone, a Dominican monk, was born in Belleville on the 
Rhone, toward the end of the XII. century ; he was Inquisitor for 25 years, and 
lived in Lyons, where he died about 1261. He can say : '' Secundum quod ego 
(anclivi) a pluribus qui priores eorum (Waldensium) videnmt et a sacerdote illo 
. . . qui dictus fuit Bernardus Ydros." Aiiecdotrs hi.iforiqueg, etc., p. 342. 
This incident is repeated by Echart and others. 

5'.i6 "Like the translators of our own authorized version." Tftr Rom. 
rcr.siii/1, introd., p. c. He invents at pleasure on the t-ubject of the composition 
of this committee. I noted a little way back that Ebrard believed these two 
l)riests to be Cathari. Gilly makes them out Lombards. " As their names in- 
dicate natives of Lombardy, Ydros and Ansa being towns in the North of 
Italy." Jbid., p. xcix. Reuss confesses that his geographical knowledge •" does 
not reach so far." Afterwards. Gilly gives them an associate, again " from 
Lombardy," namely, John ''de Lugio :" which is, in his opinion, an abbreviation 
of '• de Lugduno." And then we have a disguised Manichean sitting with the 
Waldensian committee! However, we have noticed above (note 121) the 
mi.stake which gave rise to the creation of this new personage. 

597 Gilly, ih/d. Tron remains of Gilly's opinion. See Picri'e Waldo, -p. 2o. 

598 "In quo textus et glossa Psalterii plurimorumque Legis utriusque 
librorum continebantur." Oj). cit., dist. i., c. 31. 

599 Revue, etc., lN")l, p. 332 — 334. The doubts there expressed by Reuss 
seem to us excessive. Cf. with his book, Die Gcichichtc der heiluien Schriften 
y. T., 5th ed., § 465. 

(KX) Berger is of the same opinion. Op. cit., p. 37 and 38. Only, why does 
he think that those books and uotes " differed in their origin and character? " 
There seems to be no good reason for that exception. 

601 As we observed before, it is the settled opinion of W. Foerster. Muston 
says that the Lyonnese in Waldo's time " was already the dialect of French, 
whence the Romance language was derived." Bihlioqraphic, p. 101. 

602 Rei-ue, etc.. 1851, p. 335. Muston is of the same opinion, from a differ- 
ent standpoint. See I.e. 

603 Vide ante. 

604 "Evangelia. Epistolas Pauli, Psalterium, Moralia Job et plures alios 
libros sibi fecit in gallico sermone transferri." Migne, Sp. 699. Another letter, 
addressed to the three abbots, has these words : " Multitudo gallicae cuidam 
translationi divinorum librorum." Ibid., Sp. 695. 

605 Bertram undoubtedly replied ; but his second letter, like the first, is 
unknown. To get at the bottom of the matter it would be necessary to have 
the key to the private archives of the Vatican. 

606 '■ Quis fuerit auctor translationis illius, quic intentio transferentis . . . 
cum opiniouem et vitam eorum penitus ignoremus qui sacras Scripturas taliter 
transtuleruut." liiid., .Sji. 689. 

607 " Magister Crispinus presbyter et R. socius ejus." liiid. 

608 " Multitudo iiou modica, tracta quodammodo desiderio Scripturarum . . 
xihi fecit transferri." Ibid. 

609 " In gallico sermone." Ibid. 

610 '• Quusdam libros de latino in romanum versos combusserunt." Ibid. 
This expression, which may refer to other books, must primarily refer to such 
as had beeu particularly forbidden, namely, the sacred books. 

332 The Waldenses of Italy. 

611 Op. cit.. p. 40 — 42. The Evangeliare mentioned in these lines is found 
in the Bibl. de I'Arsenal, No. 2,083. 

612 Reuss, who had not seen the MS. described by Berger. and Ivnew it only 
from Abbe Lebeuf's mention of it, says at once: "If it did not contain more 
than the Lessons, it does not answer to the idea one has of a Waldensian ver- 
sion." L.c, p. 341. 

613 This point is settled now. Berger disputed it. " It is a mistake," he 
said. In his opinion the author must have been Hamon de Landacob, a monk 
of Savigny, of the order of Citeaux, in Normandj'. Ibid., p. 46 — 47. But H. 
Suchier has proved that the person referred to is really Bishop Haimon, See 
his art. Zk ih-ii alffra/izoxixehen Blheliihersefrungeii, ap. Zriti<c]iriff fur romtin- 
ische PliilDliiijic. 1SS4. ]i. 418 and foil. Berger now admits that, upon this point 
at least, his i-ritic is rii^-lit. ,AIi)iitet followed Berger. See oj). cit., p. 2. 

614 With i'cu;n-il to the J/('/v///V^ ./oZ*, besides Berger and Suchier, see some 
observations (if F<iistiM- coiitniinMl in his preliminary remarks to Li sermon saint 
Bernart, edited by him in 188.5, p. 11. 

615 Bibl. du Palais-des-Arts, A. i., 54. For the description, see G-illy, }). 
57 — 61 ; Muston, Bihlimj., p. 94 ; especially Eeuss and Fcerster, who had it in 
their hands, one to analyse it, the other to transcribe the Gospel of John. 
Remw, etc., 1852, p. 334 et seq., and the Revue des lanques Q'omanes, vol. v., n. 3 
at the beginning. 

616 That does not prevent the MS. from having a division by chapters, 
resembling that of the Oodex Vaticanus. 

617 They are : Rom. vii., 18 to viii., 28, and Luke xxi., 37 to xxiii., 14. 

618 ^i-^;;?/^^, etc., 1853, p. 75. Reuss adds the following marginal note : "The 
Limousin dialect (spoken by the Cathari) omits voluntarily the nasal n, forms 
the plural in s ; changes the d placed between two vowels into z ; terminates 
the first person plural of verbs in m, participles and generally all nouns absolute 
in s, and this s becomes z after t etc. I have collected hundreds of examples 
from all parts of the New Testament, iin order to compare the difference in 
words even amongst those in constant use. 

619 Ki» Kntariselu's II If, ml. Jeua, 1852. 

620 llrnn- drs huujin .v rom.inrs. March 15, and April 15, 1878. 

621 L.<\, p. 87. It is true tliat in a subsequent article, Reuss claims that 
two passages must be excepted, namely : (1) The one which in the Lord's 
Prayer substitutes 2ni7ie7U supersubstaiitialem (according to Matthew), f ov jM'iem 

Stotidianiivi (according to Luke), and adds the doxology, according to the 
reek rite ; (2) Prov. viii. 22, translated from the Greek ho Kurios ektise, not from 
the Vulgate Bnmhiit-s- j)i).^sr//if me. Reuss sees here an indication of the relations 
of Catharism with the tradition of the Greek Church. Mer. citce, 1852, p. 327. 
All that is very hypothetical ; is it not sufificient to admit that the version of 
the Lyons MS. is taken from a text different from our common Vulgate .' Then 
we should not be led astray by the traces of Catharism, which Reuss sees in the 
Waldensian versions. Haupt has demonstrated where these traces come from, 
namely, from his own pen. 

622 Such is the opinion of Chelle, who has a note in the manuscript itself 
that reads : " This MS. contains a translation of the N. T., as used by the Wal- 
denses, following the text and the order of the Vulgate. It appears to belong 
to the commencement of the fourteenth centuiy. It has a Waldensian ritual at 
the end." Now, remarks Reuss, we read the word Albigenses in two places 
instead of Waldenses. 

623 See the Rituale, 2)assim. Cf . Reuss, ibid., 1852, p. 338. It is interesting 
to note here the interpretation given to the following passages : Jude 23 ; Matt. 
X., 8, and Mark xvi., 17, etc. ; Matt, iii., 11 ; John i., 26, etc., John xx., 21. 

624 We are told that Reusch, whilst lately employed in putting Doellinger's 
papers in order, found a refutation of Cunitz's thesis. But Doellinger could not 
in this piece of work have taken into account the Pnictiea of Bernard Gui 
recently printed. Let the ceremony of the Conxiihn)iciitiim,aeQO\-^yi\g to the 
Rituale, be compared with the report of that Inquisitor (ihiiL. v., p. 1, 2, and 3), 
and it will be seen that Cunitz is right. The Ritual is Gatharin. 

625 Bibl. Nationale, fonds frangais, n. 242.5 (old n. 8086 of the Bibl. du Roi), 
For the description, see Gilly, o/;. cit., introd.' p. Ixvi. — Ixix., Reuss, Revue, etc.. 
1852, p. 343. 

626 Let us notice the following : All the Gospel of Matthew, the first 
twenty verses of Mark, 2 John v., 4 to the end. the 3rd Epistle of John, that of 
Jude, "and the first three verses of the Epistle to the Romans, ch. ii. to iv. of 
2nd Epistle to Timothy, and the first two verses of Epistle to Titus. Finally, 
here are a few omissions : Mark xi., 1 — 11 ; Luke xvi., 1 — 12, xvii., 30— xviii., 10, 

The Waldenses of Italy. 33^' 

etc. Ber:,'er thinks these omissions were generall.v made for the purpose of 
abbreviation, or were caused by the negligence of the copyist. 

(527 We can hardly donbt but that this precious volume was about the X^'. 
century, in the hands of a Waldensian hawker. Revue historique, Januarv, 

«>27* fi28 Luke xii., 32 ; 2 Cor. vi., 10 ; James v., 8 ; Heb. x., 37. 

C28* t)2y James v., 1. Here are some other passages indicated : Luke xv., 11, 
xix., 42 ; John ii., 17. iii.. 18, vi., o], xviii., 23 ; Acts xiv., 21, xv., 29, xvi., 18, 
xvii..34 ; James ii., 8, v.. 12 ; 2 Peter ii.. ♦> ; Rom. v., 12 ; 1 Cor. ii., 9 ; xv.. 16,54 ; 
2 Cor. iv., 13. vi.. It! : Eph. ii., 1 ; 1 Tim. i., 9, iii., 12 ; Heb. xi., 9, etc. We are 
indebted to the kindness of M. Berger for these notes. 

630 Ri-rur dr fheol. etc., 18.-)2. p. 324. 

631 University Library. Waldensian MS. Dd 15, 84, or vol. F. For des- 
cription, see Bradshaw. ap. Todd, Hooks, etc., p. 214. This description, corrected 
by means of notes, which Bradshaw intended for us, has been revised and com- 
pleted by his successor, Mr. liobertson Smith, to whom we here desire to express 
our gratitude. 

632 Leger, Histoire, etc., i., p. 21—22. Cf. Morland Ifi.sf. of the Evang. 
Churches of Piedmont, p. 98. 

633 The following are the omissions which have been detected; viz., the 
beginning of Matthew as far as vii., 10 ; all of Mark : Luke iii., 7 to the end ; 
John vii.. 83 — xiii.. 2S, and xv., 21 — xx., 29 ; Epistle to the Eomans ii. to Corin- 
thians. Epistle to ( '<ilossiaus, and the 2 to Thessalonians, except the very first 
words of the i. ; written through carelessness and without a title : 1 Timothy 
from commencement to ii.. 7 ; Epistles to Philemon and that to the Hebrews"; 
Acts iv., 17 — v., 4 ; xxii., o — 2.5 ; xxvi., from ."> till toward the end. Finally, the 
MS. ends at 2 Peter ii., 5. Nothing, therefore, of the Epistle of John, or the 

634 Bibl. de la ville, n. 488 (old 8595). For description see Champollion 
Figeac. JVouv. recherchi'S -mr Ics patois ou idionws vulg aires de la France, 1809, 
p. 24 et seq. ; Gilly, I. c., p. 45 — 51 ; Muston, who says in his Examen, etc., that 
it is " la seule Bible Vaudoise qu 'il ait etudiceup pen; " i5vV/.,p. 36,aud Bibliog., 
p. 95 ; Herzog, Rom. M'uld., p. 62 ; Reuss, Revue, etc., 1852, p. 342. 

635 Examen., etc., p. 36 — 37. Cf. Perrin, op. elf., p. 57. 

636 Ch. Figeac and Muston mention the Book of Songs instead of that of 
Jesus, son of Sirach. Gilly refers to these two writers. We follow Herzog, who 
saw the MS. after them. 

637 This table is written on paper. It begins thus : " Aici commenqa lo 
registre de Ii evangeli de las Escripturas per lo cercondament del an premiera- 
ment en lavenament del Segnor." 

638 Generally speaking. According to Muston and Herzog ; but Reuss calls 
attention to the fact that if there are some divergences from the actual order, 
the same are also found in certain MSS. of the Vulgate. 

639 Ch. Figeac believed this MS. to belong to the XIIL century, but he was 
led astray by Leger and Perrin, whom he accepted as guides in discussing and 
reckoning the age of Waldensian writiags. Gilly notices it in passing : " C. F. 
follows the error caused by Perrin 's mis-statements." Nevertheless, he adheres 
to his opinion upon this point, while Herzog clearly disposes of it. 

640 Trinity College Library, CI. A., Tab. iv., n. 13. For the description see 
especially au art. in Brituh 3Iag., by Todd, reprinted in his Books of the Vau- 
dois,i>.l — 7. Besides, Gilly, Z.p!, p. xxviii.; Muston, Z.c, p. 95; Reuss, ?.f., p. 342; 
Herzog, Lc., p. 55. 

641 Perrin, I.e. 

642 This copy consists properly of a revision of the Gospel of St. John, pub- 
lished bv Gilly, and the immediately following transcription of the other books 
of theN.T. 

642* 643 Herzog supposed this, from certain little omissions and slight mis- 
takes which are not explained by any reading of the Vulgate. He indicates them 
in his Rom. Wald., p. .55 and 56. 

644 Todd, Rooks of the Vaudois, p. 190. 

645 Rom. version, p. xxxvi. 

646 City Library, c. 169, 706. For the description see Gilly. I.e., p. Iii. — hi.: 
but especially Reuss, who examined it very thoroughly. I.e., p. 344 and foil., and 
also Herzog, ildd.. p. 61. 

647 •• Guilemus Malanotus pastor pedemontanus valdensis hoc N. T. celeber- 
rimae Tigurinae Academiae dono dedit die decimo Septembris, 1692." 

648 •• Per Barbetum quemdam, i. e. ministrum ejusdem ecclesiae." 

334 The Waldenses of Italy. 

649 Namely: the begiQuing of Matthew to iii.. 17; Acts xxvii., U— 32 ; 
Eev. XX., r — xxi., 23. 

ti50 Reuss counted six of them. Ibid., p. 34,5. 

651 There are no less that 32 books of the 0. T. indicated in tbnt manner ; 
with them Judith, Tobias, the 4th book of Esdras, Wifdom, Ecclesiastecus. the 
13th chapter of Daniel, which is the story of Lusanna. Herzog mentions also 
the book of Jesus, son of Sirach. 

6.52 This kind of sub-division for the Old Testament, dates from 1490. The 
division into verses was introduced from 1.551 to 1560. Eeuss. /. c, p. 347 — 349. 

653 Reuss. Bcviw, etc., 1853, p. bO— 85. 

654 This specimen is taken in part from the texts reproduced by Gilly, 
Reuss, Foerster, Todd, and C'habrand. We have made use of the manuscript 
corrections of Herzog upon Gilly 's reproductions, and especially of his copy of 
the New Testament of Dublin. But. still, our specimen would be incomplete 
and less exact also, without the co-operation of Professors Berger of Paris, 
Cledat of Lyons, and Ulrich of Zurich, of Dr. Ingram of Dublin, and the 
librarians Bradshaw and R. Smith of Cambridge. We desire here to express 
to all of them our sincere thanks. 

655 Lelong, BiU. Sacra, i., 369. Cf. Gilly ap. Todd Buohs of tin- Vaiulois, p.l64. 
6.56 I allude to those recorder by Gilly [Bom. rcrfi., p. Ixxviii.), and Muston 

{Bihliog., MSS. bibliques ii.. vi.. and vii.). People have been misled more 
especially by the title of BihJr dix Paurnx, ot Paris. This is definitely laid 

657 Gilles, <yj. cit., preface and ch. ii. 

656 Particularly in Val Pragelas. Perrin. ch. iii., p. 57. Cf. Leger, i., 23, 24. 
652* 659 "May have been wholly or partially the productions of Waldo and 

his associates." Bom. rcrs., introd., p. xcvi. 

ii60 This fact is well authenticated. M. Berger writes us after his last 
researches : " I have been unable to discover either in the bible of the Cathari, 
or in the texts of the Waldenses, the slightest expression that would indicate a 
heretical origin, or that in any way gives a hint of the theology professed by 
the translators." 

661 "Quia sensu proprio verba evangelii interpretari prjesumpserunt, 
videntes nullos alios evangelium juxta literam omnino servare, quod se facere 
velle jactaverunt." Dav. d'Augsb. 

662 I take this statement again from his private correspondence, which I 
am authorised to use for my own benefit and that of my readers. 

663 E.g. "Ora Dio,"'to Actsx., 26 (Cf. Herzog, Bom. Wahl., p. 321), and 
" filh de la vergena," " pena," etc., jmssim. 

664 "Arctissime inhibemus," says the decree of the Council of Toulouse, 
anno, 1229. Vaissette remarks ''We find, in the inlormations laid and the 
judgments pronounced, that the heretics commonly called Waldenses, in the 
country read the Gospels in the vulgar tongue." Hist, de Lanquedoc, iii.. 411, 
anno 1237. 

665 B/r. //i.\-for/quf', 1st art. quoted. 

666 Muston makes Foerster say that " this translation is, perhaps, by Waldo 
himself." B.ramc?i. etc., p. o6. But he is mistaken. Not only does Focrsler 
not say that, but he could not do so consistently. The dialect of Lyons 
and that of Provence are two different things. What F<i'r^ter admits, is, that 
the language of the MS. of Lyonsiis so far from being irreconcilable with our 
dialect, that it already contains it in a germ. I would add, that according to 
Berger, it is to be hoped that the link connecting this version with that of the 
MSS. of XVI. century will still be found. " I do not know," he says, "whether 
the MS. of Paris is not very near being this connecting link." Ihid. 

667 Reuss declared in 1851: "I find it imi)(i>sible fur the present to recog- 
nize the hand of Waldo in the Waldensian Biblical MSS. which now exist." 
.Ber.iquoted p. 328. Now, M. Berser recently wrote to us as follows : •• There is no 
reason to think that there is any connection whatsoever between the Proven§aIes 
versions, the Waldensian versions, and Waldo. Everything tends to exclude 
this hypothesis . . . We must, then, until the contrary is proved, deny his pater- 
nity in the Provencal version, which was that of the Waldenses." While quoting 
these words of the eminent Parisian professor, we feel constrained to acknow- 
ledge that he tries in every possible way " to prove the contrary." We would 
offer him here our best wishes for his success, together with the expression of 
our heartfelt gratitude. 

668 Library of the Convent of the Premontres of the Abbey of Teplis, near 
Marienbaden, Bohemia, vi., 139. For the description see Preface to Codex 
Tepleusis, printed in 1881 to 1884. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 335 

(iCit Kraft, Die deutsche Bibel ror Luther, Bonn, 1883. 

t)7(i Biltz, Die neiiesten Sehriften. etc., article inserted in the Archie fiir das 
.■^tudiuiii drr nenereu Sjrraehen li. Litfernturen, vol. Ixxvi., n. 1 and 2. 

H71 F. Kliniesch, author of the publication of the Code.x^ Tepleusis, had not 
mistrusted it at first. Biltz was the first to elucidate this point. See the 
Sounfiif/x hrihrcien d. ni'Mrn PreuHx.Ztij. Xos. dated .'ird and 17th July, IS.Sl. Let 
us remind the reader that there still exi.-ts aiintiiir MS. lireserviiii,' thf old Ger- 
man version. It was described by Rarhrl. ])ir /■'rr/hert/er JiihcJhitinhehrift, 
18W). This learned man proves that the two MSS. have a visible bond of 
relationship as regards the text of the version. 

672 See his work, Die Befnrmatinn u. die dlteren Riform parteien, 1885, 
pp. 257—200. 

678 In his ]>amphlet entitled : Deutsche Bihelilher setztmg d. mitfelalter- 
lichen WiiJdenser, 188.-). 

674 His pamjihlet is entitled : Die Waldenser u. die vorhitherische deutsch: 
Bibeliiber set:iin/j, 18.S5. 

67r> It is first the turn of Haupt to reply with Ber wahkmsische Ursprwuf 
dex Cnde.r Tepleiixis ii . drr rurh/fherixrJie/i dentxehen Bihcldrncke gegendie Aikj- 
rife rii)i Dr. Inxti ■•<. Is'^d : then followed Keller : Die Waldenxer u. die deufsch'rn 
Jiiheliiher xctzumii II. Issc, ; and. liiuilly. the new answer of Jostes : Lie Tepler- 
hiheliiher.setzii/ii/^ eiiN zin-iti- Krifih, ISSll. 

676 Berger,' Bcviie Ifixtvrique, two articles inserted in vol. xxx. and xxxii., 
1886. He sujiports the theory of Keller and IIaui)t. Ph. Schalf, on the con- 
trary, hastened to side with Jostes. See The Indepe?ide)it, October 8th, 188.). 
Karl Miiller is inclined that way (see Zeitschrift fiir Kirchen ffenchichte, vol. 
viii., 3rd ed.). withnut uivini; anv decisive reason. See, moreover, his article in 
the Studien u.Krifiken. 1S87. 

677 "Appears to me to be uncertain for more than one reason." Art. Die 
iieuexteti Sehrifteyi, etc. 

678 Die Wnlden-ier, etc., p. 84 et seq. Berger thinks that Keller there 
follows a dangerous road, which may lead him to very unexpected discoveries ; 
for, is he aware. \\\>o\\ what text the version he is analyzing is founded ? See 
the end of the second article of the Bev. I/istorique. Cf. Kolde, GiJtt. gel. 
Ah:., 1887. n. 1. 

679 Biltz. for example, vaguely attributes it to the Friends of God, the more 
so, he says, that the preface to the German Bible, edition of Cologne, tells us 
that this Bible had been circulating for a long time in the valleys of the Upper 
Rhine. Ihid. We note, however, after Haupt and Berger, that the Waldenses 
of Strasburg (1400), and of Basle (1480) possessed the German Bible. The Synod 
of Treves (1231) already finds that the heretics of that city had it in their hands. 
Now several among them seem to have been Waldenses. If, after this, we take 
into account the very small size of the Tejjlis volume, we shall not be far from 
recognizing in this one of those little boulM which the Waldensian evangelists 
carried with them, hidden under their rough cloaks. 

680 Gilly had already remarked that the expression " lo filh de la vergena " 
is used in the same sense as indicated above in the version of Dublin, and that 
it is found also in that of Zurich, Grenoble, and Paris, and in several Waldensian 
writings, but not in the vei'sion of Lyons. Bnju. rerx.. p. xlii. and 95. 

6cSl Allusion is here made to those which Ch. Schmidt published in 1852. 

682 Indeed. Ave know that at the diet of Worms, the representative of ihe 
lloman court said to the Reformer : '■ Plurima eorum, qua- adtlucis .... 
Waldensium sunt. Pauperum de Lugduno sunt . . . hereses." P. Balan, 
Mo7t. Bef. Liith., 1884, p. 182. 

683 See a letter of the vear 1368. hereinafter reproduced. 

684 Dav. d'Augsb.. ap. Preger, p. 29. 

685 " Expositiones." says the inquisitorial record. Ochsenbein, o/j. cit.. p. 
220. Cf. ihid., p. 251 et 387. 

686 •• Finxerunt quosdam rithmos, quos vocant triginta gradus s. AugUi-tini, 
in quibus docent quasi virtutes sectari et vicia detestari." Dav. of Augsb., ap. 
Preger, p. 35. 

687 Ahri.'^x der gexammten Xi rchem/e.^chiohte, 1879, vol. iii., p. 406. 

6S8 •• Articulos fidei septem de divinitate, et septem de humanitate, et decern 
precepta dechaloghi. et septeni opera iniserii'ordia'. sub quodam compendio et 
sub quodam nio.lo ah ei^ nrdiiiato et eomiio-ito. dieunt et docent." Bern.Guid., 
Praetie,, i iiqiii.^ifi.uii-^ In n tn;, pniritutjs i Paris. IsSC), p. 250. 

6>9 It can hardlv he a (juestiou of a compilation, from the Inquisitor's 
remark. See Montet. Ilixt. Lift., etc.. Pieces justificatives, n. 3. Compare 

336 The Waldenses of Italy. 

those seven articles of faith w:th the Credo, after Thomas A(iuinas. See, more- 
over, the Zn-nte Kritih of Jostes, p. 9—10. 

690 Cod. S. Finnan, xi., 152. 

691 At Strasburg it is a (luestion of a book which the mmjiHicv uses during 
the .-ervice ; at Friburg, divers writings in more than one language, er^pecially 
a treatise, in which it is said that suffrages and other such works are of no avail 
to the souls of the dead. 

692 " They were of a much later period." Rom. vers., introd. p. 35 — 37. 

693 Op. clt.. ch. ii. 

694 That letter is in Latin. See Cod. S. Florian, vol. -xi., p. 152. The tran- 
scription was made by Professor Karl Miiller, of Giessen, who had the kindness 
to send it to us. We are the more obliged to him as his task was a difficult 

(i95 The quotation is taken from the Vulgate, which is not very correct. 
Segond translates : " Par votre perseverance vous sauverez vos ames." Luke 
xxi., 19. Of course the letter ignores the division into verses. 

696 Ps. Ixvi., 10—11. 

697 1 Cor. xii., 26. 
69.-1 Ps. cxxxvii., 9. 

698a Cf. Matth. xxi., 44 ; and, Luke xx., 18. 

699 " Parvulos motus animi nostri ad Christum debemus allidere." 

700 Matth. xviii., 7. 

701 Job ii., 1; and Ps. vii., 14—18. 

702 See Prov. xviii., 19 ; but according to the Vulgate. In the English ver- 
sion the text is totally different. 

703 GaLvi., 2. 

704 Ps. XX., 1 — 5, 7: cxix., 1: cxx., 1; cxli., 1, 2. 
70.5 Ps. 1., 15 ; Ix., 11, 12. 

706, 17. 

707 " Fatemur enim nos, ut apostolus ait, imperitos sermoue vel sermocinali 
scriptura, non tamen sine sciencia spirituali." 

708 1 Cor., i., 19—20, 25—31. 

709 These are the words of St. Paul, to which the editor had added a few 
complimentary words. 

710 Matth. xi., 25. 

711 1 Cor. viii., 1—3. 

712 Ps. cxxxi., 1. 

713 Exodus ix., 9. 

714 Matth. xi., 29. 

715 Rom. xii., 3. 

716 2 Tim. iii., 7. The text of the letter contains an id, instead of «", but 
this is probably only a Jaiistis. 

717 Ephes. iv., 20. 

718 1 Cor. xiii., 2. 

719 Widom vii., 13. 

720 James iv., 17, 

721 Matth. xxiii., 12. Compare also 2 Cor. iii., 5; Rom. xii., 3; 1 Cor. iv..20: 
Eccles X.. 1—6. 

722 Matth xvi., 19. 


Titus i., 5. 


Matth. X., 1 ; xviii., 18. 


Ps. xix., 4. 


John xvii., 20, 22. 


Matth. X., 9 ; xix., 21, 27. 


"Nisi mecum manseritis, terram vobis prohibebo." 


Matth. xix., 28, 29. 

John xvi., 2. Cf. ibid., V. 33, et xiii., 16. 



" Terram vobis relinquimus, nos vero celum appetimus." 


Ps. ii., 3. 


Rom. XV.. 4. 


1 Cor. X., 6. 


Rom. XV., 30 et suiv. 


Matth. xxi v., 9. 


Matth. X., 23 et suiv. 


Ps. xxi., 11. 


Job. xiv., 6—8. 


" Petrus de Walle et eius socius Johannis Ludinensis a Ludone civitate 

dictus (sic)." 

The Waldenses of Italy. 337 

741 •' ramus a vorn trunco acnin sancti spiritus irri<j:ato paulatim 
pullulans. noil priiiciiiium seil rei)aracio nostri ordinis fiiisse dicitur.'" 

742 John ix.. 34. 

743 1 Cor. iv., 3. 4. 

744 " Dicti sunt Waldenses et postreniuni Ludinenses pauperes a Lndonc 
civitate. in una mnlto tempore eonversati sunt . . . Viam scilicet paupertatis. 
quani i)redicti viri seeuti sunt pauco ante euin tempore et adhuc sequenteseoruni 
secimtur ut credimns jnxta librum electorum." 

745 "Tamquam leo a sonino consurjrens." 

74f> The MSS., which is very ditficult to decipher, is here somewhat 
embarrassing. It seems to read : Sic in curiam ut habetis (or perhaps "hereticus") 
est inirressns ab invidis reprobatus." '• Curia " ean only refer to Rome." 

747 Matth. xviii.. 19. 20. 

74S Matth. vii.. 1 ; 1 Cor. iv.. ."i. 

749 Acts v., 38. 

7.50 Rom. 1, 28. 

751 1 Cor. xi., 19. 

7.52 Jer. li., fi. Cf. Matth. x., .5 ; Ephes. iv., 17 ; Rev. xviii., 4. 

753 "Utaudivi." This expression is found precisely in the historical frag- 
ment heretofore noticed. The sentence is : " I'ostautem anuos DCCC a Constan- 
tino, surrexit ijuidam, cujus iiroprium nomen Petrus. nt duiliri. fnit. sed a 
quadani reirioue dicebatur Waldis." See my Introd. alia Storia della lliforma 
in Italia, apjiemlix n. 1. There is evidently a connection between this fragment, 
or the writiii.Lc from which it is taken, and the Book of the Just. The homo- 
genitv of the matter in both, is, moreover, evident. 

754 Col. iv.. (i. 

755 " Est duplex : prima est propter testium absenciam. Nemo enim 
hominum est qui audiverit seu viderit proprium rei principium, qui multum 
tempus jam est elapsum. Secunda racio magis principalis est propter persecu- 
ciones innumeras, quas passi sumus ; unde multociens producti sunt libri nostri 
quasi in nichilum. ita ut vix sacram paginam possemus reservare." 

756 1 Cor. xi., 23. "Accepi quod tradidi vobis," dit la 


757 "Et licet Petrus (lietus A\'aldensis non accepisset, quod absit (fatemur 
enim fuisse presbyterum .-;iiiis niilinibus ordinatuin cum Johanne suo socio sive 
confratre ejusdem ordinis i-t lin.-tiiKulum ab illo cardinali de quo audistis favente 
eidem contirmatum non dubitamus;, tamen multi et innumerabiles sacerdotes 
qui hanc vitam sive tidem secuti sunt, nonne fratribus imponere poterunt ? 
We know that this Cardinal is mentioned in the historical fragment. 

758 Rom. viii.. 28. 

759 John X., 13. 
7(;0 1 Cor. i., 17. 

7f;i lhi(J.. ix.. 13, 14. 

7t;i> John vi.. 47, 54. .57. 

/(',3 ■• ( 'rede et manducasti." 

7tl4 '• ( 'mn eommunio sit nnitas Christi et sancte ecclesie." 

7(i5 " Auditis solum confessiones : pro reliquis mittitis ad ecclesiam popn- 
lum . . . Vos tamen unum semisacramentum." The letter is addressed : 
" Profunde speculacionis viris. fratribus in Italia, etc." 

Tlifi En voici I'adresse : " Dilectis, utinam in Christo fratribus universis et 
specialiter hiis quorum leiracio ad nos usque pervenit, Johannes, Petrus et 
eorum consodales salutem in domino Jesu Christo." 

7K7 " Vestra Ki ;,oi!a narrat. ut ego nieniorie mee tradidi, quod sicut atemporo 
Abraham u.«que ad I'liristuni iiutiqu.-iin defieit lucerna tidei, sic a Christo usque 
ad nunc. Dicitur i-eiani ibidem, iiuod in jirineipio vestri ordinis vehementer rnul- 
tiplicati fuerint tiileles vestri qui ali<iuand<) M, aliquando verso {]) DCC in uno 
synodo congreiratur . . . Et a Constantino et Silvestro u^ijue ad inventorem 
vestre secte D' 'CC, additis CC annis ab invencione. (juihus manifeste dicitur 
€am extitisse. remanent vix L anni usque nunc sc. anno domini MCCCLXVIII. 
in(|uibus predieare publice desit." Here we are brought back again to the 
hi>torical fragment. 

7(is The Waldensian ministers and preachers were sufficiently acquainted in 
a general way with Latin, and bilingual readings, Latin and Waldensian, 
are not uncommon. We have an example of this at the present day, in the 
writings of Morel. 

7(;'.» At least, according to the Genevan text published by Hahn. Gescli. fl. 
Wald.. p. fi23— (;2(i. 

770 Al;fi'u.stiiclf\ etc., ap. Zeitschrift f. die hist. TlieoL, 1852, p. 238, et seq. 

338 The Waldenses of Italy. 

Schmidt published them under the Itnown title of Regale secte Waldensivm, and 
considers that the whole forms a discourse. 

771 '■ Vestra regula narrat, ut eyo memoHe mee tradidi,'" said the renegade 
Jean, whom we have just quoted. 

772 "Trametament," says the MS. See Montet, o??. c/^., p. 1.36— 139. 

773 " Alcuns volon ligar la paroUa de Dio segont la lor volunt^." 

774: The allusion is in this passage : '" Dont lo es scrijjt que Costantin dis a 
Silvestre e a tuit li successor de luy meseyme : Nos donen la nostra corona en la 

775 Montet, p. 57, et seq. 

77() The discovery of this is due to Professor Alphonse Meyer. The original 
treatise is in Greek. Pitra published it in his Sjjicilegiunt Tolesniense, vol. iii., 
p. 338 et seq. See the report of Mayer in the Sitzugscerichte d. 2)hilos-pliilol u. 
hist. el. d. k., Akad. d. \Vi.^.9en)tcJi,aften zu MiincJien, 1880, 5e 11 v. 

777 Op. eit., p. 7G. Cf. iUd., p.' 43— 4«. 

778 Op. eit., p. 72. Cf. Riri.sfa Cristiana, x., p. 235. 

779 See Rom. Wald., p. 72- 7() ; but, above all, the detailed study he made 
of it, in theZeitsehrift f. die Hint, Theol., 18(31, 4th part. 

780 O^A c?Y.,p. (i4— 68. 

781 "Li 4 entendement czo es estorial, alegorial, tropologial, anegogial." 
Cantiea iii., 10. 

782 '■ Nos latin dicsien," says the commentator. See, moreover, the allusion 
to the meaning of the word martyr in Latin (iv., 1), and more especially the 
Latin verses at the end. 

788 ZeitschriftA.c. Cf. ^ow. IFa/c/. p. 31— 34 and 63— 65. 
783* 784 " Such a living picture of the condition of the Waldenses we shall 
be unable to find anywhere else.' Zeltsehrift, I.e. 

785 Foerster, Li sermon sai7it Bervnrd, serm. xxi. 

786 " Enquor n'est assez." Rom. Stiidie/i, I.e. 

787 Traces of them are found in th^ (jdUo-Ital. Predigten ; it maj^ have 
been noticed that even that of bo7is /udjw.s is found there. See our quotation in 
a note of the preceding chapter. 

788 For example : the designation of people, flock, or Church of the Poor, 
already mentioned, and the passage concerning the jus gladii (v., 16), and 
such expressions as " filh de la vergina " (viii., 4), "devant pausa " (vi., 9), etc. 

789 See following chapter, concerning the rule of faith. 

790 " L'emburilh son li predicador " (vii., 2). 
701* 791 Cf. vi., 9 : iv., 4 ; vi., 2. 

792 See above (p. 194—196). MS. of Dublin. 

793 See above, p. 186, or MS. of Dublin, p. 71. We quote these two MSS. 
from a copy we have which belonged to the lamented Professor Zezschwitz. 

794 On this point cf. the art. of Zezschwitz on the Bohemian Brethren. 
Meal Eneych)., 2nd edition, p. 6.55 — 658. and Goll, Queller u. Untei-sucJningen, 
part 1., p. 28. Professor Goll informs us that instead of " Bohemiens '" (see 
above, p. 19(1, n. 4), the original reads " Utraquistes." 

795 According to three MSS., of Cambridge, Dublin, and Geneva. Montet, 
p. 50 — 53, and JVoble Leqon appendix. 

796 Purqatori soyma. Herzog, i^'Wi. ]F«-W., app.. n. i.. reproduces the com- 
pared text of the MSS. of Geneva and Dublin. The MS. of Geneva alone is 

797 Lydius, Waldensia, vol. i., p. 42 et seq., 90 et seq. Montet is right 
in wondering how Leger could have given to this treatise the date of 1120. 

798 Leger, in his history (i. 162), reminds the reader that the superstition of 
the worship of the Saints was an ancient one, and hastens to conclude : '' It is 
therefore an obvious fact that the aforesaid feature of the Waldenses opposing 
the Heidg-honi or q rowing doctrine of the invocation of Saints, must be of much 
older date than tliat of Antichrist," and he dates this back to 1120, namely, 
" fifty years previous to Waldo." 

799 This in a writing, in the Trech language, upon Lucas of Prague. See 
Montet, I[ Litt., p. 173—175. 

800 Montet, p. 176. We learn that Goll handed over to M. J. Muller, of 
Hermhut, the duty of continuing the researches upon this point. 

801 The Inquisitor who mentions these RqtJimes indicates their object to us, 
and adds, that they are not the only attempts of this kind. " Callideinserunt 
ibi ritus suos et hereses, ut melius alliciaut ad ea disrenda et forcius inculcent 
ea memoriter, sicut nos laycis propouimus symbolum, oracionem dominicam, et 
alia pulchra huius modi causa confinxerunt carmina." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 17. 

802 All but one have been published by Hahn, oj). eit., p. 560 et seq. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 33!) 

803 Lo Dciprt-e:/ ihl mont, after two M8S.. one of Geneva, end of X\'. 
century, the other of Dublin, beginning of the XVI. century. A Poem of 115 
decasvlhibic verses. 

804 La Barca, after the two above-mentioned MSS., containing the pre- 
ceding j)oen> ; furthermore, a MS. of (Cambridge, belonging to the beginning of 
the XV. century. A Poem of oij .<tanza.s of six Alexandrine verses, of which tlic 
48th is irregular, being of 7 verses. 

80") fii hi iog rtiph ic, p. 107. 

80(i See especially a few lines of the stanzas 17 and 19, which there is no 
necessity for citing. 

807 Ex. " en general ■' and '• pas " at the 74th and 314th verses. According 
to Iron, the Bark is of the XII. century. 

808 Om<;on, according to the MS. of Dublin before-mentioned, fol. 47. :i. 
They are 94 verses of uneven measure, sometimes even devoid of measure, with 
rhymes that are simplv jingles. 

809 See the Echo' dm Valh-es, 1849, n. 10. p. 1.50 et seq., and the Jiiblioff. of 
the Inrael drx AJprx. p. 129. 

810 Bihl/(if/r/fj)hir. I.e. The editor of the Echo dr.i VaUecit does not hesitiite 
to greet the O'raison. as a poem that comes to swell the list of the " numerous 
poems comi)osed tive or six centuries ago." 

811 Lo /lord riuifort. after tlie three mentioned MSS. Poem of 300 verses, 
or 75 " quatrains.'' The 40th lacks one verse. 

812 Lo Xorcl Scrnio/i, after the same three MSS. Poem of 408 verses. 
divided into 21 couidets. The length of the couplet as well as that of the ver.-e 
is uneven. 

813 Dante in his Inferno, v., 31 — 45. makes use of the same idea. 

814 L'Araiigeli or 1/ Eranffeli deli quatre semencx. &iier the two MSS. of 
Geneva and Dublin. Composition of 300 verses, divided into 75 mono-rhythmic 

815 Lo Payrc eternal, after the three afore-mentioned MSS. Poem of 156 
verses, divided into 15 sections, or 52 stanzas of three lines each. Every section 
is composed of 3 stanzas, the first of which refers to the Father, the second to 
the Son, the third to the Holy Sj)irit. The poet also addresses himself directly 
to the Trinity, twice in 2 stanzas during the course of the poem, and once at the 
end. A capital letter precedes every stanza, joining the three lines with a brace, 
and indicating the subject with a P. an F. or an S.. and also a T. The title, 
therefore, does not correspond with the subject. It is taken from the lii'st 

S16 The JVohla Leiczon. a poem in Alexandrin verse, after the three afore- 
mentioned MSS., and a fragment at Cambridge. Raynounrd was the first to 
reproduce this jioem with a tr.mslation. He took as his ground work the 
Genevan MSS.. and made use of Leger's copy. Many an error has crept into 
this well as in that of Gilly,and later inthatof Herzog ; which is, 
however, much less inexact. We have followed, in our first edition, the reading 
of Geneva, after the onlv diplomatic cnjiv in existence, due to Appelstedt. ^^ e 
follow here the MSS. of Caml.riilge. recently published by M. Montet. It is 
more complete and more ancient than those of Geneva and of Dublin. It con- 
tains 4S1 verses. 

Si7 He:z(ii: suspects the interpolation of verses 4.39 to 4.5fi,and calls attention 
to the direct relation lietween the verses that precede, and those which follow. 
But this does not suffice to prove the fact. Rom. Wald., p. 78—79. 

818 These la<t two lines are wanting in the Genevan and Dublin MSS. 
Thev are reproduced from the >IS. of Cambridge, according to Morland. 

819 Cf. for the summary, :Moiitet. La Xohh- I^rran. p. 11— 18. which we have not 
made use of iu our work. He concludes thus: "The poem is above all things an 
apology of the party, of which it sets forth, very plainly, the moral and religious 
principles. In the niidst of the forms a confession of faith, a 
testimony which oufcht to demonstrate the innocence of the Waldenses, and at 
the same' time a banner, a rallying point for reanimating their courage and con- 
firming the hop- they cherisheil, that Justice would be done them. Ihid. 

820 Sir Samuel Morland erroneously translates r«/- by /<»/•, which corresponds 
to the French <•«?•. Leger does not fall into that mistake. We know that f«r 
had two meanings, one of which is rendered by que, the only one applicable in 
this case. 

821 Ex. Leger, i., Ifil, and all the ancients ; Raynouard, ii.. 137 et seii., 
Hahn, i., 65, Leroux de Lincy. p. 7 ; Muston, pa^aim ; Flathe. i.. 247 : Monastier, 
i., 105 et seq. 

822 Rez. de Theol., etc., anno 1851, p. 325. 

340 The Waldenses of Italy. 

823 Rom. Wald., p. 85. Cf. 1 John ii., 8, with verses 451 and 453. This last 
verse renders the expression of the Apostle to the letter. Montet adopts 
Herzog's opinion. That of Mandet, which establishes a relation between the 
verse of the Noble Lesson with passages of St. Paul, seems to be abandoned. 

824 Todd, oj). cit., pp. 183 and 184, remarks that we do not read befi ha?i but 
ben Jia, and that we should say in Latin : Undceics centum anni completunn est. 
He adds that the ProA-en(jal, did not any more than the Latin, admit of the 
agreement of a verb in the singular, with a noun in the plural. After that, is it 
necessary to demonstrate the force of the two adverbs joined together : ben and 
cjitierament ? 

825 See the new Preface which Muston adds to the edition of his Israel des 
AVpes lately put into the market, and which has been neither revised nor re- 
printed. He stops there, for he says on p. Ki of his JS,vamen, etc.: " I only wish 
to maintain here that the A'oble Legim had already appeared, or did appear, at 
the time of Waldo's arrival " in the valleys. 

826 H. Bosio, La Nobla Leyczon consideree an triple 2)oint de vue de la doc- 
trine, de la morale et de V histoire, ap. Bull, de la Soe. d' Hist. Vaudoise, n. 2, 
p. 20—36. 

827 See the chapter on the FraticelU, in my Ijitroduzione alia Storia della 
Riforma in Italia, 18 Si, p. 285 et seq. 

828 He claimed: (1) That the Noble Lesson does not bear the seal of the Wal- 
densian reaction. (2) That the Waldenses did not call thmisclvt's by that name 
))efore the XV. century. Herzog had no difficulty in slinwiiii:' tluit the Goettin- 
gen critic was in error as to the tirst point, and that as regards the second, the 
Noble Lesson does not authorize us to imagine that the Waldenses called them- 
selves by that name, but rather to conclude that it was inflicted upon them by 
their adversaries at an early period. Cf. Die Waldenser, etc., p. 339, and Rom. 
Wald., p. 80—81. 

829 The foolish statements given currency to by the British Magazine, con- 
cerning Morland and Leger : who are there suspected of having sent the Cam- 
bridge MSS. to Geneva, would, on the Continent, be sufficient to discredit any 
Review whatevci-. TnM. Jioolw, etc., \).V^'>—1')0. It is, therefore, not right to 
quote them as sp ■liinms •• wurthv of tlu' scliool of critics," as has been done by 
M. Bosio, Ridhttin dc la Socii;.te dllist. Vuud., n. 2. 

830 '-It is highly satisfactory."' Biscorrrii, etc.. after Todd, oj). cit., 
p. 210—223. 

831 Op. cit.. p. 1-2. 

832 Ihid.. p. 1.S2 — 133. Montet, however, adopts the same method for the 
interpretation of the other reading. Can this be sustained / He tells us after- 
wards, in his Xohle Legon, p. 5, that he has changed his opinion. The terminus 
a quo is now interchangeable for him with the Christian era. Berger was 
already inclined to swallow this hypothesis, as more likely to be true. Rev. 
Hist, xxxvi., 2nd part. Leger is avenged. 

833 E.i'amen, etc., p. 45." 

834 " This name was probably introduced in a later revision." Rom. Wald., 
p. 84. 

835 P. Meyer wrote to Muston, 17 Dec, 1881 : " Since writing my article of 
186fi, I have seen the MSS. of Dublin aud of Cambridge ; but only superficially 
and without taking any interest in them. All of them appeared to me to be of 
the XV. century a"t the earliest." How is this ; even those whose date is tixed 
at the beginning of the XV. century and at the end of the XIA'^ / That is 
going a little far. But Meyer will not long be of this opinion. He wrote to us 
recently : " Some day I intend to set to work on the Waldensian literature, as I 
am but very little satisfied with all that exists on this subject." Moreover, 
Fcerster also pledged himself to this. Some 5 years ago he wrote, that, in his 
opinion, the text of the Noble Lesson did not date back further than the XIV. 
century, and he proposed to prove it one day ; desiring tirst to publish a 
grammar of the Waldensian dialect. See Rir. Cristiana, 1882, p. 102. We hear 
that promise is about to be fulfilled. Mr. Boehmer, after reading what we have 
above said, writes : " The impression made upon me — which I informed you 
of — that the Nobla Leiczon might be very much older than is generally supposed, 
has been increased by your exposition of the matter. 

836 See Mt)ntet.^w.«/;w, and after him Bridel, Anderson Scott, etc. 

837 We had just written these lines when we read the opinion given by 
Professor K. Miiller upon the origin of our literature. "All that has been given 
out as Waldensian literature, before the Plussite period, is, without exception, of 
Catholic origin, and has never been Waldensian." Zeitscli f. Kirchcng, by 
Brieger, 1886, p. 506. Here we have a thesis going thoroughly to the root of the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 341 

matter. It is a pity, that, thus far, the author lias not seen tit to justify it, and 
that he has not had the time to do so as he had announced in his preface to his 
liooic. Dir Wnldnwr, etc. 

83f^ "Area 1' istinto del riformatore religioso, e ben sapeva trasfondere 
iiltnii rintimo suo convinclmento." Tocco, iq). cit., p. 169. 

839 Tocco appears to find nothing' but that. "Come ad imitazoine dei 
l''iveri di Lioiie sorsero i Poveri d" Assisi o frati minori, cosi ad imatazione dei 
|):i' licatori valdesi nacquero i frati predicatori." Ihid.. p. 170. 

S4(i Accurdiui,' to two MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin. See Montct, p. 8."). 

S41 Xobla Leir:,»i, v., 19, 217. 

.^42 Ibid., v., 287—288. 

843 Some were not far from leaving the Old Testament on one side 
altogether. " Vetus Testamentum non recipiunt ad credenduin," observes Dav. 
(if Augsburg, "sed tantuin aliqua inde discunt, ut nos per ea impugnent et se 
il^'femlant, dicentes quod superveniente evangelio vetera ommia transierunt. 
One reading gives simply : "Vetus Testamentum non habent vel recipiunt, sed 
ivanwlia." Ch. o. 

844 For ex., in the treatises concerning Antichrist and the Causn of thr 
Jhtjiturc, an inferior rank is assigned to the 2nd and 3rd epistles of St. John 
than to the 1st. Cf., upon this point, the letter of (Ecolanipadius to the 

845 Thus Herzoa: and Montet, v. linm. WaliL, p. 130— 13."5. and Hixtoln- 
Litter., p. 81—84. 

84(1 In our days. L. Desanctis held that the interpretation of the Holy 
Scriptures was not necessary ; this he did from a practical standpoint, and to 
imt an end to the sophistry of the Romish theology. Whatever is true in this 
(>l)inion wns ;)ractised by the early Waldenses. 

>47 "Xfc aliiiuam expositionem sui)er eis recipiunt." Practiea, ii.2o2. It is 
here II question relating to the oath, etc. 

^48 ■• Seiisu proprio verba eyangelii interpretari presumpserunt, videntes 
nullos alios evangelium juxta literain omnino servare, quod se facere A'elle 
jactaverunt . . ". Mysticum sensum in divinis SS. refiitant." They give their 
liclievers the impression that they are following the true reading : " boni et 
samti homines, qui haberent rectam scripturam." Wattenbach, JJeber die 
Iiiipiis/tioiKicqoidic Wald. i)i Pommcrn u. der MarTi Brandenburg, Berlin, 
issci. p. 44. 

849 '• An sensus allegorici sint admittendi, et si ad plebem docendam sint 
utiles." Scnltetus, Ann. Ecang.. etc., 1620. p. 295 — 315, vers la fin. 

a50 Xnb. Leiczon, v. 426—428. 

851 Ibid., V. 454—4.55. 

8.52 The teaching of the " duae viae " is constantly found in the Waldensian 
writings. It is proven, moreover, by the inquisitorial documents. It is, there- 
fore, charnctfiistic. Is it necessary, in order to account for it, to find in it a link 
with tlic liiilache so-called of the twelve Apostles, as L. Keller does, for in- 
staiii.i-; Sir irarnack, Tr.rtr ti. Unter.vtchungcn, vol. ii. It is in our opinion 
ninre iiatu'.al to recognise in it one of the maxims of the Sermon on the 

853 " Dicunt et docent quod anime, qiiando exeunt de corporibus, immediate 
vadunt. vel in paradisinn . . . vel in infernum, et non est alius locus animarum 
post banc vitam nisi i)aradisus vel infernus." Prartica, p. 252. 

854 Montet confesses that " there is no question here of our most ancient 
documents. The word imrgatori is not to be found in any rescript of that 
period." Op. cit., p. 89. 

8.55 Thus in the treatise of the Purgaturi .toyma. 

856 According to Bern. Fontiscaldis, one would imagine that the ideas of 
the Waldenses of his acquaintance on this subject were not definite. Oj). cit. 

857 "Primo . . . puriratorium esse non credunt." Akten-^tiirlic, dans la 
Hl^t. Zeitxchr. 1852. p. 2.")3. 

858 " It is in this sensi; that St. de Borbone mentions " poenam purgatoriam," 
and Eenier Sacconi the ■ ])resentem tribulationem."' 

8.59 " Dicunt et docent quod vera poenitentia et purgatorium de peccatis est 
tantuniniodu in hai; vita ct non in alia." Practira, p. 252. Cf. Limborch, Lib. 
sent, inqnix. Tlmlo.^.. Amsterdam 1692, ^w.v-v/w. 

86n •■ Xesxant post banc vitam esse pur?atoriuni." Pructica, p. 247. " Dicunt 
non esse puriratorium." Dav. d' Au'j->1>.. ch. •">. 

861 ■• Consequenter oratinri'- n .li-mM-iiKis -m- mi-sarumcelebrationes et alia 
suffrairia pietatis que tiunt a ti.l.lilni- jd-n iLi'incti-. ipsi asserunt non prodesse." 
Practica, p. 247. Cf. ibid., p. 24 ;. 24>i, 2:>2. ct Lili. S,:nt., p. 208 ; Cons. Tarrac, 

342 The Waldenses of Italy. 

p. 1,800; AlauHn. ch. 12, p. 3S7— 388 ; Wattenbach, rebrr du- Inquisition, 
p. 57— 59, f;0— 61. 

862 " Non conceduut sanctos intercedere pro nobis, sive pro vivis vel tlefiinc- 
tis." Akfni.ifucJie, etc. 

863 Montet. p. 91. 

864 Homily on Herod and Herodias, quoted by Montet, ibid. Cf. the 
treatise on the Tribulations. 

865 " Venerationeni sanctorum dicunt esse ydolatriarn." Al-tcnstileke, etc. 
Cf. Ochsenbein, oj). cit., p. 110 ; Preger, Britragi', p. 246. 

866 " Si pro nobis deberet orare, et'alii sancti, quid tunc gaudii haberent .' '' 
Wattenbach, ibid., p. 55. 

867 " Quia beata Maria nullam haberet potestatem, nee sancti."' Ibid. 

868 " Quia non averterent faciem suam a Deo et a facie sancte Trinitatis." 
Ibid., p. 56. 

869 Haupt, Der wald. Ur-^pruiU), p. 36. 

870 " Ideo solum Deum invocaverit ... In solo Deo ligere fidem." Ibid. 
The passage from the Glosa Pater was corrected in this sense by the Wal- 
denses. L.C. 

871 Nov. Sermon, v., 10 et seq. 

872 Ili.^t. des Variations xi., 37. 

873 JVohla Liiczon, v., 434—436. 

874 Tocco, OJ}. cit.. p. 139—150 ; K. Miiller, op. cit., p. 136—138. 

875 Keller has strongly emphasized this point. Die Bcfonnation, etc., p. 48 
et seq. Cf. V)\ecW^o^, op. cit., p. 189, and Zezschwitz, Die Katcchisuien, etc., 
p. 102, where we read : " For the Poor of Lyons the Seriuon on the Mount poss- 
essed the importance of a Gospel." 

876 Xoh. Lriczon, v. 369—373. 

877 " Dicunt quod homo non debet mentiri ; quod omnis qui mentitur 
occidit animam." Praetica, p. 251 et passim. Cf. Alniui.s. ii.. 1.5 — 17; Limborch, 
Lib. Sent., passim ; Consult. Tarrac, p. 1,797; Ren. Sacconl, I.e., etc. 

878 8ee, for instance, the Praetica, vp. ii., 78. A distinction is drawn between 
sophisms " per verborem equivocationem, per conditionis adjectionem, per 
responsionis extorsionem, per admirationem, per translationem, etc." Cf. Dav. 
D'Augsb., ch. 42. 

879 " Quia Deus prohibuit omne juramentum in Erangelio .... Et ista 
verba multum imprimunt credentibus suis." Praetica. ibid., ch. 6. Cf. ibid., 
ch. 3, et iii. part, ch. 34, where we see that the Waldenses rest upon the words of 
James v., 12. 

880 " Si aliquis de credentibus ipsorum compellatur."' Ibid. 

881 Cf. Alanus. ch. 18 — 19 ; Limborch and Pierre de Valdis Cernaii, passim, 
and the Consult. Tarrac. de Tan 1242, etc. 

882 " Pauper es Lombardi concordant ... in juramento." R. Sacconi, 
I.e. " Dicunt illicitum esse omne juramentum, etiam de vero, et peccatum mor- 
tale. Sed tamen dispensant ut juret quis pro evadenda morte corporis vel ne 
alios prodat vel secretum revelet perfidie sue." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Anon. 
of Passau, p. 547. 

883 '• Per hoc facile tunc poterant deprehendi et multi de medio auferri." 
Dav. of Augsb., ch. 18 et 31. 

884 " Pro se vel alio a morte defendendo." Ibid., ch. 18. Some accused 
persons think that they are allowed to swear, if it be a question of witnessing to 
the truth ; but this is deviation from the Waldensian usage. Wattenbach, 
Ueber die Inquis., p. 63 — 65. 

885 " Dicunt enim esse crimen inexpiabile et peccatum in Spiritum Sanctum 
prodere alitiuem de secta sua perfectum." Practiea, Vme partie. 3. Cf. Dav. 
d'Augsb., ch. 5. 

886 " Hereticos deprehendere vel convincere modo est valde ditticile, ut 
(luasi desperent." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 28. 

887 " Exceptis valde raris, qui pertinacius errores suos aperte confitentur, 
([ui eciam perfecti apud eos reputanturet pro magistris reputantur vel habentur." 
Ibid., ch. 31. 

888 " Sine expositioue debita." Practiea. I.e.. Cf. Alanus. ch. 20—23, and 
the other sources indicated by us. 

889 " Concordant cum primis . . . in justitia soeculari." R. Sacconi. 

890 " Dicunt non licere occidere maleficos per judicium seculare." Dav. 
d'Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Anon, de Passau, ap. Flacius. Catal. test, vcrit., 1597, 
p. 547. 

891 " Quidam quadam supersticione asserunt, iiuod eciam animalia et bruta 
non liceat occidere, ut pisces, oves et huiusmodi. Cum autem volunt talia man- 

The Waldenses of Italy. 343 

(lucare, siispt^iiduiit ea sjuper ip:neni in fuiniiin, donee per se Tnoriantnr. Pulices 
triani et liuiusuiodi aniinalia excuciunt contra igneni vel vestem ipsam intin- 
-iiiit in mma calida, et tunc nolunt ea occidi^ise, sed dicunt ea per se mortua 
f,-se." Dav. d'Aus'sb.. /7</V/. 

81)2 •• Danipnant et rejirobant iniperatdrcs, reiii's vt principcs. niarcliiones, 
l;mt^ravoi.s, duces, barunrs. justlciarids juratns. judifcs et scahinos propter 
iliiodcun(iue homicidiuin (inamiauKiur judicialitfr et juste factum." P. Cclestin, 
ap. Preger. Hfifrd^/r, etc., n. 72. (Jf. Anon, de Passau, I.e.. et W'attenbach, ojj. 
r,f., p. (;:.. ■ 

893 Jfi(h'.r trrrorum, n. 8, ap. Max. Bibl. Patr., xxv., p. 30S. 

894 It may be said that the resistance of the Waliienses in times of i)erse- 
cutiou does not p:o to prove this horror. We answer that the deeds of those 
w ho wer.' only termed the faithful, must not be attrit)uted to tlie early and pro- 
perly called ^\'aldenses. in addition to which, while theory may be easy, practice 
is difficult. As for criticism, not only is it easy, but odious iu this case, 
especially on the part of Catholics. 

895 '• Ipsi inter se vocant se Fratres seu Pauperes Christi." Practica, 
l.r., n. 9. 

896 Matt, v., 6. '• Vocant autem se pauperes spiritu, propter quod Dominus 
(licit : Beati pauperes spiritu." Ayiecdote.^; etc., n. 342. Cf. ibid., u. 330. 

897 ^lore correctly Valdesirns. 

)ii)6 See above, note 57. It is to legend we owe the idea of deriving " Wal- 
denses, a valido niauo, vel a valle," and the name of " Petrus a Valle. ' 

N'.i'.t St. lie Borb., who procured information in Lyons itself, writes: 
■• rHemitnr ^'aldenses a suo heresiarcha." O/). fit., n. 330. Map, who examined 
the Walileiisiau deputation at Rome, says : '' Waldesii a primate ipsorum Valde 
dicti." U>' //tii//.f curialinm, I.e. Alanus, Gui, Valdis-Cernaii, etc., testify to the- 
same thing. 

9(10 See especially the Peneript of the Poor of Lombardy. 

901 In the letter of the Waldenses of Provence to the Protestants of Ger- 
man v. of the vear 1535. we read : "Valdenses olim invidiose nominati." Schmidt 
AhtrmtiL-lt:\ I.e. 

902 Ilixtoire. etc., ch. ii. Perrin had enunciated the same opinion. He 
says : " Waldo commenced teaching the people, who were afterwards called by 
his name." And on the subject of those of the Alps, who had fled from Lyons, 
he adds : "Who from Waldo, were called Waldenses." 

903 Dieckhoff had noticed that ; he had even partly proved it. But to 
Professor Miiller belongs the honour of setting it forth clearly in the aforesaid 
book, p. 11 et seq. 

904 ^I filler a^>erts that tlie name of Waldenses does not. any more than that 
of tlie I'.Miiur Lviiii- ..r nf LMiiil):ii-dy. (le>i-iiate in the primitive literature of 
thi' Imiui-itiiiii. (li>>entiu'_^ eoMiuiuiiitie-. m- their faithful members, but merely 
the pn-aehei's. He quotes iu support of this tlie testimony of Bernard de Fontis- 
caldis, Alain de I'Lsle Ebrard of Bethune, Peter of Valdis-Cernaii, Peter of 
Tarragona, the Doetrina de iiindo pvoeedrndi, Bernard Gui, and the Liber 
Siifeiif-Inqni.f. Thoht.i.. ap. Limborch v. nj). i-if..\\. 12 — 15. The German Inquisitors 
would still make the saine distinction, aecordini,' to -Miiller: they were, however, 
the first to extend those appellations to the adherents of the - seVt." M. Preger 
is not of tliis opinion. He has shown that the above distinction has been at 
the lea>t exaggerated. See Uebcr das Ver/idltui-ss, etc., \x iJ7 et neq. 

'.hh, s.-t' ////.saini, the authorities quoted. It was also called the '' Family." 
90t; ■■ I'erfecti enim inter eos . . . ; imperfecti vero ..." Inq. 
anon of I'assau, I.e.. ]>. 2H(!. Concerning the designation " credentes," see St. de 
P.orbone, I.e., \^. 294: the Praetica, ill. jiart. n. 34: v. part, ii., 5 et 9, and 

907 "Ex tunc debent servare castitatem et non habere proi)rium, et vivere 
de elemosinis." Praefiea. Vme partie, ii., 5. 

908 " Dedit pecuniam . . . Pluries vendidit bladum in foro quod datum 
erat Valdensibus et reddidit eis ]>ecuniam." Lib. Kent, inquh. Tholox., p. 224, 
233. Cf. ibid., p. 232 : Dav. dAugsb., ch. 7, et Wattenbach, Ueber die Iiiquis., 

909 " Legavit in infirmitate, de qua decessit, clamidem suam Mandine 
Valdensi et viginti solidos societati pauperum de Lugduno." Form, inquis. 
Carea.i-'i., n. 14. 

910 '"Ambulant inquiete nil ojierantes."" dit Bern, de Fontcaude. "Non 
laborant manibus suis postiiuam sunt faeti i)erfecti. nee faciunt aliquod opus ad 
lucrandum/" Pmefien. I.e. Cf. Alanus. ch. 24 : Ebrard de Bethume, ch. 25. 

911 '' Nisi forsitan in casu ad dissimulandum." Praetica, I.e. 

344 The Waldenses of Italy. 

912 Ji('sci-!j)funh her. Lomhnrd., n. 6 et 7, quoted above in ch. iii. 

913 •' Comediint panem otiosum, nil operantes ; nos vero nianibus opera- 
mus," say they, according to the Inquisitor of Passau, who observes that such is 
their principle : " Omnem cleruni damnant propter otiiini dicentes eos nianibus 
debere operari sicut apostoli feceruut." Bibl. Ma-v. Pair. 

914 1 Cor. ix., 4 ; 2 Thess. iii., 7. 

91.5 Miiller observes that at the end of the XIV. and the beginning of the 
XV. century, the abstaining from work is considered by the Waldenses of 
Germany as an advance. Oj). cit., p. 125. Cf. Rohrich op. cit., p. 42 and .51, and 
Krone, IWi LoJcino, p. 201, on the subject of the " Regulce Valdensium." 

916 Dicunt quod uxor a viro recedere eo invito et e contrario, et sequi eorum 
societatem vel vicim continencie." St. of Borbone, iikl., n. 342. Cf. Mart, awl 
Burand, v., 17.54 et seq.. and Aktenxtiiche. 

917 " Non sal vatur nisi per vobintateiii utriusque, nisi occasio justa inter- 
venerit secundum ([uod cummuui videbitur." Bescrijjtum, n. 12. 

918 " Credimus legitime coniugatos nisi ob fornicacionis causam aut utri- 
usque consensum neminem debere separare et hoc obsecramus fratres ultramon- 
tanos credere et fateri." Ihid., n. 9. 

919 "Nee coniuges (habere), quas, si antea habuerunt, relinquunt." Dav. of 
Augsb., ch. 7. 

920 It is to tliese regular sisters, we believe, the following words of Alanus 
refer : " Mulierculas secum ducunt et eas in conventu tidelium prcedicare 
faciunt." Cf. Ahtrnstilehc. 

921 Tlius might, perhaps, be explained the following declaration related by 
the Inq. of Passau *' Sed unusquisque nostrem uxorem suam habet." 

922 See the superabundant indication of confirmatory testimony, ap. Miiller, 
«j). cit., p. 73, n. 3. 

923 " Magister eorum," says St. of Borbone. 

924 "Sciendum quod dixerunt quod Valdesius ordinem habuit ab universi- 
tate fratrum suorum." Moneta, Adv. C-Ai\\. et Vald., p. 403. Thomas, the 
Lombard, admits the fact, since he strives to justify it, in opposition to the 
Romish Church. In fact, he says : " quilibet de ilia congregatione potuit dare 
Valdesio jus suum sc. regere seipsum et sic tota congregatio ilia potiut conferre 
et contulit Valdesio regimen omnium, et sie creaverunt ilium omnium pontiti- 
cem et prcelatum." Moneta replies to this, that if this reasoning ,]ustities the 
office of Rector, it does not legitimatize that of Priest, which office Waldo could 
not have received in that manner, from a Catholic point of view. Dieckhoff did 
not recognize in Waldo the priestly office, and Preger was the first to point out 
this error. Beifr'dgt', p. 19 — 21. 

925 " Se nolle aliquem in societate ultramontanorum aut ytalicorum fratrum 
fore prepositum in vita sua nee post mortem." Rescrijjtum, n. 4. The reader 
will remember that the Lombards had their "prepositus" for life, called 
Oto de Ramezello, who signed himself : " Dei gratia confrater pauperum 

926 Rcscrijitum, n. 15. Cf. Miiller, op. cit., p. 33. 

927 " Qui ambo." we read concerning them, "tunc temporis accionem ultra- 
montanorum annualem,/w.r^f xuavi ron.'<ue.tiidiiu'ni procurabant." Ihid. 

928 An accused Waldfosian declares : "quod in Ecclesia non sunt nisi tres 
Crdines ; episcojialis. saeerdotalis et diaconalis." Lib. .v-nt., p. 290. Cf. ihid., 
p. 289, 291, etc. Moneta writes : " Ordinem ecclesiasticinii ipsi ad minus tripli- 
cem co7ifitentnr, scil. Episcopatum, Presbyteratum et Uiaconatuni, sine quo 
triplici Ordine Ecclesia Dei non potest esse, nee deltet. iit ijisi tcMd/ifii r." Op. 
fit., 1, v., ch. i. " Peregrinantur," says the In(|. of Passau, "et ita Lombardium 
intrantes visitant Episcopos suos." We shall see further on that Bishops were 
not recognized by the Waldenses of the Alps. 

929 " Ad cujus potestatem pertinere dicunt sacramenta penitentie et ordinis 
et eucharistie ministrare, nen con Evangelium uliicuuKiue voluerit predicare, et 
potestatem predicandi Evangelium et confessioues audiendi jiresbiteris dare." 
Bern. Gui, Pr(7<:'/'cVw, iii. p., ii., ch. 35, entitled : Ordincf: quo.'i dinmt Valdcnses 
(Hsc in sua ecclesia. scilicet epixeopi. jinshijteri et dyachoni. 

930 "Licet commnniter h(ie 11(111 liat." Ihid. 

931 "Ad potestatem presbiteri pevtinet confessioues peccatorum audire, 
non tamen potest jieuas peeeatoruni reniittere, nee potest celebrare." Ibid. 

932 " Taliter (iriliiKitus (lyaelionus efticitur de eonnn statu cum voto quod 
facit paupertatis. eastitatis et udedieutie; nee ante receptionem dicti ordinis 
aliquis est perfectus in eorum statu." Ihid. 

933 " Alii qui nou sunt ordinati vocantur credentes et amici eorum, a quibus 
etiam recipiunt sustentationem." Ibid. 

The Waldenses of Italy, 345 

934 "Ad dyailuiniiiii i)t.TtiiK't ministnirc tarn iiuijori (luam presbiteris 
iiecessaria corporis." Ihid. 

935 Noil tameii liabet potestatem audiendi confess! o net-." Ihid. 
93*i Thus says Miiller. op cit., p. >b' — 8S. 

937 " Major oinniuui," says Gui. He mentions liini also as '• majoreni sen 
inajoralem." Do these two titles indicate the same office, or is that .sen, which 
means or. used tliere in the sense of and. accordinu' to a frequent custom in 
the Middle Ages.' Cf. Lib. .sent. infj. Tholo.s p. 34i) and 377, where mention 
is made of a certain Crispinus "qui'erat major inter eos." 

938 This point will be brought out by wliat we shall have to say further on 
about ordination. Gui supposes that the iiaiticiiintion in this ordination by 
other "majores" was possible, and he s.iy.- th:it the Presbyter was allowed to 
lnj- hands on him only in case of the absiiM.nriltrcase of colleagues •"majores." 
Hence "major" and Bishop are interchanmalili' titles. But is the "major" 
necessarily "majoialis ?' We are inclined to think not, and that " majoralis " is 
equivalent to "major omnium." 

939 Such is the opinion of Miiller, which we think he justifies very clearlv. 

940 ■' Valdenses habeut et constituunt sibi unum snperiorem super se. 
iiuem vocant Majoralem suum, cui omnes tenentur obedire sicut omnes eatholici 
sunt sub obedientia dounni Pape." Practica, v. partie, ii.. 5. Cf. Lib. sentent, 
etc.. p. 291. 

941 " Singulis annis tenent aut celebrant unum vel duo capitula generalia in 
aliquasollempni villa occulte quantum possunt, couvenientes in aliquadomo con- 
ductam per aliquemvel aliquosde credentibus diu ante." Practica, I.e. The same 
instinct is to be found also in all dissenting bodies. These words correspond, 
for instance, in a striking manner with what the Venice Inquisition teaches us 
concerning an Anabaptist reunion, held in that city, in 1550. See Iliv. Cristi<Z7ia, 
18>'5, January and March. 

942 For instance, in the case mentioned above, Miiller is not of that 
opinion. He believes the idea of admitting the presence of laymen to the 
Chapter held in the Valleys in the XIV. ceiitury, to be absolutely erroneous, 
01). cit., p. 89. But is it proved that the rule does not admit the faithful .' We 
doubt this somewhat. See ante, n. 767. According to our interpretation, the 
number mentioned, either by John XXII. or the separated brothers John and 
Peter, is more easily explained. 

943 " In illis capitulis mnjor omnium ordinat et disponit de presbiteris et 
dyachonibus et do mittrudis nd diversas partes et regiones ad credentes et 
amicos suos pro contV.-^iniiibus audiendis et elemosinis colligendis, et audit et 
recepit rationem de collectis et de expensis factis." Practica, I.e. 

944 See Dav. of Augsburg, ch. 9. 

945 "Bini et bini circumeunt." Map. Z.c. Cf. Wattenbach, Z/efter rZ/e Inii., 
p. 44. They were the " major " and the " minor," the " senior " and the " junior " 
the "payre religios major " and the " manor," called also the "devaut pausa," 
and the "menor pausa." This '"minor" or '•junior" seems to have been a 

946 P?•«6'^lfm, V. part, ii. 5. The JBenedicitc has already been mentioned in 
the Consult. Avinion., 1235, and the Tarracon, 1242. The custom was not 
adopted everywhere. '•They do not pronounce the blessing," confesses 
Anguilla Brechiller of Friburg in his interrogatory, March 23, 1429. See 
Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. ISO. 

947 "Facta predicatione, flexis geni bus." Practica, I.e. 

948 An accused person being asked •' an cauticum ecclesiasticum crediderit 
magis valere quam simi)liciter sub silenti celebrari," answers that he had learned 
"quod melius esset sub silencio fieri." It is a question of the mass, but this 
avowal is none the less signiticant. Another one declares to the judges that 
" melius secrete orarc'' and that ■■ esse eantum sicut grimnitum porcorum ante 
pertain." A third ennfe'sses that he .>aiiii-. in the Church, of course, but not to 1 e 
observed. A fourth says that he does not think singing glorifies God. and that 
it is preferable to serve him in the secret of one's heart. Watteubach, oij. cit.. 
p. 31, 34, 6-2j 63. 

949 "Lnum Paternoster plus valeat quam decern campanarum sonitus, et 
plusquam Missa." Inq. of Passau. 

950 ■•XuUam aliam orationein dicunt tunc nee decent nee habent ni.-i 
orationem I'aternostcr.'" Practica, I.e. 

951 •• Xon oratit aliud nisi Paternoster, no:i adden lo Ave Maria vel syml o- 
lum. ' Alitcnxtuchc de Schmidt. 

952 Moutet. p. 92. 

346 The Waldenses of Italy. 

9o3 " Nee aliquid reputant salutationem beate Marie Ave Maria." Ihid. 

954 One of the accused avows that his Waldensian confessor directed him 
to recite the Lord's Praj'er a hundred times, and not the Ave Maria ; adding, 
however, that the Ave is from the Gospel: "esse evangelium et non esse 
peccatum si diceret." Wattenbach, Ueber die Inquis., p. 33. 

95.5 The confessions of the two accused persons, are as follows: (1) "Quod 
dixerint sibi heresiarce, quod Avemaria scire deberet propter homines ; " 
.<2) Jusserunt tamen ei scire Avemaria propter sacerdotes de hoc fortasse quesi- 
turos." ii/V/., p. 56. 

95(i " Pliu-imi eorum ignorant Ave Maria." Inde.v, etc., ap. Bibl. M.P., p. 
307. Witness this woman, who recites it thus : " Ave Marge gracia plene 
Domine di'hni eij benedictus Jhesus Cristus amen." Wattenbach, Ih'ul. 

957 " Nee symbolum apostolorum Credo in Beum." Practica, ihid., Cf. 
Inq. of I'assau, ap. Fl. lUyr. who notes : " Id est negant Symbolum esse oratio- 
nem." So true is it that they do not recite it, that G-ui observes that in order to 
surprise them, one has only to ask them : Can you repeat I believe in God ? 
They will answer: "Nescio, quia nullus me docuit ita." According to Et de 
Borbone, or to the interpretation of him given by M. Miiller, it is not the same 
in Alsace, any more than in the valleys of the Alps. 

958 " Dicunt ilia per Romanam Ecclesiam et non per Christum fuisse 
ordinata sen composita." Ibid. How shall we reconcile those words with the 
legend of the Creed, composed of 12 articles, each having an Apostle for its 
author? Hahn gives it as Waldensian, because he found it in a so-called 
Waldensian writing, but of Catholic origin. Op. cit., p. 605- 611. Cf. with the 
Articles de la Fe, reproduced by Montet, ojj. elt., Pieee.<i justificatives, n. 3. 

959 " In illo plurimum gloriantur." Ibid. 

960 "Non orant Psalmos ac orationes alias quantumcunque devotas." 
Inde.v, etc. 

961 " In orando non habent numerum determinatum, sed senior inter eos 
incipit orationem et facit eam vel prolixam vel brevem, secundum quod sibi 
videtur expedire." AldenMiicke, I.e. The author had just remarked that the 
Waldenses made use of no other than the Lord's Prayer. As a private penance, 
this prayer was repeated a great number of times, as we shall see. 

962 " Praedicatio vel lectio." Cone. Tarrae of 1242. Cf., on this point, 
Montet, Noble Legon, p. 18. 

9()3 " Omnes scilicet viri et feminse, parvi et magni, nocte et die, non 
cessant docere et discere. Operarius enim in die laborans, in nocte discit vel 
docet." Inq. of Passau. 

964 "Apud nos vero," says a Waldensian hawker, " tam femin.-e quam viri 
docent et discipulus septem dierum docet alium." Ibid. 

965 Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 284,387, etc., and Rohrich, op. eit., p. 40, 49, etc. 

966 It is difficult to admit that this book they were anxious to be able, if 
need be, to conceal, contained the whole Bible : although it may all have 
been translated in Germany at least. Indeed, the Inq. of Passau says : " Novum 
Testamentum et Vetus vulgariter trans tulerunt." 

967 " Pro maiori parte sunt illiterati et scripturum lingua materna in corde 
retinentes et experimentes." Aktenstiieke, etc. 

968 'Habento Evan^elia et Epistolas in vulgari communiter et etiam in 
latino, quia aliqui inter eos iutelligunt, et aliqui sciunt legere, sed ea corde tenus 
didiscerunt." Practica. ihid., ch. 6. 

969 " Expositiones sanctorum respuunt, et tantum inhaerent textui." Inq. 
of Passau. 

970 " Quicquid prfedicatur quod per textum Bibliie non probatur, pro fabulis 
habent." Ibid. 

971 romuU. Arinion., 1235. 

972 " Puellas parvulas docent verba evangelii et epistolas, ut a puericia con- 
suescant." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 15. Cf. ch. 5. 

973 " Alter alteri ruminat . . . Ruminant aliis." St. de Bourbon, CjO. c?'^., 
n. 349. 

974 " Disce quotidie unum verbum." Inq. of Passau. 

975 Anrcdote.K, etc., n. 349. 

97('> '• Et plures alios, qui N. T. totum sciverunt perfecte." Inq. of Passau. 

977 " Statim offerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." Practica, 
v., part ii, 5. 

978 " Qui tria capitula continuata N. T. literaliter sciat corde." Inq. of 

979 " Omnis gloriacio eorum est de singularitate, quod videntur sibi pre 
ceteris scioli, quod aliqua evangeli verba vel epistolarum sciunt corde vulgariter 

The Waldenses of Italy. 347 

recitniv. In hoc itivferunt so nostris non solum laycis sed eciam literatis, stulti, 
noil inti'lliiTi'ntes (luod sepe puer XI 1. annoruni scolaris cencies i)lus scit quam 
ina.ijister luTeticorum LX. annornm, dum iste sola ilia seit, que usu corde affir- 
mavit. illo vero per artein granimatice mille libros scit legere latine et ad 
literaui iiitt'lli<!:ere qiuxiuo niodo.'" Dav. of Aiigsb., ch. 13. 
VSO See John, i., 11. " Pius jocus," says Flacius. 

981 "• Dicendo et alleLrando : Istud dicitur in Evangelio, vel in epi.stola, 
sancti Petri." Practica, I.e. 

982 •• Dicta Sanctorum nihil curant, nisi quantum pro secta eorum 
confortanda retinent : sed tantum Novum Tcstamentum ad literam observant." 
I7ide.i; etc. 

983 We see. therefore, that the notion which attributes this maxim in its 
negative form to the Gospel, is not recent. It is not likely it was the work of 
people who committed the Scriptures to memory. So that it would seem that 
it is the Judge who displays his ignorance in this case. Practica, I.e. 

984 " Dicunt et docent credentibus suis quod contiteantur sibi peccata sua et 
audiunt confessiones eorum." Ihid. 

98.5 " Predicationem suam faciunt in domibuscredentiumsuorum, aliquando 
in itinera, sen in via." Ibhl. 
98() Oj) cif., p. 3rt. 

987 '• Matrimonium dicunt esse fornicacionem iuratam, nisi continenter 
vivant." Dav. of Augsb. ch. 5. " Mortaliter peccare conjuges, si absque spe 
prolis conveniant." Inq. of Passau. We must here note an isolated opinion : 
"Quod erraverit Ecclesia clericis matrimonium prohibendo, cum etiam orientalis 
concedat ut contrahant." Jbid. 

988 ■* Confirmacionis sacramentam respuunt. Unctionem extremam res- 
puunt et oleum consecratum et crisma nil valere plus quam aliud." Dav. of 
Ausgb., ibid. Cf. Inq. of Passau, Ibid. It was not the same at Fribnrg. See 
Ochsenbein op. cit. p. 187. According to Dav. of Augsb., I.e., ''magistri eorum 
imponunt manus discipulis vice illiiis sacramenti." The imposition of hands, 
therefore, occasionally took the place of confirmation. Another Inquisitor says 
the same thing, according to Preger, Beitrdge, p. 69, n. 14. 

989 This perfect momentary agreement between the Waldenses of France 
and those of Lombardy is noticed in the RiscrifUim. It is Ithere really a ques- 
tion concerning baptism "aque materialis." It is valid, not only if it be admin- 
istered '"per homines iayeos et maliciosos," but also "per mulieres etiam 
meretrices." Ibid., n. 8, 11, 17. 

99(J We see by the tone of the Lombard brethren, that they are preoccupied 
by it in their Rescript. " Dicimus quod nemo aque materialis baptismum res- 
puens potest salvari, parvulos vero non baptizatos minime credimus salvari et 
hoc oramus eos credere et fateri." Ibid., n. 8. There were, therefore, some 
Brethren who rejected this doctrine. 

991 R. Sacconi. writing some years later, says : " Pauperes Lombardi . . . . 
dicunt quod infantes salvantur sine baptismo." Dav. of Auo:sburg, Z.c, adds : 
" Quidam dicunt l):ii)tisiiium non valere parvulis eo quod nondum — one reading 
gives nunquum — actualiter possint credere." We read again : "Quod ablutio, 
qu;i' datur infantibus, nihil prosit." Inq. of Passau. Cf. St. of Borbone, oj). cit., 
n. 343. This latter writer says, on the subject of the Cathari : " Dicimt baptis- 
nmm parvulis non proticere ad salutem. qui nee motum nee actum habent fidei." 
iJ?<7., n. 346. 

992 See ante, p. 2.54. 

993 "Certe non habetis. Auditis solum confessiones ; pro reliquis mittitis 
ad ecclesiam populum. Cum igitur ecclesia populis ministret et sacramenta 
et multa alia beneficia et vos tamen unum semisacramentum. . . ." Cod. S. 
Flor., I.e. 

994 Ad. Franck, Be/ormafrurs et Pnbliciittes, 1864, p. 162. 

99.5 '• Sicut Apostoli laid erant." Inq. of Passau. Cf. Bern, of Fontis Caldis 
and Alanus. 

996 Unordained laymen are distinct from the community. " Quidam dicun- 
tur perfect! eorum, et hii proprie vocantur Pover de Leun." Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 7. "Alii qui non sunt ordinati, vocantur credentes et amici eorum;" but 
not "brethren." Prnctica, iii. p., 3.5. 

997 "Sic, sine aliciuia lalia forma verborum . . . per solam orationem et 
nianuum im])ositioiii'm apiid eos cpisropus ordinatur." Practiea. iii. part, ch. .'', 
intitule : Urdim k qi/n.s dicunt Yulden-tcs c-ixe in .nta ecclexia, Hcilicet ej'isciij.i , 
jn-exbyteri ct dyachon. 

99s " Potest tamen ordinare majorem seu majoralem ipsorum." Ibid. 

999 "Tam layci et ydioie, quam etiam litterati, dummodo probati prius 

348 The Waldenses of Italy. 

fuerint in dicta secta et electi postmodum, sicut superius est expressiim." Ibid. 

1000 " Prius per aliquod tempus examinant eum." Ahtervstiicke. 

1001 " Nee omnes ad lianc formam assumuntur sed prius diu informantur, ut 
et alios sciant docere." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 7. 

1002 " Quia alias nullus suscipitur nisi sit castus et ab omni consortio muli- 
erum immunis, quoad opera carnalia." AMensUiclie, etc. 

1003 " De aliis articulis nullam faciunt omnino mentionem." Hid. 

100-t " Vota vero que ab eo requiruntur sunt liec ; primo, ut promittat obe- 
dientiam Deo ; secundo castitatem . . . ; quarto, quod nullam habeat spem 
sen sustentationem manuum suarum, sed paupertatem voluntariam imitetur." 
Ibid. The third point relates to the oath, and the fifth to the relation with 

1005 " Non rediniat vitani eorum, in captivitate constitutus, vel quocunque 
mortis 'periculo preventus, falso iuramento vel aliquo peccata mortali . . . 
Quod non habeat maiorem confidentiam de consanguineis suis, quam de aliis 
hominibus ejusdem secte." Ibid. 

1006 '■ Credunt quod a beato Clemente citra exclusive, nullus successit B. 
Petro apostolo aut Lino vel Clementi, qui haberet potestatem ligandi vel 
solvendi usque ad Don Valdense." See Martene and Durand, v., col. 1754. 

1007 "Ponunt solum Deum a peccatis absolvere." Et. of Borbone. "Sacer- 
dos non est nisi pronunciator. . . . Non valent indulgentias pra3latorum. cum 
nullus peccatum possit dimittere, nisi solus Deus." Index errorum. Cf, Lib. 
Sent., jMssivi. 

lOOS Ille cui fit confessio peccatorum, solummodo dat consilium, quod 
debeat homo facere, etinjungit poenitentiam, et hoc potest facere homo sapiens 
et discretus, sive sit sacerdos, sive non." Lib. sent., inq. Tholos., p. 290. Cf. 
NoblaLeiczon, v. 108—113, the Barca, etc., j^a-ssim. 

100 "Ipsi esiam ad ecclesiam ficte vadunt, otferunt et confitentur et com- 
municant ficte." Anon, de Passau. ap. Flacius, p. 54:7. Cf. Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 14 and 21. 

1010 See Rohrich, oj}. cit., p. 39, 53 et 68. However, all do not make this 
distinction between venial and mortal sins. " Dicunt quod omne peccatum sit 
moi-tale, et nullum veniale," notes the Inquisitor of Passau. 

1011 "Non tenetur quis confiteri sacerdoti, si presto sit laicus." Alanus, 1. 
iii., ch. 9 et 10. 

1012 " Bonus laicus potestatem habet absolvendi." Inq. of Passau. 

1013 Wattenbach, Uehi7- die Inq., p. 35, 36, 42, etc. 

1014 From the age of 10 years. Ibid., p. 36. 

1015 Some of the accused expressed themselves thus : " Tenuerit eos pro 
confessoribus melius presbiteris potentibus dimittere sibi peccata . . . Sanctos 
homines, melius peccatoribus dimittere peccata presbiteris," etc. Ibid., 
p. 30, 42. 

1016 " Tanquam a pueritia . . . Sicut quando quis nascitur de ventre 
matris." Ibid., p. 42, 44. 

1017 "Si moriretur ipso anno, statim evolaret ad celum . . . Cui 
loqueretur semel in anno, non posset dampnari. Ibid., 45, 43._ 

1018 "Non ordinatos presbiteros, nee missos ab ordinario . . . Habent 
potestatem a Deo . . . ab ore Dei." Ibid., p. 42, 44. 

1019 " De septennio ad septennium venirent ante paradisum ad audiendam 
sapientiam . . . Semel in anno venirent ad paradisum duo ex ipsis et 
reciperent ibi a Deo autoritatem melius presbiteris dimittendi peccata." Ibid., 
p. 44. 

1020 " Dicit ita : Deus te absolvat ab omnibus peccatis tuis, et ego mjungo 
tibi contritionem de peccatis tuis usque ad mortem, et talem poenitentiam 
faciendam." Practica, iii., p. 35. 

1021 Aktcnstiickc, etc. This form is borrowed from an ancient German 

1022 "Dicunt confessionem in morte facile abolendam, vel per manus 
imposicionem alicuius doctoris ipsorum." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 22, Cf. Anon of 
Passau, p. 545. 

1023 Some cases of falling away are accounted for by the excessive rigour 
of the penances imposed. Ex. Wattenbach, Ibid., p. 47. 

1024 "Puta orationes, vel jejunia, vel utrum que," adds Gui, after quoting 
the formula of the Bishop's absolution. This expression corresponds exactly 
to the penances which we find in the trials. 

1025 Wattenbach observes, that, as a rule, penitents were to repeat this 
prayer as often as 50 times on working days, and on Sundays about 100 times. 
lbid.,-p. 45. Cf. Lib. sc7d.,2)assim. 

The W.UiDENSES of Italy. 349 

102(5 "Xe ceteris veninnt in horrorem, quia ilicunt quod carnes con- 
c'dcre quacuinijue die nou t;st peccutuiu, quia Cliristus nou jjrohilmit vesci 
< arnilms nee precejiit ab eis abstinere." Practica. v.. ])., ii., o. 

1027 ■• Quidam autem . . . affliguiit se multuni ieiuniis ot viiriliis et 
huiusmodi." Dav. of Augsb., ch. ">. Cf. the words of Siegfried, ante, p. 2.').j. 

1028 '• Quatuor dies in ebdoniada, jejuuant, videlicet 2, ■!, <> ferias et 
-:ibbatum, unum illorum dierum in pane et aijua, scilicet feriam sextam, nisi in 
itiuere vel in alio gravi labore sive alia causa rationabili impediantur." Ahtcii- 
stuclie. Cf. Fl. Illvricus, p. 559. 

1029 '• Jejunandum in pane et aqua." Wattenbacli, Ibid., p. 4(;. 

1030 '• In pane et cervisia ... In pane et tenui cervisia." Ihld. 

1031 " Supra celariuin in camera." Jhid.. p. 49, 42. Penitents frequently 
did not know the names of the confessors. Ibid.^ p. 41. 

1032 "Quod concessum est cuilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare 
illud." R. Sacconi. " Quidam dicunt tantum per bonos fieri, alii autem per om- 
iit's qui A-erba consecracionis sciunt." Dav. of Augs., ch. o. "(^uod bonus 
laicus, etiam mulier, si sciat verba conticiat." Anon, of Passau, ap. Fl. Illyr., 
p. 545. 

1033 " Quod sacerdos iu mortali peccato non possit conficere." Anon, of 
I'assau, I.e. In France there is tliis expression, taken from Consult. Tarraco;i., 
'.'■.. p. 180<.) : '■ Quod in sacramento altaris panis et vinum postquam consecratuni 

-t. mill efficitur corpus et sanguis Christi, si sacerdos sit peccator, et quemlibet 
; I'liiitant peccatorem, nisi sit de secta eorum." These words are repeated in 
I'nicticii, V. ii., 3. 

1034 See what we said on the subject of the Ortlieber in ch. 3, p. 83, and cf. 
St. of Borbone, oj). cit., n. 343. 

1035 '• Corpus Christi et sanguinem non credunt vere esse, sed panem tan- 
tum benedictum, qui in fiigura quadam dicitur corpus Christi, sicut dicitur ; 
Petra autem erat Christus, et simile." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Haupt, Dcr 
Wald. Ur.'<j)ru)ig, p. 36, n. 8. 

103(J ■' Sicut in cena Christi." Dav. of Augs.. ibid. " Conficiunt in vulgari 
et dant sacramenta." Anon, of Passau, p. .546. 

1037 '• Conticiunt in picario, i.r., poculo domestico, pro calice." Anon, of 
Passau, p. 547. 

1038 " lUe qui prasest inter eos, si est sacerdos, convocat omnes de sua 
familia," that is to say of the community, thinks Miiller. See appendix to the 
Disp. inter cathoJ. et pater, h;ereticum, ap. Mart, and Durand. Then. noc. 
anecdot., vol. 5, 1754. Gui reproduces this excerpt but Avith some variations. 
Practica, v. p., ii., 4. 

1039 "Uniun bonum scyphum de bono vino puro et unam fugaciam 
azimam." Ibid. 

1046-- "Credunt firmiter et confitentur quod istud est corpus et sanguis 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi." Ibid. 

1041 '■ Nisi panem benedictum et vinum." Ibid. 

1042 " Omnes Pauperes utrius que sect* eumdem modum consecraudi tene- 
bant. scilicet prcedictam ante divisionem quce fuit inter eos." Ibid. 

1043 Miiller, op. cit., p. 82. These details are gathered partly from the 
Humma of R. Sacconi ; pirtly from the Dixputatio inter f'afholicum et Patari- 
Hum Ucereticuni ; finally, from the Doctrina de /undo jjrocedendi contra 

1044 " Dicunt quod mains sacerdos non potest conficere." Along with this, 
the predominating principle, diversities of opinion are to be found ; thus : 
" Quilibet potest absolvere, conficere et ligare, dummodo sciat verba." Akten- 
.<<tucke. I.e. Again: '• De corpore vero Domini sentiunt (Pauperes Lombardi) 
etenim pejus quam primi (Pauperes Ultramoiitani) dicentes quod concessum est 
cuilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare illud." H'g. Vald., ap. Krone, 
p. 202. Cr'. Ren. Sacconi. This right appears to have been recognised, even in 
women. "Bonus laicus, etiam mulier, conficiat." In(i. of Passau, ap. Flacius. 
Et. de Bourbon says : "Quidam . . . dicentes quod ordo requirit sexum virilem : 
alii non fa^iunt differenciam . . . Vidi hereticam que super arcam ad modum 
altaris paratam consecrare. . . ." Oji. cit., n. 343. 

1045 ■• Sibi mutuo partecipantes." Dav. of Augsb., ch. .5. 

1045 " Quo facto, tarn asserem quam cochlear in ingem projicit comburenda." 
Index, etc. 

1047 " Plurimi tamen magistrorum suorum abhorrent hoc . . Abscondentes 
se . . . paschali tempore, ne a Christianis aguoscantur." Index, etc. 

1019 Miiller has collected the following: " Credentes qui comederunt 
aapem etpicem in die cene juxta maledictum morem suum a Valdensibus bene- 

350 The Waldenses of Italy. 

dictum, cum firmiter existiment ipsi consiliarii quod Valdenses tunc credunt 
confieere corpus Christi." What is this ficein ? Perhaps a derivative oipicari- 
iim or of piceuvi. the cup. V. Consult. Arin'wn. 1235. Cf. Ducange on this 
expression. •' Si cum eis (that is to say, with the Cathari and the Waldenses) 
comedit aut bibit vel de pane benedicto ab eis accepit." Consult. Tarrac, 1242. 
" Si paceni ab ha?reticis vel Valdensibus vel panem ab eis benedictum a quocun- 
que sibi missum vel datum scienter et dampnabiliter receperunt." Consult Nar- 
bon, 1243. " Accepisse pacem amulieribus valdensibus, comedisse eciam de pane 
in cenadomini ab ipsis Valdensibus benedicto . . . Et multociens paeem ab eis 
accepit et comedit de pane etj)uce benedicto a Valdensibus in die cene." Form 
Inn. Carcass, n. 8. 

1050 Schmidt, Hist, drs Catharrs, ii.. 1.30. 131. 

1051 If Midler hail cxmnineil attentively, would he not have found that the 
origin of this rite is, afti-r all. less inysteriuus than he thinks. 

1052 " Quando audiimt confessiones, dicunt conlitentibus quod quando con- 
fitebantur sacerdotis uon dicant nee revelent eis quod confessi fuerunt ipsis 
Valdensibus." Again : " Si confitebantur peceata sua semel in quadragesima vel 
ante pascha proprio sacerdoti."' Practica, v. part, ii., (i et 9. This does not pre- 
vent us from comprehending that believers neglected to confess to the Priests 
of the Church. Lib. sent., etc., p. 211 a.nd pa. •i.nm. 

1053 "Eatis ad ecclesiam, solvite decimas et jura sua clericis." Consult. 
Tarracon.nn. 1242. 

1051 See the quotations mentioned by Midler, op. cit., p. 95, n. 1. 

1055 " Non esse subjectos domino pape . . . nee aliis prelatis Romane 
Ecclesie." Practica, ibid., chap. 3. 

1056 " Asseverant se non posse excommunicari ab eisdem romano pontifice 
et prelatis." Ibid. 

1057 " Sauctiones canonicas decretalesque constitutiones suuimorum pontifi- 
cum et statuta de jejuniis et de festis colendis ac decreta Patrum predicta secta 
devians a via et recta semita non recepit nee valere reputat, sed spernit et respuit 
et condempnat." Ibid. 

1058 " Melius esset vobis quod essetis custos porcorum quam quod celebratis 
missam, quia estis in peccato mortali." So says Crispin to a Priest. Lib. sent., 
p. 253. 

1059 " Ecclesia malignantium et bestia et meretrix quaj leguntur in Apoca- 
lypsi." Ren. Sacconi. Cf. Anon, of Passau, ap. Fl. Illyr., p. 544, and Dav. of 
Augs., ch. 5. 

lOfiO '' Omnes obedientes dampnari." Dav. d'Augsb., ibid. 

1061 " Quod ipsi sint Ecclesia Jesu Christi . . . Ipsi soli juste vivant." 
Anon of Passau, I.e. " Se solos esse Christi Ecclesiam et Christi discipulos 
aftirmabant." Dav. of Augsb., I.e., Cf. Indr.r, etc. " Dividunt unitatem Ecclesie 
credentes et dicentes hominem virtuose viventem solum in sua tide salvandum." 
Akt en stile J/e, I.e. Keller interprets this passage arbitrarily, for the purpose of attri- 
buting to the Waldenses the doctrine of salvation by faith alone. Die. Be/., p. 249. 

10(;2 " Haec omnia dicunt agi propter quajstum." Inq. of Passau. 

1063 " Velle etiam potius sepeliri in campo quam in coemeterio, si Ecclesiam 
non timerent." Ibid. Cf. Index, etc. 

1064 " Ornatuni Ecclesia dicunt esse peccatum, et quod melius esset vestire 
pauperes, quam ornare jiarietes." Inq. of Passau. 

1065 " Universitates scholarum . . . reputant inutiles et temporis per- 
ditionem." Indci; etc. 

1066 " Omnen clerum damnant propter otium, dicentes eos debere manibus 
operari." Ibid. 

1067 " Quod omnes observantiaj religiosorum sint traditiones Pharisaorum. 
Quod traditio EcclesicB sit traditio Pharisseorum." Inq. of Passau. 

1068 " Hoc vocant decem precepta." Ibid. 

1069 " Quod nemo cogendus sit ad fidem." Ibid. 

1070 " Sicut nos non posse vivificare, sic non debere occidere." Inde.v, etc. 

1071 " Quod omne peccatum sit mortale." Inq. de Passau. 

1072 " Quod missa nihil sit, quia Apostoli eam non habebant." Ibid. 

1073 "Nisi tantum verba Christi vulgariter," i.e., the sacramental words. 
Ibid. Cf. Index, etc. 

1074 " Ecclesiam vocant Steinhauss vel Strohhau.^s . . . Ecclesiam 
muratam reputant ut horreum . . . nee Deum ibi habitare autumant " (See 
Acts xvii., 24). 

1075 "Quod terra et populus non sit per Parochiasdividendus . . . Quod 
omnia jura parochialia sint tantum ad inventiones." Ibid. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 351 

U>7t', Quol (loctrina Christi,sive Apostolorum, sine statutis Ecc!esi;c siifticiat 
■.\i\ saliiteiii." Jh/i/. 

1(177 •'Oinnes consuetudines EcclesiiB approbata><. quas in Evanirelio non 
k'iriint, eontenmimt." Ibid. 

1078 ■' Omnia Statuta Ecclesie post ascensionem Christi dicunt non ess^e 
-iTvandanec alicuitis i-sse valoris." Dav. of Auo:sb., ch. 5. This principle is a 
inliral one. but still Waldensian. Cf. amonji other sources upon the polemics, 
thr/ ".ti' articles enumerated by the Inquisitor Peter ap. Freger. Beitrd/je, p. 68. 

l(>7'.t This detail, which is true of the Waldenses of Germany, would not, 
-'■■nerally speakinjr, have been so of the Waldenses of France. The rest is 
usceiitible of a ireneral aj^plication. 

IdSn " Cast! etiam sunt, maxiiue Leonista}." Ma.v. Bihl. Patr., xxv., col. 
-'72. This readiiiL^ is iluiil)tless more correct than that of Fl. Illyricus. who says: 

• Casti etiam sunt L.'niiistu'."' rw^//.. p. ().>S, (r)9. 

UI81 ".Semp;'r iperantur. diseunt et docent, et ideo parum orant." Ihirl. 
U'e read also, in the same volume lol. ^l^'^^ : '• Operarius enim in die laborans, in 
noete discii vel dicet : et ideo parum orant propter studium.'' Instead of 

• semper operantur." Fl. Illyricus says : " Si autem operantur vel diseunt vel 
docent," etc. 

10S2 " Ut capiant in sermone." Ihid. 

1083 " Co£:no.*cuntur etiam in verbis prjecisis et modesta.'' Ihid, In lieu of 
these words, Fl. Illyricus reads as follows : " Consimiliter et mulieres eorum 
sunt modestie." 

10S4 "Nee dicunt vere vel certe, et similia : quia hrec reputant iuramenta:" 

lO'^.o '• Stinserunt lumina dicendo : Quilibet faciat pro quo est ibi quis habe- 
hit tenrat." See the trials of the year 1387, inserted in the Arch. St. Italia, anno 
\^u:>. and examined in the Ilcvixfn Cristiana, 1876, p. 169 and 217: the trial of 
: liilip Regis in the same Review, 1881, p. 3(>3 ; that of Barbe Martin, reproduced 
liy Morlaud and Allix. aud which we shall analyse further on ; moreover, vide 
ante and Rorengo, Mem. Hint., ch. 2, and Leger, b. i., p. 182. etc. 

108(j Gaston Koissier. from whom these words are borrowed, adds : " Five 
centuries before, the fanatics assembled for celebrating the Bacchanalian feasts, 
had Iteen reproached with the same crime." Bev. d. D.M., 1.5th April, 187(). The 
origin of the calumny is, therefore. Pagan. 

10S7 SeeMunitius Felix, Octave, cH. 8; Athenagoras Lrri.. ch. 3 : Tertullian, 
Aj}^}.. ch. 2 and 7, etc. 

1088 " Aliquando faciunt extingui lumen, si sit ibi, propter hoc, ut dicitur, ut 
non videantur vel deprehendantur ab extraneis seu exterioribus non consentien- 
tibus in facto eorum." Practica, v., p. ii., 5. 

1089 "In nocte maxime perterrebatur," confesses a woman, "propter 
ablacionem luminis in commodo ubi sedebat." Wattenbach, Ucher die Inq., 
p. 40. 

1090 " Dicitur," says Gui, in recording the circumstance we have just men- 
tioned. Elsewhere, he shows clearly that he has not rejected the calumny. 

1091 Thus do we account for the depositions of Galosna and Bech in the 
Pviicexm!', co'itra Valdcn.^ci, ap. Arch., St. B. The first recants. The second 
contradicts himself in two ways: tirst in his testimony itself, and then where 
he states that the heretics, of whom he speaks ''nunquam tangent mulierem, 
>-t mulier unquam virum nee aliam personam quamcunque." Moreover, the 
hiTctics there called Waldenses are principally Cathari. 

1092 "Quod autem ut dicitur . . . extinctis lucernis pariter fornicentur, 
mm i>uto istiusesse sect;e, nee aliquod horum veraciter. intellexi ab illis, quibus 
tidem adhiberem." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 10. This was said of the Cathari : 

• Cathari dicuntur hoc facere." Cf. Ibid., ch. 5. The same is repeated in the 
Practica. v., part ii., .5. 

1093 See the observations of G. Amati upon the above noted trials, in the 
Arch. St. Bal., and what the procurator Pagano of Cosenza stated not 
long ago, in speaking of the sect of the Saints of Calabria. T/yJk««,12 Januarv, 

1094 " Magnam habent speciem pietatls, eo quod coram hominibus juste 
vivant." Inq. of Passau, /Wrf., p. 2(}4. "Speciem sanctitatis et fidei pretendeu- 
tes." Et of Borbone, n. 342. 

109.5 " Could greater praise be given to the Waldenses, from the mouth of 
one of the Inquisitors who was persecuting them .'" exclaims Haupt, Die relin. 
Sekten, p. 2.5. 

1096 "Laneis inductis," says Map. 

1097 See above on the subject oi the Poor Cath'dics. p. 71 and 73. 

352 The Waldenses of Italy. 

1098 " Sandaliis desuper perfuratis." Innocent III., Epist. xii., I.e. 

1099 "Insa])batati dicti sunt, quia . . . specials signum in niodum quasi 
scuti in parte t-uperiori cotuliirium df ferebant, in quo signo ab aliis suis compli- 
cibus et credentibus differebant." I'nuiicd. v. part, ii., 2. 

IIOU "Eb. de Bethune, O'/i/w Valdciisr.-!, ch. 25, ap. ^/&. J/. Pair., xxiv., 
p. 1572. C. P. Valdis Cernaii, ap. Ducliesne, Hist. Franc. SS. v., 557, or Bouquet, 
Recueil, vol. xix., 6. 

1101 '• In domo tua te presente in loco nmlto suspecto plures latentes 
heretici cum libris et sandaliis et varia supellectilia sunt invecti." Form. inq. 
Carca.s.s., n. 8. This is how a presbyter, who came from Dauphiny to Avigliano 
is described a century later : '• Niger, cum quadam oppellanda de panno bruno 
et uno mantello de blaveto scuro.", ap. Arch. St. It., n. 39, p. 8. 

1102 '• Vadunt autem in diversis habitibus vestium . . . ne agnoscantur, et 
cum trauseunt quaudoque de domo forte in domum, aliquod onus deferunt palee 
vel vasis, et in obscuro vadunt, ne quis perpendat quid agant." Dav. of Augsb., 
ch. 8. Cf. ch. 17. 

1103 " Aliquaudo quidam niaximus inter eos fuit captus, qui secum ferebat 
multorum artiticiorum indicia, in que quasi Proteus se transligurabat." St. of 
Borbone, op. cit., p. 293. 

1104 "Si quereretur in una similitudine, et ei innotesceret, in alia se trans- 
mutabat. Aliquando ferebat habitum et signacula pegrini, aliquando bacculum 
penitenciarii et ferramenta : aliquando se tingebat sutorem, aliquando barbiton- 
sorem, aliquando messorem." IMd. Cf. ibid., p. 280. 

1105 We take this description from its source, namely, the writings of the 
Inquisitor of Passau, Jilax. Bihl. Patr., xxv., col. 273. 

1106 " Habeo pretiosiores gemmas." 

1107 " Tantum rutilat, quod amorem Dei ascendit in corde habentis eam." 

1108 Luke i., 26 ; John xiii., 1. 

1109 Matth. xxiii., 2, 13 ; Mark xii., 38—40. 

1110 " De clericis et religiosis." 

nil " Eabbinos vero tales non quferimus." 

1112 Already quoted, note 921. We should be inclined to conclude from this 
statenient that there is here no question of ministers. But it is well to bear in 
mind that this took place in the centre, where universal priesthood was most 
marked, and where they condemned the enforced celibacy even of the Priests. 
See ante, note 987. 

1113 Cf. the following passages. Luke vi., 24 ; Matth. xxiii., 14 ; Eev. 
xiii., 10 ; and Luke xi., 52. 

1114 '• Quia veram fidem Christi habemus, et sanctam vitam et doctrinam 
docemus onmes nos, ideo . . ." etc. 

1115 " Nos vero omnia facimus quce docemus." 

1116 "Nos vero tantum doctrinam Christi servare suademus et Apostolorum." 

1117 " Per manus impositionem omnia peccata relaxamus." 
Ills " Eligite earn."' 

1119 See Echo dcs VaUcr.s, 1st year, n. 7. 

1120 That was the idea on which is founded the graceful poem of the late 
Professor G. A. de P'elice, entitled, Le Colporteur Vaudois. 

1128 "Audivi all ore eredentis cujusdam, quod quidam hajreticus, quem 
novi. ad hoc taiitiim. ut cum a tide nostra averteret, et ad suam perduceret per- 
verteretque, nucte hyeniali tempore per aquam, qua3 dicitur Ibsa (FI. 111. dit : 
Ibis) natavit ad ipsum." The astounded Inquisitor here exclaims : "Erubescat 
negligentia tidelium Doctorum . . . Observa fervorem in docendo et dis- 
cendo." Inq. of Passau. 

1122 " Hoc tu Valdensis hieretice non facis ; non vadis ad mundum, non 
praedicas peccatoribus magnis . . . sed solos illos attrahis, quos audisse esse 
pacificos. (juietos, silentiosos, compositos." Contra Vald., ap. Uibl. 21. Patr., 
p. 277-299, ch. 10, et 11. 

1123 " Non possum esse talis lucerna publica propter instantespersecutiones, 
quia vocant me hoereticum." Ibid., ch. 13. 

1124 Seven, twelve, or twenty persons, according to Wattenbach, ibid., 
p. 49. 

1125 "In locis occiiltis do(ent et discunt, nee aliquem admittunt, qui non 
sunt lidei eorum. Cum iu unam conveniunt, prinio dicunt : Cavcto ne inter ro-t 
sit ourrvm liq/nin:, id est, ne aliquis extraneus adsit, et suam doctrinam 
proecipiunt occultare clericis." Inq. of Passau. This figurative expression was 
doubtless agreed upon, and, moreover, it may have implied that they had 
but little hope of "depriving the lion of his talons." 

112G In i'iedmont the conventional sign consitted in the men touching the 

The Waldenses of Italy. 353 

littlf tinker, .siyins : " VVclconiu." The woman touchod two tiii^'iT.- : " I)i3 more 
ipsoniin est (jtiod mulieres tanguiit duos difjitos ot hoiiiinet^digituni iiuriculiirtjin 
ad cognoscondos se ipsos horoticos intra se." Processus, ap. Arch. jSV. It., a. 
.S9, p. C, 7, 82. 

1127 '-Quod haboreiit potostatem a Deo prodicandi hominibus, sed non 
oiiiiiibiis." Wattenbach, ibid., p. 44. 

112S The Iiii]uisitor of Fassau says, concerning the preaching of the 
Wald(3nses in Lombardy, Provence, and other places, that crowds 
i^athered to hear them, "et in publico disputabant, et populum voca,bant ad 
stationes solennes in foro, et in campo, et priedicabant in tectis." Ap. Fl. Illyr., 
p. 642. 

1129 '"Templum Dei late patere. orbem terrarum illud esse; coarctare ejus 
potentiam qui templa, monasteria, sacella construunt, tanquam divina bonitas 
mayis favens et maijis propitia in illis sit." 

11:50 " Iliec sunt Pauperum de Lugduno opiniones et deliramenta. Nee jam 
.-atis liabet)ant in conciliabulis commuuicare, sed propalam pnedicare atque 
adstniere audebant." Oj). cit. 

1 131 Here are three pieces which refer to it : 1. Scriptum laq. cujitsp. anon. 
2. Proc. Iiiq. contra Barham Marfi/mm. 3. Proc. Inq. contra Pii/ro/tettam. 
Tliey are reproduced by Morlaud and Alli.x, after the Canibridixc MSS. 

1182 "Tantuin Puriiantur viventes in pnesenti." Scriptiim, ap. Allix, 
\i.\Mt). Cf. the trials, /A/r/., p. 811, 323, 324. 

1 138 " Ad extorquendas pecunias pro missis et orationibus diceudis (lUiV de 
nihilo prosunt." Iljid., p. 811. 

1134 "Bona opera (iu;f tiuut ante mortem hominis plus prosunt (luam 
omnia quaj fiunt post mortem." Ilnd,, p. 323. 

1135 lldd., p. 301, 309, 310, 322. 

113(5 Ibid., 301, 310, 322, 323, 324. We read there that the Apostle Peter was 
worthy of credit, but not Paul : " S. Paulum vero non credunt quia fuit 
assassinus ! " Have we not here an indication of the influence of the Cathari ? 

1137 " Ave Maria non est oratio sed annunciacio et salutatio, et ideo non 
injungunt in panitentiam eis qui sunt de eorum secta quod dicant Ave Maria, et 
quod Solus Pater Noster est vera oratio, quia a Deo facta fuit oratio ilia." Ibid., 
310—311. Cf. p. 317. 

1138 /JR, p. 324. 

1139 "Festa qua- sunt praecepta a Deo, prout est Dies Doniinicus, festum 
Nativitatis Domini, festum Paschai, Ascensionis et Pentecostes, sunt celebranda." 
lbid.,v.-dU. Cf. p. 301. 

1140 " De festivitatibus Sanctorum et Sanctarum per Rouianam Ecclesiam 
introductis non est curauilum, quod licitum est omni die opus servile e.xercere." 
//>/V/.j p. 310. "Alia autfui IVsta Virginis Marie et Sanctorum sunt festicula. 
et qui non vult. non tciiutur ilia rrli'brarc (luia non sunt prjeccpta." Ibid., 311. 

1141 "Dies Dondnicales Super omnia alia festa . . . solemniter coli. 
Alia vero festa dicebant fuisse per Ecclesiam inventa, (\\\iv non erant de neces- 
sitate colenda. imo poterat aliiiuis operari in ipsis. exceptis festivitatis 
Apostolorum et aliis majoribus." Ihld.. p. 323. Cf. p. 309, where we read : 
" Credunt in S. Petrum, et post ipsum in S. Gregorium," etc. 

1 142 '• Quia Deus est ubiquc" Ibid., p. 300, 311, 824. 

1143 " Domus confusionis, Babylon, meretrLx et Synagoga Diaboli." Ibid., 
p. 300. 

1144 "Ecclesia malignantium." iZ*<V/., p. 299. 
114.5 Ib-id., p. 323. 

1146 "Quantum (juis habet sanctitatem, tantum habet facultatem et 
l)ote3tatem in Ecclesia." Ihid.. p. 299. Cf. p. 311. 

1147 Ibid., p. 300, 311, 323. 

1148 " In die Ascensionis Domini." Ibid., p. 311. Cf. p. 824. 

1149 "Aqua- pluviales sunt ejusdem virtutis." Ibid., n. 301. 
11.50 Ibid., p. 800, 328, 824. 

1151 "Summus poutU'ex, ex quo non observabat sanctitatem quam debebat 
observare, non habebat a]i<iuam potestatem. dicendo de eodem in h;cc verba : 
Autant vialvaiH est Ic Papc comma ncn^jun antvc." Ibid., p. 32;-5. Cf. p. 300. 

1152 "A beato Sjlvestro non fuit v'erus Papa." Ibid., p. 299. 

1153 I' Ipsi pnedicatores sive magistri hujusmodi s(!ct;c et sacerdotes sen viri 
ecclesiastici olim solebant esse uuius et ejusdem Icgis o,i ordinis ; sed cum ipsi 
viri ecclesiastici voluerunt inse(iui avaritiani et vanitates hujus mundi, et ipsi 
pra-dicatores in ii>sa pauj)ertate manere voluerunt, ideo fuit facta inter eus 
divisio, et ettecti fuerunt iniiuici." Ibid., p. 324. 

11.54 " Cum numerus ipsorum priedicatorum et aliorum hominum justorum 


354 The Waldenses of Italy. 

qui hu]usmodi sectaui tenuerint adhuc es-set parvus atque rarus, ideo ei;< erat incedere occulte, sicut faciebaut Christus et ejus Apostoli." Ibid. 

1155 "In ipsis tantum sit Ecclesia Dei qui vivunt in paupertate." Ibid., 
p. 299. 

1156 "Credunt quod extra eorum sectam nemo salvatur, et qui sunt eorum 
sectiB sancti esse dicuntur." Ihld., p. 301. 

1157 " Ces ung plen pung de gent que sosten tot le monde, et si aquello gent 
non era tot le monde saria a tin." Ibid., p. 325. 

1158 "Pre quacunque re, vera vel falsa, non licet jurare." Ibid., p. 300. 
" Est peccatum mortale." Ihid., p. 313. 

1159 " Jurare pro quavis occasione vel causa Deum, pro vero vel mendacio. 
aut aliud quodcunque facere juramentum ubi poneretur ista locutio ^J6'/', erat 
magnum peccatum." Ibid., p. 322. 

1160 " Pro quo vis delicto quantumcunque gravi, quis noti tradendus est 
morti, nisi sit homicida." Ibid., p. 813. This is the only exception that we 
linow of to a rule which was hitherto far more absolute. From this to admitting 
that the Waldenses did not hold themselves bound to obey temporal rulers, 
'■ unless they were of their own sect " (ibid., p. 301) is a long stride. At least it 
would be necessary to use some discrimination. 

1161 "Credunt quud eorum Magistri et Barbae potestatem habeant ligandi et 
solvendi, et quod illis et non Presbyteris Romana^ EcclesicC contitenda sunt 
peccata." Ibid., p, 299. Cf. p. 323. 

1162 i*i^., p. 317. 

1163 " Ipsa confessa est peccata sua alteri ex eis. genibui? liexis ac si fuisset 
coram suo proprio sacerdote, et inde, facta confessione, ipsam absolvebat manum 
ad caput imponendo more sacerdotum." Ibid., p. 327. 

1164 " Aliquibus vicibus Pater noster pro poenitentia . . . Frequenter Pater 
Noster, et hoc tantum quantum possem. Ibid., p. 317, 327. 

1165 " Non autem Ave Maria." Ibid., p. 317. 

1166 Ibid., p. 301, 311. 

1167 Ibid.,i,.S2L 

1168 " Viri ecclesiastici sunt mali et pessimal vitai et peccatores . . . Non 
possunt consecrare corpus Christi, et non valet consecratio per ipsos facta . . . 
Ipsi Barbaj, et qui suntde eorum secta, non recii)iunt (nicharistiani, seel loco 
eucharistue benedicunt panem et dicunt quod ilia benedictio est majoris virtutis 
quam dicta consecratio, ex eo quia tantum quantum cpiis liabet bonitatis et puri- 
tatis, tantum habet et potestatis." Ibid., p. 311. 

1169 " Credunt quod non licet hicreticis eorum sect;e cum catholicis matri- 
monia contrahere." Ibid., p. 301. 

1170 " Dicebant quod sacramentum matrimonii debebat tideliter et tirmiter 
custodiri." ZftwZ., p. 323. 

1171 "Credunt quod licitum est libidinose convenire. et participare etiam 
cum omni personi sibi in quovis consanguinitatis vel affinitatis gradu conjuncta. 
saltum (luando conveniunt cum aliis ejusdem secta- in eorum prtedicationibus, et 
extinctis hmiinibus." Ibid., p. 300. 

1172 To this Barbe are attributed distinctions regarding the dilferent degrees 
of consanguinity, and the avowal that his penitents lived in incestuous relations, 
"tamea extra Synagogum." Ibid., p. 811 — 818 and 317. 

1173 The dissitlents accused the Priests of the crime of impurity. "Nimis 
lubricitur et in honeste vivebant," they said, " tenendo meretrices . . . Sic 
malum exemplum ostendendo in populo." Ibid., p. 323. In fact, that was one 
of their motives for dissidence. Would it have been logical for them to abandon 
the priests in order that they miglit imitate, nay, surpass them in crime ? 

1174 Thus Barbe Martin is made to say that according to the connnonly 
received opinion of his co-religionists, "si in dicta Synagoga generetur tilius, ille 
tilius erit in futurum aptior ad exercendum officium Barbarum, prtedicationum 
et confessionum quam aliquis alius quia genitus est in dicta Synagoga." Ibid., 
p. 312. 

1175 See Ante, note 544. 

1176 " Ipse ejus pater, qui erat Barbe, ibat ad coutitendum et pricdicandum 
gentes in illis montibus." Ibid,, p. 307. 

1177 " Sunt sexdecim anni elapsi (juod Girondinus ejus pater ipsum loquen- 
tum ipsam fidem Valdensium et lia'resim docuit." L.c. Here we have a proof 
of the marriage of the Barbes, some may say, but let us see. If Martin's education 
as a Waldensian had only cumiiienced sixteen years ])reviously, the above may 
signify that Girondin, the father, had not embraced the Waldensian rule before 
his marriage. Morel will tell us something farther on, which does not incline 
us to believe in the marriaze of the Barbes. 

The Waldenses of Italy. 355 

1178 "Duxit ipsum ad eoriim magnum iiiagistrum qui vocatur Joannes 
Antonii et qui suam residentiam facit in loco rte Cambro de dominio Popa ." 
lhi,l.. p. 308. 

117i> --Tu talis jura supra la tide tua de mantenerp . . . nostra le,£;e et de 
lion la (liscoperire n persona del monde et qui tu prometes de non jurare Dieu a 
mil modo. I't que garda la domenega." Ibid., p. 313. It is, therefore, a question 
of a forum 1 oath. Cf. p. 308. Peyronette says, in her turn, that, as they mistrusted 
her, they made her swear to keep silent.'" Ibid., p. 325. Here we have, there- 
fore, another exeepti<m to the rule. 

1180 •• Magnus magister dat eidem Barbae sic facto, ad bibendum modicum 
vini. Ex tunc mutat sibi nomen, dicendo • Den en, la fe cliameraa tal." IhuL, 
p. 313. 

1181 " Quod ilia solemnitas habetur loco baptismi." L.e. 

1182 " Dixit quod de ultra montes in Regno Francia^ appellantur Pauperes de 
Lugduiu>. de citra vero montes in patria Ttala^ appellantur Pauperes Mundi." 
I hid., p. 314. 

1183 •■ Qui tres agnoverunt ipsos I'nrbas in habitas eorum, videlicet in mnu- 
tellis." Ibid., p. 31.-).' 

1184 •' Animo exercendi eorum otticium et ad consolandum dictos Valdenses 
ibidem conmiorantes. Ibid., p. 31fi. 

118.T Ihid., p. 312. Two as a rule. Ibid., p. 297, 298. Sometimes it was one 
or the other, or three together. Ibid., p. 322. 

118<; ■• Duo homines" extranei, induti vestibus grisei coloris, qui, ut sibi visum 
fuit, loquebantur lingua italica. sive lumbardica." Ibid., p. 322. 

1187 '• Hora nocturna post co'cnm unns ipsorum legere oo'pit uuum parviiin 
Hbrimi quern secum deferebnt. dieeudo in eodem descrii)ta fuisse Evangcliii tt 
pra^cepta legis, qua^ ibidem dicebiit so ex])li(are et deelararc velle in i)ra>sentia 
omnium ibidem cirenuistantiuni. quia dicebat se fore missum e.x parte Dei ad 
refonnandani fidem Catholicam. eundo per mundum ad instar Apostolorum pro 
pra'dieando lionis et simplicilMis gentibus de modo et forma .serviendi Deo et 
vivendi secundum ejus mandata.'" L.e. 

1188 •' Dum reccdebant a domo sua aliquoties dabat sibi certam quantitatem 
acuum sive dV////?////^'.-. et ejiis quondam maritus dabat ei pecunias pro pcena 
ipsorum.'" Ibid., p. 329. 

1189 It is as we have seen sometimes at Cambro (?) in the territory of the 
Pope ; sometimes at Aquila, etc. Ibid., p. 298. 

1190 ■• Barba^ creari solent per eorum supremum in civitate Aquila? in Regno 
Neapolitano.'" L.e. 

1191 The evil disposed said it was to mock the Pope : •' In desirum Romani 
Pontificis eis nomina mutantur cum ad magisterium huju.'^modiafficiantur." I.e. 

1192 •' Quemadmodum Christus redemptor noster discipulos suosbinosmittf- 
bat ad pradicandum, sic et idiota et bestialis illius secta^ Magniscius alios luagi- 
stros inferiores per ipsum creatos et ])robatos, quos vulgo Barbas dicimus. ad 
docendum . . . hinc inde binos mittere solitus fuit." Ibid., p. 297 — 298. 

1193 See Ante. 

1194 The name of mvndi, which is the literal translation of Cnthnri. is 
particularly significant. " Mundos se coram populo . . . esse simulant.'" is 
what we read in a writing attributed to Joachim. See Schmidt. Ifixf. di 
Catlmrm, ii., 155. 

1195 See Ante. 

119fi Adrersv.i crrorca et >ti'ctiivi Valdrnttiuvi tractatua. The author died in 
June, 1520. CI. Coussord, theologian of the University of Paris, again dealt with 
the same subject, but according to thi» pamphlet of Seyssel. 

1197 La doctrine da^ Idndois rrjirrM'ntee jJar CI. Seiisxrl archerexfjvc de 
Turin, et CI. Covufturd ihroioijimi di Vnivirers-ite de Paris arce notea dre/i.<i€e.t j)ar 
Jacqves Ca2)2>el, etc. Sedan .MDCXVIII. 

1198 Hee ibid., ch. 4 : Cc //iir S/ i.^ixrl irprend av.r Vnvdois. 

1199 " Christo omnibus ad omna abimde sufiiciente." 

1200 See the Latin letter of Morel to (Ecolampadius. according to Sriittrtvx, 
I.e., and the Mimairex de Muni, in the Waldensian dialect, according to a MS. 
in Dublin, to which Perrin alludes in these words : "The book of George Morel, 
containing all tht; doubtful points, paid by George Morel and Pierre Masson 
before (Ecolampadius and Bucer, concerning religion and the replies of th<- 
aforesaid personages." Herzog examined the MS,, and he quotes it in his 
Rom. Wald., p. 340 et seq. 

1201 See Ante. 

1202 " Eique magister constituatur.'" 

1203 "'Ut verbigratia bibere aquam.'" According to the Memoirs "seniii 

356 The Waldenses of Italy. 

hantament li devant pansa non devon far alcim cosa sencza la licenzia de son 

1204^ " Inter nos nemo ducit uxorem : tamen. ut verum fatear (tecum enim 
cum multa omnia loquor), non semper caste nobiscum agitur." Let us remind 
the reader that Morel also alludes to: " nonnuJliv nostra^ muliercula\ quas 
dicimus sorores," which " agunt vitam in virginitate." The Mfvioirct have a 
different reading : " Item alcuns de nos ministres de I'evangeli ni alcunas de las 
nostras fennas non se maridan." 

1205 " Ad plebis obsequium." Doubtless, in order to spare the pockets of 
the contributors, the popular reading has omitted this passage. 

1206 " Colliguntur a majoribus nostris.'' 

1207 " A nostro consortio." 

1208 We have thus far followed the order of the Latin version according to 
Scultetus. For this particular point, we follow, with Herzog, the order of the 
popular version, which is more satisfactory; although the difference is not great. 

1209 " In hoc, ut audio, erravimus, credentes plura quam duo sacramenta." 

1210 We revert to the Latin version for the order of the subjects. 

1211 " Nos annen per tuit li an una vecz per vesitar nostre poble en lor mej-- 
sons, car ilh habitan en las montagnes per diversas borcas e villages ; e li auven 
d'un en un la confession auricular." The Latin version says : " clandestine 

1212 " Debito proprio honeste, et tantum ad medlcinam, non ad voluptatis 
societatem." No doubt we ought to read here " satietatem " for the popular 
version has: "a medicina de lor debit e nou a la saciota (sic) de la volunta."' 
Morel mentions a very practical warning, as old as the law of Moses ; but we 
must be excused for not quoting it here. 

1213 The choice fell upon as many Barbes, so that Morel ladds, according the 
popular version: '• Emperczo sen forcza de I'auvir quasi en totas sas difieren- 

1214 " Excommunicamus a prasi populi et ab verbi auditioue." Herzog 
gives up the attempt to translate ^;?'a.S7's, which is, undoubtedly, derived from 
•' Prazis." 

1215 " Li papista." The Latin version has a stronger expression : " Sacra- 
men torum signa plebecula' nostra"" non nos, sed Antichristi membra adminis- 

1216 " Neque ullo vestitu, colore diverso, superfluo, scutulato, aut delicate, 
sive consciso utetur," How shall we translate this consciso or cnscm'ptalha. 
VVe know that the sumptuary laws of this period regulated even the cut of 

1217 "Namab unius extremitate ad aliam intersunt plusquam octingenta 
milliaria." Herzog supposes an error here. Perrin (i., 106) thinks that Morel 
intended to say that the number of the inhabitants amounted to 800,000 ! 

1218 " Per tot sotmes, volha o non volha, a las segnoriias e a li preyre papi- 

1219 " Peticions." We follow both readings. 

1220 "Enayma d'episcopa, de preverage, de diacona." 

1221 " His tamen gradibus inter nos non utimur." In dialect : " Emperczo 
nos non usen d'aquisti gra entre de nos." 

1222 " Cum lo sia script : si tu voles venir enapres my, vay e vent totas 

1223 " Si li dit ministre pon licitament amenar fennas, las quals volhon 
viore en vergeneta." We read, furthermore, the question : " An mulieres 
juvenes, requirentes et volentes vitam in virginitate agere, sint in religionem 
introducenda\" There is there an asylum a class of sisters. Morel expresses 
himself on this point, thus : " Ducuntur prfedicti recipiendi ad quendam locum, 
ubi nonnulhe nostras muliercula", quas dicimus sorares, agunt vitam in virgini- 
tate." The same passage is to be found in the popular reading with this varia- 
tion : "La cals son las nostras serors en Jesu." A stroke of the pen has 
eliminated the passage from the popular version. 

1224 " Si li sen alegoric se son recebu per trey t de I'escriptura sancta pro- 
fey ti vol men t." See for the Latin reading, ante n, 849. 

1225 The question is exemplitied : for instance, says Morel, " what we read 
concerning the daughters of Lot, concerning Judah and ' soa nora Tamar,' and 
concerning the wives and concubines of Solomon." 

1226 A czo que non sian deceopu per tanti e divers commentaris e interpre- 
tacions <iue son ese fan de jorn en jorn." 

1227 " Si son plus de duy sacrament, con czo sia que li papista diczan esser 
sept." This (juestion is addressed to P>ucer. Morel omits here the avowal made 

The Waldenses of Italy. 857 

to (Eroljunpiuliu? : " In ln)C. ut audio, orrnvimus, orodento-' plum (piaui duo 

122S That is at least the sense which wo think ousht to be given to the 
words : •■ Si son alcunas scripturas de Crist. lascjuals poissan esser ditas comanda- 
luent e alcuns conselh.' 

122!) "Si sani cosa profeytivol que niiuistres administrossan li rit e las 
riTouionias de li sacrament aqui hont o poyrinn fir." 

1280 "Si tot jurament es dofcndu sot pena de pecca mortal, diczent Crist, 
lion voiha jurar al postot." The Latin version has an identical expression. 

1231 Si es licit de far alcuna cosa manual al jorn de li diamenjaesi al postot 
se deo gardar alcuna festa." In his second letter to (.Ecolampadius Morel asks 
whether it is iierniittod to work on a feast day. 

1232 Elsewhere Morel supjioses the case of a person attacked in a wood. See 
the above-nieiitioned seeond letter. 

1233 ■' Enaynia raii,M steng lo fuoc, enaymi I'almona steng lo pecca." II est 
clair, par ces citations, ({ue la difference entre les livres canoniques et les livres 
n|)ocryphes est encore a faire. 

1234 This same point is touched upon in the second letter to (Ecolampadius, 
with the expression : df^ mi'vitis. 

123o " Non havent fe de Crist, son reprova." 

123(! "Si las leis oivils e las semilhant atrobas de li home . . . sian 
valeronas enapres Dio. Car es script : las leys de li poble son vanas." Here we 
surely have one of the consequences of the oppression under which the Waldenses 
had so hmg groaned. 

1237 " Car aleuns dison . . . Dicunt enim nonnulli." 

12.S8 "Lasoaroba." Herzog translates '"Kleid," ?>., clothing, robe. He is 

1239 To his masters, of course. Here again Herzog's translation is incorrect. 

1240 " Si tot quant es ajosta al principal, es husura." Cf. Nov. Scrm , 
v. 1)5—9(5. 

1241 "Si la passion de Christ es tant solament ista per lo pecca original." 
This idea is enunciated in the Cantica. 

1242 " Si lo es licit a nos nieuistres de conselhar al nostre poble qu'ilh tuon 
li fals frayres. lical son entre de nns e cerehoii e nneercha deliorar nos menistres 
en li niaii< de li pMpistn. a ezo (iu'lli IV,<s;in im-: umrir e (jiir la i)ar()lla de Dio non 
sia aiiuneia entre lo pdhlc. e mnti de li tide! -inn (lr.-.truyt ]iar dit i}a,i)ista d'arma 
e lie cors e de la roba." The Latin reading i^ives more details. See Ante. 

1243 " Outra las predictas demandas non hy a alcuna cosa que contorbe mais 
nos frevols que del libre arbitre e de la predestinacion de lio o, de laqual cosa 
Luter e Erasme en son tant different." 

1244 •' Quia necessario contingunt omnia." These last words are wanting the 
popular version. 

124.0 •• Qui vere es illius vicarius." 

124() "O utinam inter nos iirma I'ssenins imitate conjuncti." 

1247 "In omnibus tamen voliiseniii eiin\ eniinns, et a tempore Apostolorum 
semper de fide, sicut vos, sentientes CDneonlavinuis. in hoc solo differentes, quod 
cidpa nostra ingeniiijue nostri pigritia', scrijjturas tam rectequam vos neutiquam 

1248 '• Omnibus Deus idem." This conclusion is taken, like the rest, both 
from the po]iular and Latin version. 

1249 This is Herzog"s expression : " Thus did they confess it to thejn." 
UiMu. Wahl. p. 3(io. 

12;% Monastier. op. cit., I., 195—197. 
1251 Ibid. 

12.52 Herzog, ^('?w. IfaZr/., p. 297 et^7a.s.«??». 

12.53 Letter of the Waldenses of Cabrieres to .lohn of Roma, Iiniuisitnr. .ird 
Kebruary. 1.533. Herminjard. dorr, dm Beform, vol. \ ii., p. 4(i(;. 

12.".4 Cf. Emile Montegut. Milanges Critiijvrs, Paris. 1,SK7. y. 195.